US, Norway to ensure full implementation of Geneva resolution

Joint TNA-GTF team meets wartime Oslo envoy here

Top UN official Feltman (fourth from left) with TNA and GTF delegates (Rev Fr Emmanuel-third from left, MP Sumanthiran-fifth from left) and Surendiran-extreme right)

By Shamindra Ferdinando-March 23, 2018, 

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the UK based Global Tamil Forum (GTF) claimed that they had received assurances from the US and Norway to guarantee the full implementation of Geneva resolution 30/1 co-sponsored by Sri Lanka in Oct 2015 and the subsequent Resolution 34/1.

Geneva Resolution among other mechanisms to address accountability and transitional justice specifically calls for the establishment of war crimes court with foreign judges, including those from the Commonwealth.

GTF spokesman Suren Surendiran, who had been a member of the joint TNA-GTF delegation told The Island that the mission discussed ways and means to ensure a time-bound implementation plan for two Resolutions and the requirement for UNHRC monitoring and oversight over Sri Lanka beyond March 2019. Resolution 34/1 covers the period up to March 2019.

Delegation comprised Jaffna District MP and TNA spokesman M. A. Sumanthiran, GTF President Rev. Father S. J. Emmanuel now resident in Sri Lanka, United States Tamil Political Action Council (USTPAC), Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC), Norwegian Tamil Forum (NTF), Australian and the United Kingdom organizations.

The TNA with 16 member parliamentary group is the official Opposition in the Lankan parliament.

The joint delegation held talks with UN, US and Norwegian officials in the US parallel to 37 sessions of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The sessions concluded yesterday (March 23).

In response to The Island query, why did they want UN oversight and monitoring of Sri Lanka even beyond 2019, Surendiran said that in case the current government couldn’t fully implement the 2015 pledges, continuous international oversight was needed on this government or any future administration. Surendiran insisted on constant watch until the full implementation of the 2015 Resolution.

The GTF said they were able to secure key appointments with what it called the relevant highest levels of authority at the UN, US Administration and Norway. Interestingly among those who had met the joint delegation was Norwegian Permanent Representative to the UN Tore Hattrem, wartime Norwegian Ambassador in Colombo.

The delegation has received Hattrem’s assurance to share their concerns with Oslo as well as Norwegian Mission in Geneva as regards time-bound implementation plan with benchmarks. Prabhakaran quit Norway mediated talks between the LTTE and Sri Lanka in April 2003. Eelam War IV erupted in Aug 2006. The previous government brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009.

The GTF said that the visit was all part of GTF-TNA continued engagement with Sri Lanka as well as the international community to ensure the current dispensation fully implemented the 2015 Resolution. They undertook the visit to the US against the backdrop of Washington yet to appoint an Ambassador to its Geneva mission.

In addition to Geneva process, discussions had covered law and order situation against the backdrop of recent violence directed at the Muslim community in Ampara and Kandy districts and the new constitution making process.

The delegation had met United Nations Under Secretary General for Political Affairs Jeffrey Feltman and Director for Asia and Pacific Division Ms Mari Yamashita at the main UN building in New York.

Deputy US Permanent Representative to the UN, Ambassador Kelley E Currie, who is also the Representative to the United Nations Economic and Social Council, met the delegates at the US Mission at the UN Plaza, 1st Avenue. Ambassador Currie has reiterated US commitment for the full implementation of Resolution 30/1 and promised to discuss points of concern with the missions in Geneva and in Colombo.

The GTF said that Ambassador Alice J Wells, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asia had promised to take up their concerns with US missions in Geneva and Colombo.

The delegation also had the privilege to meet with the Senior Republican Congressman Bill Johnson and senior staff of the Foreign Relations Committee at the Capitol Hill.

TNA & GTF VISIT THE US TO BRIEF THE OFFICIALS AND GOVERNMENTS ON SRI LANKA SITUATION

Image: TNA – GTF members with the US Amb Kelley Currie at the US Mission in New York.

23/03/2018

A joint delegation of TNA and GTF visited the United States of America at the time when Sri Lanka has been under scrutiny at the UN in Geneva, with appointments secured from the relevant highest levels of authority at the UN, US Administration and Government and the Norwegian Government.
This visit at this critical juncture was based on TNA’s and GTF’s continued engagement with the Government of Sri Lanka to encourage to implement their 2015 manifesto commitments and commitments made to all Sri Lankans and the international community.

This visit was significant especially considering that the US still hasn’t appointed an Ambassador in Geneva.

Delegation included, Mr M A Sumanthiran, Sri Lanka Member of Parliament of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), Father S J Emmanuel, President of the Global Tamil Forum (GTF), now resident in Sri Lanka and members from the various member organisations from the US – United States Tamil Political Action Council (USTPAC), Canada – Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC), Norway – Norwegian Tamil Forum (NTF), Australia and the United Kingdom.

The primary objective of the visit was to brief the officials and governments of the ground reality considering the deteriorating situation with law and order, appraisal of status on the constitutional reform process and implementation of UNHRC resolutions 30/1 and 34/1.

Among other serious concerns, the delegation discussed the need to demand Government of Sri Lanka to commit to a timebound implementation plan of resolutions 30/1 & 34/1 of the UNHRC and the need for UNHRC monitoring and oversight over Sri Lanka beyond March 2019.

