Fallout of political instability in Sri Lanka

Nationalism is likely to be the theme song in the months leading to the  next series of elections with nationalist Mahinda Rajapaksa as the challenger 

2018-02-27

Colombo, February 26: Good international relations are founded on political and economic stability in the countries concerned. If there is policy confusion and policy paralysis in a country, foreign investors’ interest in it tends to wane. And the confidence of foreign Governments about entering into economic and political agreements with that country begins to wear thin.  

Sri Lanka now appears to be the grip of political uncertainty which in turn has led to economic uncertainty. And the latter is bound to have repercussions for its relations with regional and world powers which are looking for investment opportunities in the island to fulfill their economic and strategic agendas.  

 After the political turmoil generated by the February 10 electoral debacle ceased last week, President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe assured the nation of strong and meaningful action to fulfill their joint 2015 election mandate. But few Sri Lankans appear to be sanguine about a real departure from set biases and entrenched animosities and suspicions.   

It is this condition which has been identified as the root cause of the Government parties’ dismal failure at the polls at the local elections turned national referendum on governance. Out of the 340 local councils to which elections were held on February 10, 239 went to the opposition Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) led by the popular former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. The ruling United National Party (UNP), led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, came a poor second with 41 councils and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and its allies won a mere 10.  

The Government coalition partners have been roundly criticized by the SLPP and asked to resign, dissolve parliament and hold fresh elections.  

Even as the Government was facing the onslaught from the opposition, its constituent political parties were also in turmoil internally. They blamed each other and demanded drastic internal changes too.   

In the SLFP, there was a strong demand for quitting the alliance with the UNP on the grounds that the UNP’s right wing neo-liberal and pro-West economic and foreign policies were responsible for the electoral disaster. Those in the SLFP who sought a rupture of the alliance wanted to join hands with the SLPP ( which is but a breakaway group) to set up a new Left of Center and nationalist government.  

When this proved to be difficult because of the opposition of the President, who loathes working with Rajapaksa, they started a movement to remove UNP leader Wickremesinghe from the Premiership and have him replaced by the more amenable Karu Jayasuriya, currently Speaker of parliament.  

But the UNP would have none of it,despite serious differences with Wickremesinghe on his policies and style of functioning. The UNP stood by Wickremesinghe in return for reforms in the party structure.   

The leaders of the SLFP then demanded that the President dismiss Wickremesinghe and appoint another. But the 19 th Amendment of the constitution would not permit that. It says that once appointed, the Prime Minister cannot be removed except when he is replaced by his own party or loses majority support in parliament in a vote on a money bill.  

To mollify his party men, the President referred the matter to the Supreme Court and persuaded his followers to stick to the coalition with Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister till 2020.  

The SLFP members agreed to this, but insisted that the economic development ministries should be taken away from the UNP and given to ministers from the SLFP. Alternatively, there should be a drastic reshuffle of the portfolios.   

• Rajapaksa was able to combine populism with rapid economic development
• It is not clear as to what Government’s economic policy will be, as there is yet no overall plan
• Yahapalanaya regime is likely to get more populist and nationalistic in the run up to the 2020 Presidential and parliamentary elections

But as Sunday’s reshuffle shows, taking away the economic ministries from the UNP is impossible as by a 2015 agreement, the UNP will handle economic matters.Therefore the President adopted the expedient of using his National Economic Council (NEC) to lay down policy and review policy. The President used the cabinet to reverse the plan to distribute 70,000 tablets in rural schools. He used the NEC to lift the ban on Glyphosate, a weedicide, the ban on which had been destroying the tea and rubber plantations.  

It is not clear as to what Government’s economic policy will be, as there is yet no overall plan. Changes are likely to come piecemeal rather than in one go. However, the overall direction is likely to be populist and nationalistic, to match Rajapaksa’s in the run up to the provincial elections and the Presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020.   

But while Rajapaksa was able to combine populism with rapid economic development , with Chinese and Indian aid, the ‘Yahapalanaya’ or Good Governance Government has not been able to. It has neither executed infrastructure projects nor implemented populist programs.   

The incumbent regime has failed even on the ethnic reconciliation front. It promised Transitional Justice Mechanisms, none of which has been established. There is no Independent Judicial Mechanism to try war crimes cases, and the Office of Missing Persons is yet to be set up. Only land occupied by the armed forces from Tamil civilians has been given back, mostly. The fear of losing the support of the majority Sinhalese has made it renege on its promises to the Tamil minority.  

The failure on the reconciliation front has irked the UN and the West. The UN Human Rights chief, Prince Zeid, has asked the UNHRC to consider other strategies, like the extension of Universal Jurisdiction to Sri Lanka. Universal Jurisdiction will grievously erode Sri Lanka’s sovereignty.   

The leaders of the SLFP then demanded that the President dismiss Wickremesinghe and appoint another

Projects in limbo 

The Yahapalanaya Government is generally perceived as being friendlier to India than the earlier one led by hard core nationalist MahindaRajapaksa. But paradoxically, it was during Rajapaksa’s time that over US$ 1.1 billion worth of Indian projects were implemented. Under the Yahapalanaya Government, Indian proposals are languishing for want of interest in the Sri Lankan government.  

