Sadly, our island has in the recent past slid into a flat spin space, wallowing in hatred and revenge, and fear and greed, and a lot of negative energy is dragging our island’s spirit and potential down. It is a real shame that our elected national leaders cannot see the wood from the trees.
The people of this country wants goodness to return to our island and for us all to live peacefully and respectfully of each other, and mindful of the sensitivities of each culture, and also be cognizant of the geo political realities and also our own internal majoritarianism reality and also the fear factor about the narrow interpretation of democratic representation by restricting it to the divisive geographic constituencies to harness the electoral vote, and this model has only caused grief to our island.
We need to see the faults where they lie, objectively with the island’s overall good in mind, and not make it personal and get into the blame game. Time for us to stop this immature behavior and realize that each of our elected leaders have some positive side to them, and they can contribute those attributes only, and leave civil society to fill in the gaps, and collectively work as one unified team to help our island back on its feet.
We are so stupid to be divided on party lines, which, as it stands today, is a facet of sectarianism, where the political parties face off each other not just only on economic or social and poverty related policies, but largely on the sectarian construct of caste, creed, religion, race , and even secondary school. So they get nominated by their political parties to canvass for their particular caste or creed, or religion or race, and this leads to irreversible divisions as they sow the seeds of hatred in their campaigning.
I myself have been a victim of that thinking, when I have evaluated the imbalance in population growth among the different communities that live on this island, and clearly there are concerns, founded and unfounded, that is stirring a fear psychosis about future demographics of the island. This matter needs to be discussed frankly without hurting the feelings of anyone, and as a island, with limited landscape, water, and other resources, we need to ascertain our carrying capacity for human habitat in each geographic area, and decide on how best the land usage should be determined, be it for human habitat, or agriculture, or industries, or for transport and energy infrastructure, and other important priorities like catchment area protection, prevention of soil erosion, mangrove protection and replanting, and a host of more pressing issues.
There is a lot for us all to learn about our islands resources and its potential, and also the pitfalls, and not allow it to fall into a greed modality and only allow the development of our resources on a sustainable footing. We must realize that many overseas nations are eyeing our resources, and if we are not careful about how we borrow funds from international lenders, including bilateral funding, then we may end up in a losing position where we would be forced to sell our most valuable resources to square off the debt.
We have the next generation energy producing Thorium on our island. We have rare earths that so sought after for advanced components. We have titanium which is the bedrock of the whitening element in the paint industry, not to mention the more obvious light but strong metals industry. We have graphite that would increase the energy storage capacity of electricity in batteries. We have fresh water supplies in abundance if we protect our watersheds in the central highlands. We have enough undiscovered medicines and pharmaceutical potential in our soils and biodiversity rich oceans and forests. We are geographically located in a unique way and potentially control a sealanes chokepoint. We can hide nuclear submarines in our deep ocean canyons to develop our own defense to ensure security. We have phosphates, which is the most valuable fertilizer input that the more populous nations like China, USA, India and others are after. We need to realize that having these resources is both a blessing and a curse. Certain nations are piling on the debt and are happy to lend to us billions more in order to force us to repay back those loans with our resources. Beware.
Wednesday, 21 February 2018
Soon after the results of the Local Government bodies were released, it was reported that the President wanted the resignation of the Prime Minister, indicating that he cannot work with the PM any more. In return, the UNP insisted that the leader of their party Ranil Wickremesinghe should be the Prime Minister. Hence, it was further reported that the members of the SLFP were negotiating with the members of the Joint Opposition to form a Government. Ranil Wickremesinghe said at a press conference that he would continue as the Prime Minister in accordance with the constitution. He further said that rather than having a UNP Government, it is his view to continue the present Government. Impasse continues.
Ranil Wickremesinghe was the first to bring the idea of National Government. The UNP, when they were in the opposition, has given an outline of a future Constitution and they have taken it throughout the country. In relation to the Provincial Councils, it was proposed that the Member who commands the majority of a Provincial Council shall be appointed as the Chief Minister, and the leader of the political party which has secured the next highest number of seats shall be appointed as the Deputy Chief Minister. Under Executive there were two options, and under the second option it was stated that as a novel system, the executive powers will be exercised on apolitical basis and were to be subject to checks and balances.
“The Head of State will be the Head of the Council of State (which will consist of the Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition, the Leaders of the political parties represented in the Parliament and the Chief Ministers of the Provinces), and will act on the advice of the Council of State.”
“The decisions of the Council of State shall be by consensus. In the event of there being no consensus the majority decision will prevail. This will pave the way to practice Lord Buddha’s preaching on governance – peaceful assembly, peaceful dialogue and peaceful dispersion.”