The delegation was delighted that the United Nations Under Secretary General for Political Affairs Mr Jeffrey Feltman and Director for Asia and Pacific Division Ms Mari Yamashita with her team spent substantial amount of time discussing their observations and of hearing out concerns of the delegation at the main UN building in New York. Under Secretary General Feltman’s team has been to Sri Lanka only weeks ago and had a very good understanding of the current political situation.
Deputy US Permanent Representative to the UN, Ambassador Kelley E Currie, who is also the Representative to the United Nations Economic and Social Council, met the delegates at the US Mission at the UN Plaza, 1st Avenue. Ambassador Currie was well informed, reiterated US government commitment for the full implementation of HRC resolution 30/1 and promised to discuss points of concerns with the missions in Geneva and in Colombo.

Similarly, the Norwegian Permanent Representative to the UN Ambassador Tore Hattrem also agreed to share the delegation’s concerns with Oslo and the Norwegian Mission in Geneva recognizing the need for time-bound implementation plan with benchmarks.

Tuesday, 20 March 2018, the delegation met with Ambassador Alice J Wells, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asia and her senior staff, at the State Department in Washington DC. Ambassador Wells too was well informed, very engaged and discussed options and alternatives by way of questions and answers. Ambassador Wells also promised to discuss points of concerns with the missions in Geneva and in Colombo.

Delegation also had the privilege to meet with the Senior Republican Congressman Bill Johnson and senior staff of the Foreign Relations Committee at the Hill.

Sri Lanka’s victims demand and deserve credible justice

 

An opinion piece by Nikhil Narayan, ICJ’ South Asia Senior Legal Adviser.

February 23, 2016

“The regime has changed, but the system remains the same; how can we expect justice from them?,” asked a Tamil nun who survived the brutal conflict between the Sri Lankan Government and the Tamil Tigers in Vavuniya district in Sri Lanka’s Northern Province.

Her sentiments echo a growing sense of skepticism shared by many in the country’s north and east in the willingness and ability of the Sri Lankan State to deliver justice and accountability for victims of the conflict and their families.

Interviews with local lawyers, activists, victims and victims’ families during my recent visit to the north and east reinforced the importance of ensuring a credible transitional justice process that will provide a genuine remedy to victims and survivors, and in so doing restore public confidence in the State.

Achieving this credibility requires, among other things, the participation of a majority of foreign judges, prosecutors, lawyers and investigators in any proposed special tribunal created to address alleged war crimes, crimes against humanity and other serious human rights violations committed by all sides during the conflict.

Since the new government came to power a little over a year ago, Sri Lanka has taken some important and welcome steps towards national reconciliation.

Particularly, victims’ hopes for justice were bolstered by the government’s apparent acceptance of the September 2015 report of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights documenting alleged serious human rights violations and abuses committed by all sides to the conflict.

The Sri Lankan government even co-sponsored the subsequent Human Rights Council resolution, which affirmed the importance of the participation of foreign judges, prosecutors, lawyers and investigators to ensure the credibility of a “judicial mechanism” as part of the justice and accountability process.

But the government has yet to demonstrate any concrete initiatives towards fulfilling this promise of accountability.

Recent statements emanating from various quarters of the government have fed mistrust among victims in the war-affected north and east.

President Sirisena’s January 2016 BBC interview, in which he emphatically rejected the possibility of foreign participation in a proposed accountability mechanism, alarmed many.

Equally troubling were his comments expressing full confidence in the existing justice system and questioning the UN report’s allegations of war crimes committed by the Sri Lankan Army.

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe’s statements only a few days later during his visit to Jaffna to mark Thai Pongal, that the majority of missing persons should be considered deceased, also did not go unnoticed.

Families of the disappeared have the right to know, to the extent possible, the whereabouts of their family members.
The PM’s message suggesting knowledge and admission of their fate, but without further details, left families wanting; I was told more than once that the PM’s statement on the missing was “hurtful” to the families of the disappeared.

Lawyers, activists and medical officers dealing with ongoing human rights cases complained that it is common for such cases to drag on for as much as 10 years due to delays in the police investigative stage, as well as further delays in prosecuting the case by the Attorney General’s department if and when the investigation is concluded.

When asked whether these delays were due to lack of political will or capacity, I consistently received some form of non-verbal response amounting to: “Take your pick.”

Police also remain inadequately trained in investigative methodology, continuing to rely almost exclusively on confessions, often elicited by torture or other forms of coercion.

Under the current government, the climate of fear in the north and east has no doubt markedly improved; under the prior regime, for instance, I myself would not have been able to visit, move around and conduct interviews as freely as I did.

At the same time, surveillance, threats and intimidation have not ended completely.
Victims and lawyers in cases involving the armed forces as alleged perpetrators still face intimidation and obstruction of investigations.

Sri Lanka has had a long and well-documented history of creating domestic commissions of inquiry into serious human rights violations during the conflict, none of which has been successful in adequately addressing issues of impunity, justice or truth-seeking.

The ICJ has for the past thirty years documented the gradual erosion of judicial independence under successive governments, and the resulting culture of impunity in the justice system.