With nationalism likely to be the theme song in the months leading to the next series of elections with nationalist Rajapaksa as the challenger, reviving these projects will be an uphill task.  

Projects which are pending are: the LNG-fired 500 megawatt power plant in Kerewelapitiya; the LNG Terminal/Floating Storage Regasification Unit (FSRU) in Kerawalapitiya; piped gas distribution system and retail outlets for the supply of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) to the transportation sector; a 50 MW (extendable to 100 MW) solar power plant in Sampur in the Eastern Province;joint development of the 84 giant oil tanks in the Upper Tank Farm in Trincomalee; a port, a petroleum refinery and other industries in Trincomalee; Industrial Zones or Special Economic Zones in various parts of Sri Lanka; and building the Mannar-Jaffna, Mannar-Trincomalee highway and theDambulla-Trincomalee Expressway.  

India and Sri Lanka had agreed to sign the Economic and Technical Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) by end of 2017, but there was so much of opposition to it from Sri Lankan businessmen and professions that prospects of signing it are dim especially because the Yahapalanaya regime is likely to get more populist and nationalistic in the run up to the 2020 Presidential and parliamentary elections.  

On the contrary both the President and the Prime Minister are comfortable with China despite their opposition to Chinese projects signed in by Rajapaksa. In fact, after delaying the Chinese projects for about a year and a half, the Yahapalanaya regime entered into agreements with China which were more favorable to the Chinese than was the case before.  

Sri Lanka and Pakistan had signed a Free Trade Agreement in 2002, but till date, bilateral trade has not gone beyond US$ 247 million. According to experts, the potential is as high as US$ 2.7 billion per annum, but this is not exploited because of a lack of political will.  

Bangladesh has been trying to build trade and investment ties with Sri Lanka, but still bilateral trade is only US$ 142 million per annum. This is because of an absence of a welcoming culture in Sri Lanka due to nationalism and fears of a massive influx from Bangladesh. In contrast, the more progressive Bangladeshishave welcomed and hosted Sri Lankan investors.  

Having been under colonial rule continuously from 1505 to 1948, modern day Sri Lankans are naturally wary of foreigners. A mixture of constricting nationalism and political instability has prevented Sri Lanka from seizing opportunities thrown up by the world around it.

SRI LANKA: RESULTS OF THE LOCAL AUTHORITY ELECTIONS & IMPLICATIONS FOR THE TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE

Image:Former president Rajapaksa showing victory sign to the media after the local authority election results, (Image courtesy of Mahinda Rajapaksa face book)
Sri Lanka Briefing Note 13 | February 2018.

 Transitional Justice and Constitutional Reform:  Sri Lanka at the Cross Roads.

Local Authority Elections,  2018 Feb. in Sri Lanka: implications for transitional 
justice. (Advanced copy on the Local Authority Elections in SLB No. 13)

26/02/2018

The party led by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), dominated the polls at the recently concluded Sri Lanka’s Local Government Election. With 44.65% of the total votes polled, the SLPP secured a lead in 231 out of 338 Local Government (LG) bodies, i.e. slightly above two third. This is a clear setback for the present government and on the transitional justice (TJ) process which has direct relevance to UNHRC Resolution A/HRC/30/L.29 on Sri Lanka.
The elections were held on the 10^th February 2018 for 338 LG bodies and the voter turnout was registered above 65%. The election piloted a form of Mixed Member Proportional System that was newly introduced under the Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Act, No. 16 of 2017 which also introduced a mandatory 25% quota for women in the LG bodies.

Local Authority Election, Sri Lanka 2018: position of the major parties

Source: News media and election commission web site.

The United National Party (UNP) led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe came second in terms of cumulative votes and polled with 32.63% of votes. President Maithripala Sirisena’s led United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA – 8.94%) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party(SLFP- 4.4%) together polled 13.43%.

Division, even hostility, between the two coalition partners was apparent during the months leading up to the election, with the President being rather vocal in his condemnation of the UNP. The campaigning  of the election as characterized by: the treasury bond scam which took place allegedly with the involvement of UNP; numerous failures by the government to deliver on the major promises based on which the 2015 win was secured, including economic revival, the abolition of executive presidency and other constitutional reforms; and lack of progress in the investigations into and prosecution of financial crimes and high-profile cases of killings and disappearances during the previous regime.

The Rajapaksa campaign focused, among others, on glorifying the war victory, on accusing the Unity Government of “dividing the country”[1]through power sharing and on challenging the authorities to convict the Rajapaksas of the alleged financial crimes. It also characterized the engagement with the UN as a servitude to the West.

In the absence of a strategy of the Unity Government to communicate comprehensively to the people their efforts on constitutional reforms, reconciliation and transitional justice, the Rajapaksa campaign was successful in appealing to the nationalist sentiments of the Sinhala Buddhist voters. The implications of this election result are not favorable for the TJ process: especially the Sinhala nationalist forces  could argue that t there is no Sinhalese mandate to pursue TJ and this will cause the decline of political will to be committed to TJ process.

Emerging election patterns

Compared with the Presidential and Parliamentary polls of 2015, there is not much of a difference when looking just at the numbers: in the 2015 Presidential Election, Rajapaksa polled 47.6% and in the Parliamentary Election his party, the UPFA, polled 42.7%. At the recent Local Government Elections Rajapaksa-led SLPP polled 44.65% of the votes, pointing to the fact that his party has generally the support of around 45%.