This thinking of taking decisions by consensus was extended to the 100 day program as well. After the presidential election, MPs of the SLFP were trying to cross over to the UNP. This was not encouraged by the UNP, contrary to the practices followed by the previous administrations. In addition to that, the leadership of SLFP was given to the President and he accepted it. Thereby, he created his own powerbase, contrary to the position of a nonpartisan President.
At the General Election, it was mentioned that the two main parties would govern the country together in order to establish long-term policies, to find out a solution to the ethnic problem, and to have a new constitution. Taking into account the past experiences, UNP could have formed a Government alone if they wished to do so. The option of taking members from the SLFP was exercised because of the pledge to have a Unity Government.
Sri Lanka was in dire straits in relation to nation building. The country faced a thirty year civil war and prior to that, there were two insurgencies in the South. There were no concrete solutions given for those issues. Society, by and large, tended to forget these issues, rather than take actions to eradicate the root causes. Politicians continuously placed the agendas of their own parties ahead of the national interest. Therefore, it was mandatory to have a Government of consensus in order to find solutions to the problems faced by the country. This is the available democratic way to function. Even at this juncture, the Joint Opposition played the same role played by the preceding Opposition parties of the country, to obstruct the solutions to national level problems.
Political scientists opposed this unorthodox way of functioning of the Government. It was questioned who is going to play the role of the Opposition, which is mandatory in Parliamentary democracy. The role of the Opposition was played by the part of the SLFP, which opposed the way of the party leader. At the ground level, people were confused, and at the top level, policymakers were confused. At the ground level, members of the UNP were not able to exercise authority, although they won the elections. Defeated members of the SLFP were still in power thanks to the Unity Government. After winning an election after so many years, ordinary party supporters of UNP were not able to enjoy that victory. At the top level, it was reported and complained that the necessary power was not granted to the ministers of the SLFP.
At the end, there was no solution to the ethnic problem and no constitution was passed. The long-term policy decisions taken by the UNP were opposed by the SLFP. It looks like they have supported those policies since they were in the Unity Government.
The accusation of the President to the Prime Minister was that PM did not listen to him and PM has taken the Government forward based on his wishes. That is why the President insists on the resignation of the Prime Minister which created the present political impasse.
UNP is the majority party of the Parliament. Until such time they do not command that majority, Prime Minister would not resign. It is also not ethical to demand the resignation of leader of another party. It is to be decided by the UNP. If UNP can continue the command of the majority of the parliament, they can continue even without the support of the SLFP and Joint Opposition. Similar practice was exercised when UNP was in power when Chandrika Kumaratunga was the President.
Tenure of the office of the Prime Minister is clear in the Article 46 (2) of the Constitution: “The Prime Minister shall continue to hold office throughout the period during which the Cabinet of Ministers continues to function under the provisions of the Constitution unless he– (a) resigns his office by a writing under his hand addressed to the President; or (b) ceases to be a Member of Parliament.”
It is presently debated whether Prime Minister can be removed based on the words “during which the Cabinet of Ministers continues to function under the provisions of the Constitution”. That is why we need a new Constitution with a clear vision, rather than having patchworks to the existing one.
However the issue is this: the Unity Government was formed with certain objectives. It failed so far to achieve those objectives to a great extent. Apart from the solutions to the ethnic problem, and forming of a new Constitution, the Prime Minister and the UNP was not able to convince the SLFP-led inward thinkers that the economic policies advocated by the UNP are the most suitable to Sri Lanka at this juncture. Maybe some more time is needed for the debate, but by the time we resolve it we would have missed the bus.
The way of governing of the Unity Government was consensus but the two leaders now have disagreement. How can they betray the very foundation of the Unity Government at personal level? This is at a very deep level since one wants the other to leave. This in itself would be a good reason to dissolve the Unity Government. But it cannot be done due to Constitutional restraints.
If the leaders cannot solve their own problems, how can they give solutions to the issues at hand? If they cannot discuss and agree, how can they discuss with others and give far reaching solutions to burning issues of the country? Personalities should not clash to this level.
Therefore they should be mindful to the present moment and have a frank discussion to solve their attitudinal problems. Those should not be exposed to the nation and to the world at large. Finding out the reasons for the loss at the elections and taking corrective actions are secondary.
Sri Lankan politics is cheap. The depth of that cheapness is proof in the two stark choices that the people have now been given. One is the return of the old regime with all its nastiness. Forty four per cent of the voters had chosen that. And the other is to continue with the UNP under the leadership of Ranil Wickremesinghe, whose incompetence, should, more than anything else, be blamed for the resurgence of the Rajapaksas. Through his indecisiveness in governance, Mr. Wickremesinghe de-legitimized the whole spectrum of yahapalanaya.