In its 2010 report, for example, the ICJ highlighted the failure of the criminal justice system, as well as the many commissions that have been established, to satisfy the State’s obligations to its citizens due to an absence of State accountability, limitations in the investigative and prosecutorial system and limitations in the law.

While the new government has taken some steps to address this, most notably with the restoration of the Constitutional Council, much more work remains to be done.

In such a context, the existing justice system is poorly equipped to handle cases of gross human rights violations and violations of international humanitarian law, including alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity, that will require not only highly technical forensic evidentiary and investigative expertise, but will also involve specific prosecutorial and judicial capacity to deal with issues of modes of liability such as command responsibility for superior officers.

The nun in Vavuniya told me: “We want them to accept responsibility, tell us the truth, and then we can have reconciliation; it is not about revenge.”

The call by domestic and international human rights activists and observers for an accountability process that involves, as a minimum prerequisite, the meaningful participation of a majority of foreign judges and other personnel is very simply a matter of restoring public trust in the rule of law in the country, through a credible, impartial, independent, victim-centric transitional justice process that effectively addresses victims’ right to truth, justice, remedy and reparation, and on whose foundation the country can move forward with genuine reconciliation.

The GOSL can take a significant step towards bridging this trust gap in the immediate term by reaffirming in no uncertain terms its commitment to the promises to which it voluntarily agreed in Geneva last year, including its recognition: that “accountability is essential to uphold the rule of law and to build confidence in the people of all communities of Sri Lanka in the justice system[;]” that “a credible justice process should include independent judicial and prosecutorial institutions led by individuals known for their integrity and impartiality;” and, of “the importance of participation in a Sri Lankan judicial mechanism, including the special counsel’s office, of Commonwealth and other foreign judges, defence lawyers and authorized prosecutors and investigators”.

Moving Away From War Mentality; What Can We Learn From Germany & World War II

By Kasun Kamaladasa –MARCH 23, 2018

Kasun Kamaladasa

The reason I picked World War II to illustrate my message is because Sri Lankans did not experience the violence (directly) during the war and thus may not had formed extreme biases towards who or what was right and wrong. However, if you are a diehard Captain America fan, a Neo-Nazi or a Discovery Channel follower of the 90’s you most probably would have develop some biases.

“War does not determine who is right, only who is left”

It is impossible to say in any given situation who is indisputably right or wrong so it isn’t my intention to defend Hitler, endorse Stalin or excuse Winston Churchill. What I want is to discuss, our actions and policies of the past and present and how it could be manifesting as violence in society.

I used to be Discovery channel fanatic. I watched everything it had to offer history, science, travel, etc. Watching back to back episodes of World War II documentaries, I was convinced that the allies had single handedly, through vigor and cunning strategy defeated the “evil Germans”. Thinking back, I wonder if they even mentioned the Italians and Mussolini.

During my stay in Russia, I experienced seven celebrations of “День победы” (den pobedi) in five different cities in different parts of the country. It is the day Russia celebrates winning the World War II. There are dozens of songs, novels and cinema dedicated to remind what a glorious day it was but there is also a ceremony to morn all the soldiers that were killed. The celebrations included a military choir singing the National anthem of Russia (which is enthralling) and military parades that looked as they could hold an alien invasion at bay. I also heard the countless stories of the bravery that was told by drunk veterans, sober teachers, university friends and communist party activists. It never occurred to me to question whether the German invaders were also brave and righteous too.

Time passed by and in my final year, one of my friends introduced me to Russian Neo-Nazi (he was Aryan, not a Slavic). This person would insist that all the mistakes his Slavic friends did, are because of their inferiority as a race and if not for the American conspiracies and British invasion they would have taken over Russia. Later in life this encounter would help me realize Nazi-Germany and Neo-Nazi are two very different Ideologies made to seem like the same by pop-culture and probably KGB influence.

As years passed and I met more people away from the festivities that further clouded my judgment. I also found an interest in world history. I started realizing that there was much more to the victory of the war and even more to history.

So here is where things get little complicated.

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No Confidence motion – A desperate attempt against PM will be defeated

Saturday, 24 March 2018 

Ranil Wickremesinghe, the most popular Prime Minister, has made fellow politicians nervous if he is allowed to continue.

Famous Indian Prime Ministers have faced the crisis when they became popular and a risk to fellow politicians. Lal Bahadur Shastri and Narasimha Rao (thrice each), Morarji Desai (twice) and Jawahar Lal Nehru, Rajiv Gandhi and Atal Bihari Vajpayee (once each). All the no-confidence motions have been defeated except once when Prime Minister Morarji Desai resigned during the discussions on 12 July 1979.

No Confidence motion – A desperate attempt against PM will be defeated.docx by Thavam on Scribd

What kind of a nation are we?

• This cocoon-mindset is a product of a steady dose of the hate-filled ethno-superiority complex

• Religion in the hands of pagans is just another deadly device   

• Muslims are no less responsible. They attacked a Buddhist Temple 

• The Rajapaksas have no right whatsoever to speak about such situations as pious leaders of a nation 

“If you see fraud and do not say fraud, you are a fraud.” ~Nassim Nicholas Taleb  

2018-03-24

Kandy was burning. The pinnacle of the teachings of the greatest Teacher in human history, who preached ‘Ahimsa’ (non-violence) is being desecrated and the shame and ignominy that burning has caused have become our contemptible DNA.  