Similarly, the non-Rajapaksa vote shows little fluctuation: the vote share for the non-Rajapaksa voters was around 51.3%. In the January 2015 Presidential Election Maithripala Sirisena as the common candidate polled 51.3% and in the August 2015 Parliamentary Election the non-Rajapaksa vote, including that of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), was 55.3%.

The combined votes of UNP, UPFA and SLFP, however, stood at 41.5% on the 10^th February 2018, recording a drop of 4.2% from what the combination polled in the August 2015 Parliamentary Elections. One of the key reasons for this change may have been some people refraining from voting and/or voting for alternative parties or independent groups in protest.  In any case, the LG Election results are a clear indication of the erosion of public support and confidence in the current Unity Government.

Ethnic dimensions

The Rajapaksa-led SLPP did best in the predominantly Sinhalese-Buddhist districts and especially in the Southern rural areas. For example, in the districts of Moneragala, Matara and Galle over 50% of votes and in Hambantota 49.96% were polled for SLPP. According to the most recent statistics, these districts are the top four districts with the largest Sinhalese majorities.

In the Northern districts, the SLPP performed feebly, gaining 1.08% of votes in Jaffna, 3.67% in Mannar, 0.75% in Kilinochchi, 9.39% in Vavuniya and 4.08% in Mullativu[2]. The Southern Sinhalese voters appeared to have renewed their support for a majoritarian Sri Lanka by voting for Rajapaksa who called upon voters to use the polls as a “de-facto referendum” on the Unity Government’s constitutional reform process, which he warned, was the “gateway to federalism”[3]
Despite the above figures, the Tamil nationalist parties won the majority of seats in the North. Notably however, the TNA, which had provided backing to the ruling coalition despite its failure to deliver on key pledges, was numerically successful but short of a majority in all Councils across the North.
Prime Minister Wickremesinghe’s led UNP did better in the urban areas and especially in the ethnically mixed areas. The Colombo Municipal Council with around 400’000 voters, of whom about 60% belong to ethnic minorities, voted 46% for the UNP and 21% for the SLPP.

The future of the Unity Government and prospects of the TJ process

After one week of uncertainty, President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe agreed to work together for the next two years. The Government’s main focus will be on economic issues and on ending impunity for the corruption and individual killings during the era of the Rajapaksa regime. In order to continue on the reform procss it is of utmost importance that the two leaders, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and President Sirisena, renew their commitments to unity, based on the 2015 mandate.

The missing link

The noticeable missing link in almost all Southern-based post-election analyses on the election setback of the Government is the non-implementation of the TJ process and the failure to address the Tamil people’s grievances. The absence of these two issues in the post-election discourse means that focus of the post–LG political orientation of the government will be elsewhere. In political pragmatism transitional justice is a non-starter for both coalition partners of the government as there are only two years remain before presidential and general elections.

Abbreviations
GOSL                    Government of Sri Lanka
LG                         Local Government
SLFP                     Sri Lanka Freedom Party
SLPP                     Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna
TJ                          Transitional Justice
TNA                       Tamil National Alliance
UN                         United Nations
UNHRC                               United Nations Human Rights Council
UNP                      United National Party
UPFA                    United People’s Freedom Alliance

Acknowledgements

Sri Lanka Brief thanks Sri Lanka Advocacy Group, Germany for their continuous support.
Research and writing: Uda & Sunanda Deshapriya
Editors: Sunanda Deshapriya and Michaela Told.

srilankabrief@gmail.com; http://srilankabrief.org/

[1] See TNA leader R.Sampanthan’s speech  http://srilankabrief.org/2018/02/eelam-will-bloom-not-on-account-of-tna-bur-on-account-of-rajapaksas-lotus-bud-sampanthan/

[2] Election commission, Sri Lanka https://election.news.lk/

[3] See press release issued  Mahinda Rajapaksa   http://lankanewsweb.net/news/press-release/item/7171-the-proposal-for-a-new-constitution

The way northern vote went is also a matter for concern

By Jehan Perera-February 26, 2018, 8:26 pm 

The unexpectedly strong electoral performance by the newly formed SLPP whose chief protagonist is former President Mahinda Rajapaksa at the recent local government elections was a wake-up call to the parties in government. The opposition has argued that the elections, which came a little after the mid-point of the government’s five year term, was akin to a referendum and therefore those in government had lost their mandate to govern. This argument has been countered on the basis that a local government election cannot take the mandate away from a national election. As the pressure on the government has subsided the timing of the election can be said to be a blessing in disguise. It is clear from the election results that if the parties in government had continued in the same manner, they risked being badly defeated at the next general elections in 2020.

Political analysts and public opinion indicate that there were a number of issues that clearly went against the government parties. One of the most significant issues were the cost of living and the feeling of those who are either on fixed incomes or earning their living in agriculture that this government did not care for them. The removal of subsidies, such for school uniforms, the Samurdhi and the fertilizer, cost the government dearly. Also significant was the failure to tackle corruption in high places, and the ironic reversal of roles where those who promised to eradicate corruption came to be accused of it by those so accused. Another significant issue that underlay the criticism of the government was the sense that it was divided and weak with the two parties at loggerheads, which President Maithripala brought to the fore in the election campaign.