Religion in the hands of pagans is just another deadly device to hurl at those who don’t believe in the same faith.  

In a macabre spectacle of treachery and religious dishonesty, what has moved our people towards sublime heights has been replaced by gory intent to kill and torture, to maim and murder and to impose their faith on others.  

When the fear of Tamils in the North is coupled with the jealousy of Muslims in the East and the rest of the country, the consequential stream of ‘aggressive indifference’ towards decency and fundamental values creates all this mayhem and ethnic cleansing of Sri Lankan kind.

Muslims are no less responsible. They attacked a Buddhist Temple. What have we become?  
After 70 years of Independence from colonial rulers, we managed to introduce in the 1972 Constitution, drafted and consummated by Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, one of the most scholarly advocates of secularism, a clause that rendered Buddhism a ‘special place’, thereby creating a discriminatory socio-religious machination amongst a people who were used to harmonious coexistence.  

However, since the ’56 transformation, instigated by Bandaranaike, another Oxford Liberal whose political expediency subordinated all his liberal-mindedness to his empty rhetoric and created socio-ethnic hysteria that gave rise to a feeling of false superiority of race, the rate at which ethnic violence erupted in Ceylon increased.  

A mentality of ‘The land, the race and the faith’ (Rata, Deya, Samaya) then took over the collective psyche of Sinhalese Buddhists whose imaginary ‘Aryan’ origins as propagated by the likes of Anagarika Dharmapala, a zealot of no mean influence on the majority who was living with minority mindset.  

This mindset was primarily attributable to the fear of Tamils in South India, namely Tamil Nadu State.  
This cagey existence is utterly vulnerable and could be easily exploited by sinister politicians whose aims are much more deceptive and diabolical.  

That is precisely what has happened to our Sinhalese Buddhist community. When the fear of Tamils in the North is coupled with the jealousy of Muslims in the East and the rest of the country, the consequential stream of ‘aggressive indifference’ towards decency and fundamental values creates all this mayhem and ethnic cleansing of Sri Lankan kind.  

No person on the soil of this country could keep quiet about violent treatment of fellow citizens in the same land.  

Such ‘aggressive indifference’ towards decency and fundamental values result in macabre killings and inhuman torture. Sinhalese Buddhists, over a period of time, especially after 1956, have shown uncanny and remarkable ability to indulge in these racial riots as an expression of misplaced patriotism

Such ‘aggressive indifference’ towards decency and fundamental values result in macabre killings and inhuman torture. Sinhalese Buddhists, over a period of time, especially after 1956, have shown uncanny and remarkable ability to indulge in these racial riots as an expression of misplaced patriotism.  

Anyone who speaks against such wanton ethnic-based killings is being branded traitorous and betrayers of ‘our thing’.  

This cocoon-mindset is a product of a steady dose of the hate-filled ethno-superiority complex.  

Innocent women and men are drawn into this vortex of ‘The land, the race and the faith’. And when feelings are driven to an intense extent of ethnic hatred, all sublime teachings of the Buddha are forgotten and the base animal instincts of humankind overwhelm the brittle minds of these men and women of the faith.  

That is the basic calculus of this developing human spectacle.  

The base instincts of humanity have overwhelmed the wiser quarters; political expediency has deadened the nuanced aspects of the human race and created a crack in the fabric of socio-ethnic harmony.  

The Teldeniya riots and its rapid spread over the Kandy District, specifically in areas where Muslim communities are more prevalent, were another growing cancer which was curbed quite speedily whereas such riots in 1983 could not be averted.  

The Rajapaksas have no right whatsoever to speak about such situations as pious leaders of a nation.  

With their willing and ready nod, many ethnic riots were initiated and a destructive mode of governance was unleashed. Well-known thugs and socially malignant elements were wrapped in saffron robes and let loose on an otherwise placid people.  

The immense danger and damage that is caused to this placid mind of a village woman, who worships the tiny Buddha statue that is in her tiny shrine room cannot be disregarded as a mere contusion caused by a thorny creep.  

This woman’s faith in the teachings of Siddhartha Gautama the Buddha is too strong to be waived off by Islam Fundamentalism.  

Her allegiance to the Dharma, as she sees and understands it, cannot be subjected to judgment by zealots of another faith. Yet, her faith is invariably entangled with the superficial aspects of popular Buddhism, which has been a product of adulteration and contamination by generations of Dusseela Bikkhus (Corrupt Clergy) and ambitious politicians, who use these Dusseela Bhikkhus to gain their ends.  

This close affiliation between ruler-politicians and Buddhist Clergy has been a constant in our history.  
While this unbreakable bond, more often than not, has had very beneficial effects on the ruler and consequently on the subject people, sometimes has led to the irreversible conditioning of the minds and hearts of them. This conditioning, perpetrated over centuries of rule, has, in fact, produced a warped sense of patriotism, which manifestly rejects the fresh and openness of mind.  

The brutal truth is this same ruler-priest combination has not been present not only in Ceylon but was, in fact, had been a primary driving force in the so-called developed world long before the dawn of Liberal Democracy.  

The cloak of the religious cover has managed to conceal many a sin of the ruler, whilst the Monk/Priest clans have abused the relationship to enrich themselves and their kith and kin. 