The appearance of division within the government is a serious problem that has to be overcome, as it suggests that the government cannot adequately protect the nation interest even as it has faced, and faces, both internal and external threats to its sovereignty. The question is whether the government will give equal priority to dealing with all of these main issues, or whether it will prioritise one or two above the others. The directions already appear to be set. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has explained the government’s electoral setbacks as due to its inability to show any stunning economic performance rather than a middling performance. On the other hand, President Sirisena has pledged to address the problem of corruption both outside the government and within it.

PARTIAL ANALYSIS

It is worth noting that most mainstream analysis has focused on the vote in the south of the country, in the Sinhalese-majority areas. This is in part because the Sinhalese majority constitutes an overwhelming majority and their vote is essential to form any government. It also reflects a mindset in which the ethnic minorities are generally perceived as being peripheral and living on the periphery of national concerns. This is the thinking of a polarized society that continues to ignore the polarization as not being of the highest importance. The lessons of the past three decades are still being learnt. We continue to see only one side of the picture for the most part. Northerners see from a northern perspective and southerners see from a southern perspective.

The marginalization, and neglect, of the politics of the North and East is what led to three decades of war and devastation, and to the economic setbacks suffered by the country as a whole. If there had not been a war, it is likely that Sri Lanka would have been much more economically prosperous than it is today. In 2008, Sri Lanka was counted amongst the 20 most fragile states in the world, out of 176 in which this assessment was made. Some of the indicators that are used to assess whether a state is fragile or not are following: Group Grievance: Existence of tension and violence between groups, which can undermine the state's provision of security. State legitimacy: Corruption and lack of representativeness undermine the social contract, as citizens lose confidence in state institutions and processes. Factionalised elites: A fragmentation of ruling elites and state institutions along group lines undermines public confidence. Today a decade after that assessment, Sri Lanka has risen to the 47th position in terms of state fragility, out of 176 countries. This continues to be a high warning situation and suggests that the potential for instability continues to remain.

In the local government elections in the North, the TNA suffered significant reversals and lost ground to political parties that accused it of having been co-opted by the government at the expense of the Tamil people. This is because the TNA under its leader R Sampanthan has been playing a very supportive role to the government and trying to get it to deliver benefits to the Tamil people in a cooperative manner rather than through confrontation. This is in contrast to the Tamil parties of the past, including the more nationalist ones today, who have generally criticized and opposed governments, albeit for good reasons, rather than work with them. The relatively poor performance of the TNA is directly connected to the non-delivery of what is most meaningful to the Tamil voters.

STARTING POINT

Three months ago after the announcement of local government elections the government began to downplay the constitutional reform and transitional justice processes it was engaged in. This was on account of its concern that the opposition would use these issues to mobilize nationalist sentiment against them. Despite the government’s caution, this is precisely what the opposition has done, claiming that Tamil Eelam is being revived by the government in collusion with the TNA and the international community. In the aftermath of the electoral setback suffered by the parties in government, there is concern that the government would put ethnic-related reforms into cold storage until the next national elections are concluded in two years.

On the other hand there are countervailing pressures. The international community appears to be putting pressure on the government to keep its commitments and promises. It was based on those commitments that the government has obtained significant economic benefits and trade concessions, such as the GSP plus. If these benefits are to continue the commitments made need to be kept. The government’s record will be scrutinized soon in Geneva when the UN Human Rights Council takes up the resolution on Sri Lanka that it co-sponsored along with the government in October 2015. There have been calls by foreign governments that Sri Lanka should implement without further delay the Office of Missing Persons and also other institutions such as the Office of Reparations and Truth Commission.

The priority issues for the Tamil people of the North and East are find solutions to the problems they face as a result of the war. These include loss of land and livelihood, loss of family members who are missing and unaccounted for, and the desire to live in a non-militarised area. Underlying these needs is the desire to obtain political rights for which generations of Tamil leaders have fought for, including the LTTE, which they consider to be a supreme sacrifice. Just as much as the government needs to show results that are meaningful to the people in the south, so do those who lead the Tamil people need to show that they are achieving results that are meaningful to the people in the north. It is not possible to insulate political developments in the north from those in the south, and vice versa. The government needs to think holistically when it makes its plans for the future.

Local Government Elections in Sri Lanka and Lessons to be Learnt

While the opposition at the macro level made the local government elections into a so-called referendum, at the micro level, they engaged all the beneficiaries of economic inducements during the time they were in power to canvass votes of the villagers.

by Dr Lionel Bopage- Feb 27, 2018

Feb 27, 2018

(February 27, 2018, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) The political turmoil and the prolonged period of uncertainty in Sri Lanka that followed the February 10 local government elections appear to have subsided, but the urgent measures needed to address its causes are yet to be taken. If those causes are to remain in the coming years, the future of the current regime and the country could be doomed for a long time to come. It is no secret that since coming to power, the two main parties in the regime have been trying to out manoeuvre each other. There is no evidence yet that this has ceased, unless the President separates his political functions as the leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) and his constitutional functions as the head of state, while the Prime Minister stops relying on his classmates as the sole people who are capable and skilled.

During the local government elections, the leaders of the regime were on a suicidal mission; with the President, in particular, attacking his Prime Minister from the United National Party (UNP) on corruption whilst being silent about massive corruption of other politicians. The opposition in the guise of Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), meanwhile styled its campaign as a referendum and based it on creating an irrational fear of an imminent threat of division of the country through a non-existent but yet to be developed constitution.

It is unprecedented and extraordinary in Sri Lanka’s history, for a President with the support of the opposition, to go on an all-out campaign to sack his Prime Minister, thus plunging the country from one political crisis to another. These attacks went on until the President found out that under the 19th Amendment, he cannot sack a Prime Minister from office.

The origins of this crisis go back to the immediate aftermath of the 2015 Presidential Elections. The leaders of the new regime discarded their ‘good governance’ message and its promises. The leader of each of the two major parties wanted to undermine the other for an opportunistic power grab for their respective parties. The process commenced almost simultaneously with the Prime Minister making arbitrary decisions on state and major fiscal appointments (of course with President’s concurrence) and the President launching his campaign to take over the leadership of his Party.

Nevertheless, due to the subsequent poor Election results, the ministerial portfolios were expanded to more than hundred ministries with many of those who had worked against ‘good governance’ policies as well as some of those whom the people rejected at the elections being included. The decision-making process of the regime became cumbersome and unnecessarily slow, thus hindering effective governance.

This was an ideal environment for corruption to escalate. Both leaders and others of the regime appear to have intervened in bending judicial procedures for the many, who had allegedly been directly involved in massive corruption rackets and atrocious and heinous criminal activities during the last decade or so. This has become an open secret in many circles of the elite. The government postponed local government elections for two years under various pretexts.

While the opposition at the macro level made the local government elections into a so-called referendum, at the micro level, they engaged all the beneficiaries of economic inducements during the time they were in power to canvass votes of the villagers. Religious places had allegedly been used to canvass against a non-existent new constitution on the pretext that it will pave the way for the division of the country. Despite the SLPP’s previous avatar, the UPFA promising to change the constitution through a Constitutional Assembly and to work towards reconciliation. The ruling parties not only failed to counter the false propaganda and the electoral strategy of the opposition, but also did not convey any positive message for the people to follow through.

The local government election results have been interpreted in many ways. As a single party the United National Party lost almost 13 percent of the total vote. However, if all the parties that contributed to the regime change in 2015, the non-opposition political entities have lost about four percent, but maintained almost 55 percent of the vote. Whatever the interpretations are, the government was elected in 2015 for a five-year period with a mandate to remain in power till 2020. The local government election results do not annul this constitutional fact. The regime reflected a continuation of the past in terms of corrupt and discriminatory practices. On top of this, if the parties in the regime themselves cannot practice reconciliation, what can one expect in terms of reconciling the country.

Yet, most will agree that despite the many teething issues of the new electoral system, the election itself was a reasonably peaceful affair. The election commission was not unduly pressurised or manipulated when conducting its independent work. It was also observed that the security forces acting independently without any political interference resulting in people exercising their freedom. The Police also conducted to a large extent, their duties maintaining their independence. Elections for six Provincial Councils are scheduled to be held in September this year. If the parties in the regime have learnt any lessons from their experience, they should not make any attempts to postpone them.

The need for the remaining period of this regime is to practically demonstrate their renewed political commitment to good governance and reconciliation. The progress on reform and reconciliation in almost all areas was sluggish, despite enacting certain legislation like the Right to Information and the Office of Missing Persons and appointing members to independent commissions established under the Constitutional Council. Yet, the appropriate legislation are yet to be implemented by providing sufficient resources. The Commissions appear to be more window dressings rather than with any teeth that bite.

The government, if it wishes to survive any future challenges, has to change its modus operandi by recommitting itself to fearlessly and unbiasedly carrying out its 2015 election pledges. The pledges made in terms of handling corruption and criminality, making government service provisions more accessible and efficient, allowing the economic benefits to flow onto the grass roots and implementing anti-discriminatory measures to ensure fairness and equity. Reconciliation and constitution making can only progress on a consensual basis, but by challenging the false propaganda head on and defeating it from influencing the society at large.

We of the Australian Advocacy for Good Governance in Sri Lanka (AAGGSL) call upon the government to fulfil the pledges it made in 2015. Even some of those who voted for the opposition would not oppose a political solution through participation and consultation to build a general consensus in society. The government was elected to power to address the concerns of the people and to fortify good governance, democracy and rule of law. This needs steadfast commitment of the political leadership to handle issues of corruption and criminality, to making the services of state institutions more easily accessible and efficient and to making demonstrated efforts for taking care of the marginalized in the Lankan society. Unless the current regime differentiates itself from the previous ones by adhering to democratic, ethical and equitable practices and rule of law and constitution, citizens will continue to rebuke and castigate it in the future. We urge the government to pursue the constitutional amendment process as a matter of urgency.

The writer, President, Australian Advocacy for Good Governance in Sri Lanka

Sri Lankan politics needs a feminine touch

2018-02-27

A woman’s role in Sri Lankan politics is yet to be cemented despite all the assurances given that female representation would be increased in Local Government (LG) bodies.   