 
The cycle continued with an ironclad combination between corrupt rulers and corrupting clergy.  
However, with the advent of Liberal Democracy- though it is more an evolution rather than an advent- in the developed world, the direct influence of religion on democratically elected leaders began diminishing at a faster rate than it could afford to.  

When religion is confined to Temples, Churches, Mosques and Kovils, the ruling clans began sustaining their rule over matters of Government affairs more freely and with a secular approach to the resolution of emerging economic and political problems.  

The emergence of Fundamentalism may be partly due to this historical evolution of the relationship between religion and Government.  

Future historians and political scientists will argue this case and arrive at more plausible conclusions. Yet, what has been evident in the world over the last two centuries have proven that the more economically advanced nations have done so by being more secular than religious in the execution of their policies and principles.  

Unfortunately, Sri Lanka cannot be counted to be amongst these enlightened nations. We have chosen to follow the Indian model in pursuing power along the lines of division than unity.  

Polarization has been willfully enunciated in the daily performance of political life. The rush to Kataragama to wash their sins off their souls and bodies is one example, which exhibits the shallowness of their beliefs.  

The mockery of religious and spiritual beliefs is no more succinctly displayed than in these Kataragama rituals.  

Ceylon has come a long way in her journey towards a perfect union of ideas and ideals. Yet, her rulers and religious leaders have let her down.  

Time after time, when the burning coal of religious anger and hatred seems to simmer and eventually die, these religious zealots and pseudo-spiritual heads have chosen to find the concealed amber and inflame the very hatred and anger to settle their own scores.  

It is the legacy of the politicians and religious leaders of our time. From the old woman whose faith in the serene teachings of the Buddha is unbreakable to the young man who takes knives and daggers to kill and maim those who do not belong to his religion have gone through this vicious circle of hatred and anger. The Buddha’ teachings have been relegated to the fulfilment of a fleeting sense of hatred.  
Certain extremists monks and most powerful politicians will continue to make their exploits more lucrative and profitable to their sponsors.  

Politicians would pay only lip service and the people who have been brought down to mere puppets will continue to dance to their tunes.  

Teldeniya riots were not the first of ethnic riots that occurred in post-Independence Sri Lanka and they won’t be the last.  

The Great Betrayal!

By Gamini Jayaweera –MARCH 23, 2018

On 8 January 2015, the people in Sri Lanka faced the most critical question about the future of our country since independence. Were the voters to support the existing regime for a dictatorial establishment which would be run by one family and their close supporters or a democratic leader supported by various political parties and civil societies to re-build a Democratic, Compassionate, Peaceful, Law abiding and Sovereign nation in the coming years? A total of 6.2m voters of all races Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, Burghers, Malay and of all religions Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims, Catholics, and Anglicans had answered the critical question in favour of Mr. Maithripala Sirisena, the common candidate, to become the 7th Executive President of The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, leader of the United National Party was appointed as the Prime Minister to lead a coalition government. The nation placed their trust and pinned their hopes that the President and the Prime Minister would overcome the challenges and change the existing political culture to fulfil the promises given in the presidential and general elections, to create a decent peaceful human society in Sri Lanka.

Apology for Poor Performance

After 3 years of slow progress on many critical issues, the coalition partners, the SLFP and the UNP suffered a humiliating defeat at the recently concluded Local Government (LG) elections. The Hon. Prime Minister has publicly apologised to the nation and his party supporters for their party’s mediocre performance in the LG elections due to mistakes made during the last 3 years. He has given an assurance that he would change the direction and take decisive actions to correct the mistakes made by him and his party’s cabinet colleagues. Though the Hon. Prime Minister had failed to make significant changes to his existing cabinet, he had proposed one important change to his cabinet. He had nominated Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka to lead the Ministry of Law and Order. It was long overdue because the Ministry of Law and Order had received severe public criticism for its ineffective ways of dealing with crucial matters of public interest. But the request had been rejected by the Hon. President for no apparent reason. I believe that the nation is entitled to know the reasons for the Hon. President’s refusal to appoint Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka to the post of Minister for Law and Order, as proposed by the Prime Minister.

The general secretary of the SLFP, Minister Duminda Dissanayake has also publicly apologised for their mistakes during the last 3 years after the LG elections. But, as far as I know, the Hon. President has not apologised to the nation and his party supporters for the disastrous performance by the SLFP in the LG elections. Instead of doing so, he has tried to replace the Hon. Prime Minister with someone else from his own party (SLFP), assuming his party’s humiliated defeat in the LG elections was due to the UNP leader Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe.

 

Like many other people, without analysing the real reasons for the SLFP’s appalling defeat in the LG elections, the Hon. President was quick to embrace the “blame culture” and wanted to replace the Prime Minister who is the leader of the main partner in the coalition government. As the leader of the UNP Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe is entitled to be the Prime Minister of the coalition government unless he is replaced by the membership as the leader of the UNP. The Hon. President and other outsiders have no right to interfere with the internal matters of the UNP. It would have been much more productive and logical if the Hon. President had looked at his and his SLFP cabinet colleagues’ performance during the last 3 years before he had taken steps to remove the Prime Minister.

 

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The no-confidence motion against Ranil will create further chaos

Friday, 23 March 2018

The Mahinda Rajapaksa-backed Joint Opposition yesterday submitted a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to the speaker. The motion against Ranil according to newspapers contains charges of economic mismanagement by him during the last three years.

Among the top most charges against Ranil is the alleged scandal in the Central Bank bond issues in 2015 and 2016. He is also accused of having failed to tackle the anti-Muslim riots in the central district of Kandy when he was the Law and Order Minister. The Joint Opposition claims that even some members of the United National Party would sign the motion. Although according to legal sources there is no constitutional provision to oust Ranil from the post of Prime Minister through a no-confidence motion, the success of the motion would be a severe blow to his political standing and legitimacy.

Given the current state of Parliament and the possibility that the TNA and JVP may abstain in the event of a vote, Ranil appears to be safe. Unfortunately Ranil-bashing today has become a pastime and will continue whatever the outcome. This is largely due to some of the people surrounding him who often make him look a loner and an authoritarian and as a result the substantial gains that this Government has realised in the last three years have been forgotten or lost.

Importance of Ranil

Ranil is among just a handful of politicians in this country who has never resorted to racial slogans; never touted Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalism. He is progressive in his economic and political outlook and even when he is under pressure, he is a man who believes that the law must take precedence over personal loyalties, a respecter of the rights of all ethnicities even to a fault. His earlier prime ministerial tenure compared to this term was more on a positive path to progress, both economic and political.

Given the magnitude of the lives lost and the years lost in an unending conflict, his ceasefire agreement in 2001 with the LTTE, although politically shaky, helped to significantly weaken the LTTE. Very few people still give him the credit for his Machiavellian move. Ranil, despite some weaknesses, is the best leader we have, who can change the game if given the space to deliver and Ranil works within the mandate and will win the confidence of all parties.

Therefore, it is important that the people he places his trust in to deliver his mandate don’t let him down, diminishing his value and undermining his position in Parliament as the Prime Minister. They owe it to him because he stands by his officials come what may.

The Opposition

The SLFP, which is predominated by loyalties to the previous President, seems to be hell-bent on either challenging his mandate or shooting holes in the efforts he has taken to bring the country and the economy to an even keel, without realising what these initiatives are and what favourable outcomes it will bring to the country.

The no-confidence motion against Ranil therefore can only create further uncertainty. Today one of the biggest challenges we have is improving our country’s competitiveness. Ranil clearly understands what competitiveness is and believes in a conducive business environment where every entrepreneur, big or small, has the ability to move up the business hierarchy on his or her own merit. He knows what is necessary to improve our skills, including attracting FDI at a minimum of 20% of GDP in order to maintain the 8% plus growth target that the country needs.

Progress

Ranil in the last three years has made a huge effort to rebuild international confidence amongst international leaders and investors, both locally and internationally, particularly with the US and EU (where are our major markets remain). Through our well-orchestrated foreign policy, the Yahapalanaya has and continues to succeed in this direction. He has largely restored the independence of the Judiciary and the public service which has helped to generate a positive climate in the country.

The results of his efforts will come slowly but surely because he is not a man who looks for quick wins. Therefore, given his profile, this is the last chance we have to support a leader who knows how to create real wealth for our country and usher in an era of prosperity. Ranil is perhaps the last of the old brigade who has the capacity to help Sri Lanka to realise its full potential, but he certainly needs to tone down his pro-Western and cosmopolitan outlook and clean up his team if he is to get the support of the SLFP because the SLFP vote base is still overwhelmingly Sinhalese and populist.

Ranil is certainly a visionary and decisive leader but the time is now for him and the President to deliver or face the wrath of the public for not delivering on their promises. Therefore, Maithripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe should discuss how to continue with the Unity Government in the next 15 months instead of getting bogged down in partisan politics, especially now, given that the Sri Lankan economy grew by only 3.3% during the third quarter of 2017 (3Q17) compared to the corresponding quarter of last year, with continued contraction in the agriculture sector and slower growth in the business sector.

(The writer is a thought leader)

Identity Crisis And Muslims    

It is an identity crisis..an open dialogue of both the communities would help address the issue 

The hate speeches already made by various people, especially since 2012 and the statements posted in the social media for the past six years, have fed the communities with hate 

Business rivalry, envy and politics have been attributed to the recent wave of hate campaign by various groups and individuals

The rise of the percentage of Muslim population due to the drop in Tamil population from 21 percent to 12 percent was cited as an unusual growth 

The deaths and migration of Tamils to other countries as a result of the war had caused an increase in the percentage of Sinhalese population as well

Most abayas sold here do not conform to the requirements taught in Islam 

2018-03-23 

As it did on the wake of previous communal clashes in various places in the country, the Government said after the communal clashes in early this month that it would take action to filter the hateful statements and posts in the social media.   

It was reported that Ministers had discussions in this regard with officials of the Facebook Inc. who visited the country after the temporary ban on social media following the anti-Muslim riots in Ampara and Kandy Districts.   

However, the hate speeches already made by various people, especially since 2012 and the statements posted in the social media for the past six years, have fed the communities with hate sufficient to make a hell even out of a small road accident.   

Interestingly, the trigger for the communal attacks in Aluthgama in 2014, in Gintota last year and in Digana this month, had been traffic issues.   