Most political parties still believe that a woman candidate can’t generate a huge number of votes compared to a male candidate. Sri Lankan politics is male dominated and it’s so hard for a female candidate to break this trend and make voters think differently. The Elections Commissioner recently said that 25% female representation is not possible in at least 10 LG bodies, in the north and the east.  

The role of women in politics never became such a hot topic as during the recently concluded LG Elections. We even saw the first female from the Vedda community, W. M. Shiromala, garnering enough votes to win a combined seat in the Henanigala North-South Division.   

All this go on to underscore that despite women having similar credentials as men, the former have been undermined largely due to male chauvinism.   

Woman having the ability to deliver a child after a nine-month pregnancy period is enough qualification that a female can bear all hardships and challenges politics throws at her. A key factor used against women is that they have household responsibilities, hence they can’t devote the time needed to work for the society and win public support.   

This writer knows of a popular gymnasium in Kotte which is frequented by some politicians. One politician, who trains there, is often reminded by his security officer, when training concludes, that he has to make a visit to four or five funeral houses that evening. He is also told that he has to have a meal in some of the selected funeral houses, because neglecting this duty, at these places, would diminish the support he has in the area. Can a women candidate afford to return home late in the night, after making visits to several funeral houses, if she is a married and loaded with household responsibilities?  

• It goes without saying that females have been subject to the mental bondage of men, especially in families which have a political history that’s 
  deep-rooted
• Males are often uneasy when females entering the political scene are both educated 
  and capable
• The trend now is for women to postpone marriage and think seriously about career 
  and education

Mental bondage 

Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Sri Lanka’s first female head of state Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike were exceptions. But they too were in the shadows of their husbands when their better halves were at the peak of their political careers. It goes without saying that females have been subject to the mental bondage of men, especially in families which have a political history that’s deep-rooted.   

It’s interesting to note that the female to male workforce partnership in the island is 40.2%. This is despite female graduates outnumbering their male colleagues when the time comes for graduation. Males are often uneasy when females entering the political scene are both educated and capable. For the record, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa invited so many female artistes to take to politics, but the capacity of those invited were below par.   

Those female politicians, despite garnered enough votes, failed miserably in understanding the role of a politician.   

Sri Lanka is still a nation that views women as objects of pleasure or targets which one be subject to fun. The several cases of sexual harassment at work places confirm this. There have been occasions when women have been ridiculed or tormented in parliament, when their turn came to air views in a male dominated atmosphere. If this is the type of respect that’s shown to women in the supreme most place in Sri Lankan administration, we can just imagine what a women is in for when she steps into society!  

‘Animal’ world 

Politicians like UNP’s Rosy Senanayake have shown the potential for a female to survive in this animal world of politics. Her charming looks and upbringing as a village educated lass have not hindered her one bit when she has to put things in order. Her gift of the gab too has helped her as much as it has driven fear into her detractors. Sri Lanka’s female politicians need more of her kind. In this context we also must commend the roles played by Sudarshini Fernandopulle, Srimani Athulathmudali and Ferial Ashroff in Sri Lankan politics.   

Female representation in the national legislature is low as 6% despite 51% of the Sri Lankan population comprising the fairer sex. Women’s participation in Sri Lankan politics is unimpressive when compared to that of countries like Nepal, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bangladesh and India.   

The recent LG polls gave us a good indication that the women’s role in politics would be enhanced. This time we saw academics entering the fray and most of them came up with the views that could make Sri Lanka a better place for all communities to live in.   

The trend now is for women to postpone marriage and think seriously about career and education. As a result most academic women are in their late 30s when they enter wedlock. It’s quite possible that we might see in the future politically minded women channeling all their energies and time to earn slots as representatives of the national legislature.   

Sri Lankan politics needs a feminine touch by those who can give the men folk a run for their money!   

Deceptive Cabinet Reshuffle – No Lesson Learnt

By Latheef Farook –FEBRUARY 27, 2018

This week’s deceptive cabinet reshuffle reminds us the age old adage of changing pillows for headache. It also indicates that President Maithripala Sirisena learnt no lesson from the verdict of the people in the 10 February 2018 local government elections and failed to understand the mood of the people.

Many in the civil society who are keen on bringing the corrupt, criminals, fraudsters and other such rogues who brought the country to its miserable state expected some move to expedite the process of bringing them to justice.This week’s deceptive cabinet reshuffle reminds us the age old adage of changing pillows for headache. It also indicates that President Maithripala Sirisena learnt no lesson from the verdict of the people in the 10 February 2018 local government elections and failed to understand the mood of the people.

Those who are keen on restoring law and order as a prelude to move ahead were of the opinion that the only person who could clean up the country of corruption and crime is General Sarath Fonsekawho is credited with the ending of the 30 year ethnic conflict.

When General Fonseka himself offered to undertake the task there was spontaneous response in the civil society. Even those who voted against the government in the recent local government elections responded positively to the move.

When there was speculation about cabinet reshuffle influential Purawesi Balaya urged the Government to appoint General Fonseka as minister of law and bring the law enforcement authorities under him.

Highlighting the importance of this move senior university lecturer Ven. Dambara Amila Thero urged the government to appoint Fonseka as law minister to expedite high profile investigations against the Rajapaksa regime which were long delayed.

Insisting on the need to establish an operational command term for six months for Sarath Fonseka to put things in order, he expressed deep disappointment with yahapalanaya administration’s failure to take the Rajapaksas before the judiciary.

However these saner voices were ignored and hopes of people were dashed as very ministers who were accused of corruption and fraud remain in the newly reshuffled cabinet. It seems holding on to power, positions and enjoy perks were given top priority than cleaning up the country of the interest of the country.

Reiterating this columnist Dr Mareena Thaha Refai urged in her letter to the editor column in the Daily Mirror this week for President Sirisena to pay attention to the wakeup call-referring to recent local government elections results.

It appears  politics and power have become the exclusive privilege of the two major political parties-United National Party and Sri Lanka Freedom Party – which ruled and created the mess which the country is passing through

This also sent another message to the country – that the President Sirisena has not opened his eyes and understand that people are not happy with the way the country is being run.

Both President Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe formed what has been described as the unity government. Three years later today this so called unity seems to be distant dream and they both have miserably let down the country.

The way President Sirisena openly criticized Prime Minister Ranil Wickreamesinghe during the recent local government election speak volume for how the two let down the people who voted them to power. The tragedy is that despite all these open criticism the two have decided to form a government and work together. It is fast becoming clear that this unity is unity written in the sands.

On the other hand bond scam and the reported involvement of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in the bond scam controversy remains fresh in the minds of people as the media went to town with it. This was even debated in the parliament. Under such circumstance it is difficult to understand the logic behind President Sirisena appointing Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe as the Law and Order Minister.

Though people demonstrated their dissatisfaction with the government which remains in disarray it appears that external forces such as United States-Israeli and Indian Axis wanted this extremely pro-western government to continue in view of the importance of this island to their political and military goals in the Indian Ocean.

It is common knowledge that former President Mahinda Rajapaksa would do anything and everything possible to come to power again.

For example the election held on 10 February was local government elections. However former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, using his racist media mercenaries, began to project as if he was elected as president of the country. They began to play psychological game to hoodwink the people who still remembers the days of Rajapaksa era white van and other atrocities.

In the midst there were reports saying that former Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa stating that he cannot become prime minister of Sri Lanka as he is a citizen of United States. The question is who offered him the post of prime minister.

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Pressure and pleasure of producing leaders

 Tuesday, 27 February 2018

Producing leaders has become a national priority in a context where there are more laggards then leaders in critical positions. Among the many roles of a typical business school, enhancing leadership competencies of the students is key.In fact, an exemplary business school should be a‘leader breeder’. Today’s column focuses on the role of abusiness schoolin developing leaders. Let me takethe premier postgraduate enterprise of Sri Lanka,which has spreadits wings to the Middle East,as a casein point.


Overview 

Business schools are under heavy scrutiny with regards to their role and scope. Are theyoverly academic and losing touch with business realities? A popular article in theHarvard Business Review (HBR) by Warren G. Bennis and James O’Toole asks some pertinent questions.

“Too focused on ‘scientific’ research, business schools are hiring professors with limited real-world experience and graduating students who are ill-equipped to wrangle with complex, unquantifiable issues in other words, the stuff of management,” the article states.

That’s how theyapproach thewholeissueof missing therelevance.

“Today, however, MBA programs face intense criticism for failing to impart useful skills, failing to prepare leaders, failing to instill norms of ethical behaviour and even failing to lead graduates to good corporate jobs,” add Bennis and O’Toole.


Criticisms of MBAs

There is a wave of criticismof MBAs around the world. After the global credit crunch and the collapse of giants led by MBAs, this negativity has gathered momentum. I myself have heard CEOs lamenting that some of their MBAs know a lot of theory but sadly lack the practical approach in applying them to real-life issues.

Taking this issue in a broader perspective, an ongoing debate in the US has even reached a point to say that MBA-awarding business schools have an identity crisis. I am confident that we will not allow that to happen to us. Yet, it is better to be proactive than reactive.

According to Forbes magazine, business schools have always juggled two missions: educating practitioners and creating knowledge through research. Fifty years ago, as explained by Bennis and O’Toole, business schools shifted their focus from the former to the latter. Management became a science rather than a profession.

This shift had profound implications. Business schools rewarded professors for publishing their research in academic journals and their curriculum began to reflect the narrow focus of the faculty. Business school professors became increasingly disconnected from practicing managers and leaders. By the mid-2000s, it became clear that business schools had swung too far in one direction.


Back to brilliance

According to Prof.RakeshKhurana of Harvard Business School, professions have at least four key elements: an accepted body of knowledge, a system for certifying that individuals have mastered that body of knowledge before they are allowed to practice, a commitment to the public good and an enforceable code of ethics. Professions thus are oriented toward practice and focused on client needs. Above all, professions integrate knowledge and practice.

“We do not propose making management a gated profession requiring credentialing and licensing,” argue Bennis and O’Toole. “Nonetheless, we believe a useful step toward acknowledging that business is a profession would be to recognise that both imagination and experience are vital and ought therefore to be central to business education.”