However, there is a vast difference this time with Sinhalese intellectuals, Buddhist monks and the media being swift in countering the misconceptions such as the “wanda pethi” and with monks even physically coming forward to protect Muslims and their mosques in various parts of the country.   

Sinhalese in Anamaduwa had dared to challenge racist elements by reconstructing an eatery that came under arson attack, within a day. 

 
Monks in some areas had given shelter to terrified Muslim families in their temples, in spite of the Government being accused of inaction and the Police in some areas being accused of colluding with rioters.   

This is a situation that could not be expected some three years ago. 

 
Various reasons including business rivalry, envy and politics have been attributed to the recent wave of hate campaign by various groups and individuals, the prime ingredient of which has been vicious lies and distortions.   

However, a sizable number of Sinhalese, including some educated people seem to succumb to those distorted campaigns. 

 
During the Halal Controversy between 2012 and 2014, the Government or the concerned members of the business community, who had obtained the Halal Certificate voluntarily did not come forward to clear the misconception that prices had gone up due to the Halal Certificate.   

Only one person had the courage to say that he had spent only 27 rupees per day for this certificate in order to broaden his market.   

The Qur’an verses, almost all of which are contextual, were then cited out of context to demonize Muslims and these claims were vindicated by reports of barbaric acts of various terrorist groups in the Middle East, who are fighting each other in the name of Islam. 

After being static for a century until the early eighties, the rise of the percentage of Muslim population due to the drop in Tamil population from 21 percent to 12 percent, was cited as an unusual growth in Muslim population. 

In fact, the deaths and migration of Tamils to other countries as a result of the war after the eighties had caused an increase in the percentage of Sinhalese population as well.   

The canards stooped to such a low level intellectually that claims were made that the welcome toffees served at certain shops owned by Muslims and under-garments sold at those shops contained sterilizing chemicals. 

While the Government of the day seemed to connive with the groups spreading hate, one Minister of that Government warned that a small matchstick could create a hellhole as enough petrol had already been sprinkled all over the country.   

He also suspected a foreign hand behind the hate campaign with a view to defeat President Mahinda Rajapaksa at the next Presidential election by antagonizing the Muslims against his Government. But his warnings fell on deaf ears of the leaders.

The hate campaign driving the past six years had been such that even a ‘clump of flour’ in a plate of beef curry was used to incite violence. 

  The hate campaign was facilitated by the Muslims as well by adamantly embracing more and more elements of Arab and Pakistani cultures such as the women’s abaya, face veil and the men’s Jubba. The more they changed their physical appearance the more did they psychologically detach themselves from the national fabric, creating an insular society amidst the Sinhalese. 

This insularity is such that they, for years debate the way they should greet a non-Muslim or a Non-Muslim priest. This mindset, while strengthening the already prevalent language barrier, prevented them from not only allaying fears and misconceptions spread by the hate mongers among their neighbours but rather made the latter even to view them as strange creatures and suspect them.   

The depiction of abaya, especially the black ones and the Jubba as symbols of extremism or fundamentalism is an unfounded vilification of Muslims as most of those who wear them, especially the women, do not know any politics or anything happening around them. 

And there are no radical Islamic groups in Sri Lanka, except for fringe groups occasionally fighting each other over religious issues. 

 
These attires came into the country as a result of Sri Lankans migrating to West Asian countries for employment.   

However, there is no any specific reason for them to stick to those attires so admirably or adamantly in Sri Lanka, as Islam does not recommend a particular dress, but only certain requirements in any dress. 

For the Muslims to assimilate with the Sinhalese in this regard is easier, as a majority of the latter has chosen, for their day-to-day use, the Western and Indian attires which are not strange or unacceptable to Muslims as well. Abaya or the Jubba is not popular among Muslims in Indonesia which is the home for the largest Muslim population in the world.   

In fact, the most abayas sold at the Sri Lankan market do not conform to the requirements taught in Islam as they are so tight and decorative and pompous and also highly expensive. 

The abaya, along with the face-veil, has in most cases become merely a fashion not corresponding with the Islamic way of life. Yet, certain businessmen have been successful in promoting such attires. 

 
There is a campaign among the Muslims in the country for the proper integration of the community into the Sri Lankan social fabric, without harming the basic religious tenets, but unfortunately by a relatively small group. Their voice is hence not sufficiently heard of within the community and is not known to the Sinhalese either, due to the language barrier. 

The increasing insular mindset of the Muslims and the unceasing vilification and alienation of them by hate-mongers have posed a question to the Muslims themselves as to who they are in Sri Lanka. 

 
It is, in fact, an identity crisis. An open dialogue between the intellectuals of both the communities would help address the issue or minimise the ill effects of it.   

Has Anti-Muslim Hate Gone Mainstream As Mahinda Deshapriya Says?

By Mohamed Harees –MARCH 23, 2018

Lukman Harees

The Daily Mirror of 20th March 2018 carried a rather alarming and distressing news-item on its’ front page. The headline of this news-item read ‘The claim that a majority of Sinhalese were against the recent attacks on Muslims is wrong…‘Most Sinhalese happy about recent attacks’, reporting a speech delivered by a prominent civil servant Elections Commission Chairman Mahinda Deshapriya (MD),  interestingly at a workshop on ethnic harmony on the theme’ building bridges’ at SLIDA.  Strangely the e-version of this new-item has apparently been withdrawn and is no longer available for on-line access.