Being conscious of these developments has prompted us to strengthen our practical approach with the necessary framework. It is not only ‘know what’ but ‘know why’ and ‘know how’. For an example, in all the research our students do, it is mandatory to elaborate on managerial implications and practical applications. The reality is very clear. We should not go off-track by producing leaders who are overly engrossedwith the complex theoretical world.

One dynamic CEO pointed out to me that MBAs should not be just about spitting out jargonand complex-sounding terms without results. Thorough decision-making, with information and intuition where necessary, should be the core. Confidence and competence are thekey. I amsoglad that the Postgraduate Institute of Management (PIM), being the nation’s management mentor, emphasises producing future leaders with a “global presenceand localpulse”. For us it is about sustaining the brillianceof breeding leaders.


Producing leaders in Qatar 

It was indeed delightful towitness theinauguration of the third batch of PIM’s MBA in Doha, Qatar. They as a study group would followa blended learning modeinclusiveof a monthly interactive session facilitated by a resourceperson fromSriLanka.

The obvious reason for Sri Lankans to go to the Middle East, including Dubai and Doha,is to earn. We had to shift that paradigm. It is not only to earn but to learn. I in fact suggested to them that it should be earn, learn and return. That’s where PIM MBA will come in handy.

It was last Thursday that we had the PIM MBA 2018 inauguration in Doha. The PIM alumni (PIMA) chapter of Qatar played a commendable role in organising the event. Kumudu Fonseka, who was instrumental in bringing Sri Lankan study programs to Qatar,shared several of his memories.

He commended the team effort of the Sri Lankan managers in Qatar for opting to embark on a study program offered by a Sri Lankan higher education institute. Martin Gnanachandran, Janaka McDonald and Dushyanthan Kirupakaran were the committee members of the PIMA Qatar chapter who should be mentioned for their commendable effort.


MBAs as effective leaders

Leaders make right decisionsat the right time with the right resources in producing the right results. That’s what MBAs should do. It givesus pressure to deliver results, yet the pleasure of reaping the rich harvest of effectiveleaders gives usimmense satisfaction.

PIM, asthe nation’smanagement mentor, has produced more than 300 CEOs and more than 3,000 senior managers during its 30years of existence.More than 30,000 participants have experienced the distinct flavour of PIM one way or the other.

From the process point of view, out comes and outputs are good only when the inputs are good. That’s why I am happy that I sat together with Jayantha Ranapura, our Senior Assistant Registrar, to conduct interviews of candidates who passed the admission test to get selected for PIM’s MBA.

The practice of enrolling anyone who walks in is for ‘study shops’is definitely not for us. Being the pioneering MBA in Sri Lanka and hailed as the best consistently, PIM has a challenge to continuously improve.

With rapid technological advancements, the need to have blended learning with the use of ICT tools is on the rise.Also, greater flexibility from the students as well the high standards from the institutions need to be maintained with proper balancing. We have realised the need to ensure quality and relevance at all times.Having a monthly presence by a Sri Lankan resource person in physically conducting lectures, supported by video conferencing and other e-learning tools, will be the way forward.


MBA as a transformational experience

The PIM’sMBA inauguration in Qatar last Thursdayprompted me to go down memory lane. I indeed went through that transformational experience. As I started off as an engineer and then switched over to management, I realised that an MBA would provide the learner with a holistic view of a situation.

In brief the learner would be able to enhance functional knowledge through a cylindrical view to broad business knowledge through a conicalview. This interconnectedness transforms the learner to appreciate other functions with a broader prospective or holistic view of the business.

A good MBA curriculum should consist of business realities, challenges, new ways of looking at issues and produce out-of-the-box solutions. From my own experience at PIM in talking to the alumni of MBA-holders, their single biggest factor which makes them stand out among their fellow peers is the “self-confidence” they have gained in experimenting, creating, innovating through new pathways and questioning the traditional way of doing things. As a result an MBA inculcates a mindset of tackling issues in an innovative and integrated manner.

Simultaneously, being an MBA-holder will enhance the market value of a person. As for the entrepreneurs, they will have professionals producing value for their organisations in a sustainable manner at the end of the day. The ultimate outcome is the birth of a powerful social network sharing calibre, leading to dynamic forces within organisations and of course pursuing higher benchmarks in professionalism.


Way forward 

It was Aldous Huxley who said that “at the end of the day what matters is not how much you know but how much you have done.”Simply, the MBA should not be limited to a paper qualification. The purpose of the MBA is to produce professionals not theoreticians. This is exactly where ‘having an MBA’ differs from ‘being a MBA’. Being brilliant asa MBA will bring out professionals who will possess a holistic view of a situation and hence will innovate new ways of thinking through the ability to think on your feet and apply knowledge more systematically.

MBAsshould never be Mentally BelowAverage. It should always be Mind BeforeAction. It reminds me of what Asian wisdom has taught us, the seeing-doing nexus. SammaDitti (right seeing) should lead to SammaVayama (right action). Being brilliant as an MBA helps the learner to see things clearly and do things cleverly. That’s where the pressure and pleasure of producing leaders really matters.

(Prof. Ajantha Dharmasiri can be reached at director@pim.sjp.ac.lk, president@ipmlk.org or www.ajanthadharmasiri.info)