After reading his rather alarming speech, the Muslims would have felt like ‘a man being gored by a bull, after falling from the tree’ as a Sinhala idiom goes, only weeks after scores of Anti-Muslim hatemobs swept through Muslim villages, both in the Eastern and Central Provinces engaging in a well-orchestrated campaign of vandalism and arson attacks. MD also reportedly added that a majority of Sinhalese were happy to see the Tamils too being attacked in 1983, only to regret it a few years later, thus demonising the Sinhala people. His speech continued to challenge the Muslims to adopt an indigenous lifestyle and assimilate themselves into a Sri Lanka nation. In the overall context, it raises an all-important question in the minds of all Sri Lankans; not just the Muslims: Has anti-Muslim hate gone mainstream in this Dharma Dweepa?      

It is not clear in what context that such sweeping statements were made by a person in the stature of MD who chairs an important public commission such as the Elections Commission. Few possibilities exist: Did the Daily Mirror merely engage in sensationalizing this new-item; the types of sensationalism as the mainstream newspapers do for petty gains, in which events and topics in news stories and pieces are overhyped to present biased impressions on events, which may cause a manipulation to the truth of a story. They knew very well the bad timing of this news and the negative emotional impact and uneasy feelings it may cause in the minds of both  Sinhalese and the Muslims specially, upon the heels of  a spate of communal violence carried out by hate groups on Muslim areas which caused much damage to the harmony between the two communities. Still they did it and later withdrew the online access. Or did the newspaper quote him out of context(in which case DM would have demanded a correction?( which he did not ); OR Did he say base it on some reliable and valid study/ survey (which is still not known in the public domain)?. It therefore appears that his speech may have been based on his own experiences, hush talks and dog whistles he may have come across during the interactions with his fellow religionists (being a Sinhala Buddhist himself); his gut feelings. However I beg to differ, having lived with Sinhalese  and moved with them closely for the most part of my life in Sri Lanka. Besides, feeling happy about the misery of another is very un-Buddhistic to say the least and his remarks will be an insult to the Buddhists too! Only positive aspect will be that it will open up a dialogue on an area of study long hushed up; perhaps an elaborate academic or social study will help to capture public perceptions in this sensitive area. 

It has been a fact that Sinhala  people at the grass-root/village levels has always been tolerant and lived  amicably with the other communities in the South. I can personally vouch for strong bonds of friendship and amity between the Sinhala and Muslim communities, as a social activist hailing from the South. Therefore, MD’s observations that ‘Most Sinhala people are happy about the recent anti-Muslim attacks’ seems not only incorrect but also an outright insult to the tolerant track records of the Sinhala Buddhist people at the grass-root levels, as things stand at present. However, the fact that there had not been any visible objections from the Sinhala Buddhist intellectuals, politicians, or social activists to MD’s  offensive and controversial statement about their community appears intriguing.

It has been a historic fact that Ceylon got its’ Independence in 1948 with the support of all communities. It was in 1956 when SWRD become PM on a Sinhala Buddhist platform heavily initiated by some influential sections of the Maha Sangha and then troubles began to brew. Two years later in 1958, the first ever Anti Tamil violence started in Post independence Ceylon. In 1959, SWRD was assassinated by one of the Buddhist monks. Thereafter, the  narrow minded political leadership in the years which followed sowed misunderstandings between the two communities, which culminated in the Anti-Tamil pogrom in 1983, leading to 30 years of bloody war fought by a ruthless LTTE terror outfit. Despite Post war hopes of Sri Lankans for peace and amity, MR did not play the historic role of a leader of Post war peace times, which led to another war – a religious war; this time against the other minority-the Muslims. The well-orchestrated hate campaign initiated at the behest of political masters against the Muslims led to creating a climate of fear and insecurity which continues upto this day under various pretexts from 2012. It was these political elements and their cat-paws which should bear the blame and not the Sinhala community at the grass-root levels. However if only the majority community had been more vocal in their opposition; the outcomes would have been much different!  As a matter of fact, even the Sinhala community too has not had a good deal to improve their lot from any Post independence governments; on the contrary they too have many grievances to complain of. Tamils have been marginalized too. Thus, all communities are equal on that count!

In fact, in 1983, then President JRJ attempted to indirectly blame  the Sinhala people by saying the 1983 attacks was a natural reaction. However, it was no means a mass uprising of the entire Sinhala race against Tamils. As a matter of fact, the majority of the Sinhala people were against what happened then, and also protected and saved Tamils often at great personal risk, as accepted even by many Tamil authors. Otherwise the consequences would have been much grave. Even in the face of provocation from the Tigers who attacked the Dalada Maligawa and also killed many monks in Arantalawa and many other places, the Sinhalese kept their cool.  Further, in the case of  Post-war anti-Muslim hate campaign during the MR  era carried out by the BBS, despite it being well –orchestrated and well-oiled through well – known State patronage, the BJP (BBS Political wing) candidates were not even able to retain their deposits and were rejected in toto by the Sinhala electorate. This was again another good yardstick to measure the stand taken by the Sinhala people about the extremist lines of thinking advanced by the hate groups among them

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