Yet, even with his worst mistakes, the other alternative is cringingly terrifying. Mr Rajapaksa if given a chance will destroy even the modest achievements that this administration has so far achieved, and set communities against each other to strengthen his nationalist vote base. Some groups of Muslims have already complained about a new wave of attacks since the Pohottuwa’s election victory. Mr Rajapaksa cannot politically survive without feeding into xenophobia and Sinhala Buddhist ultra-nationalism. While, most of his voters are not bigots, a fair bit of his socially conservative vote base tends to overlook those anomalies. Those around him are political opportunists. They are there to ride the gravy train on their own and not so much to serve the national interest. Minister Susil Premajyantha has announced 15 more would join the JO this week. On the other hand, Mr. Wickremesinghe is a very weak leader to face off this Rajapaksa juggernaut. His ego and his preference to his Royal College Society at the expense of the competent leaders of the party had magnified his deficiencies. But, still, given the sorry status of our politics, he seems to be the only one available to lead. Speaker Karu Jayasuriya was mentioned as an alternative. He is, of course, a gentleman. But other than the charisma of a moderate nationalist leader, what else he offers, such as in terms of an economic vision, is not clear. There are others also vying for the leadership. They are poorly equipped to the job.
One would doubt whether Mr. Rajapaksa is really keen to be the prime minister of a minority SLFP government. More likely, he is eyeing for snap elections at the opportune time, when the government in power makes the current rot much worse
Mr. Wickremesinghe seems to have survived a mild party revolt, and also secured the numbers to form a UNP government. But, it is not yet clear whether he had dissected the causes of the failure of the first three years of yahapalanaya. If he proceeds along the same path, even if the government survives for the next three years, we will see the return of the Rajapaksa regime at the next general election.
To give the devil its due, Mr. Wckremesinghe is not corrupt, not a tyrant, without dynastic ambitions, and perhaps the only one who has a long term economic vision. But this is not Denmark. Sri Lanka’s social and economic conditions require certain other traits tolead the country to success.
And they are not necessarily nice ones. As Minister Champika Ranawaka has said somewhere, yahapalanaya’s obsession with yahapalanaya created quite a bit of anarchy in this country for the last three years. In our societies where institutions are weak, a determined minority can test the limits, escalate and bring the country to a grinding halt. It is these permissive conditions, and not so much so called perceived grievances, that created three insurgencies in the past. It is the same what happened in the past three years in a milder form, ranging from endless strikes and protests that had inconvenienced millions of people. Now, it is patently clear that the majority of the people did not buy the fallacy that freedom was chaos; they wanted order in the country.
Now, it is patently clear that the majority of the people did not buy the fallacy that freedom was chaos; they wanted order in the country
Then there was perhaps deliberate holding back of investigations into corruption blamed on the former regime. The latest episode is the arrest and release of Udyanga Weeratunga in Dubai. Not long ago, Gotabaya Rajapaksa brought to Colombo LTTE gunrunner KP, who could have given hundred more excuses against being extradited. If we are to assume Law and Order Minister Sagala Ratnayake is innocent (for that we have to discount that one telephone call about a ‘Nilame’), and the failure was due to institutional incompetency, still the government is guilty of failing to provide direction and oversight.
If the government successfully conducted those investigations, today, there would not be a joint opposition.
The government cannot continue this way. Neither can Mr.Wickremesinghe nor his favoured individuals in the party have decisiveness that needs to accomplish certain tasks that are paramount not just for the survival of the government, but also for the long term interest of the country.
Mr. Wickremesinghe can assign positions to people who can deliver with a degree of enhanced efficiency. Minister SarathFonseka is the best bet. Perhaps Mr. Wickremesinghe and his advisers fear the former general’s authoritarian aura. But, that goes down well within the conservative Sinhala constituency. That is the most crucial bloc of the Sri Lankan electorate and is also the one that JO would mobilize against stepped up investigations into its own.Fonseka can catch the crooks and also pacify that constituency.
Yet, even with his worst mistakes, the other alternative is cringingly terrifying. Mr. Rajapaksa if given a chance will destroy even the modest achievements that this administration has so far achieved, and set communities against each other to strengthen his nationalist vote base
However, Mr. Rajapaksa is way too street smarter than the UNP leader. He reportedly telephoned Mr. Wickremesinghe last week, ostensibly to discuss political situation, and according to Minister RajithSenaratne told the prime minister not to resign. (Mr Rajapaksa has denied that) One would doubt whether Mr. Rajapaksa is really keen to be the prime minister of a minority SLFP government. More likely, he is eyeing for snap elections at the opportune time, when the government in power makes the current rot much worse. In the time being, he would exchange his support in return for unofficial legal immunity for him and his family.
Assured by Mr, Rajapaksa, Mr. Wikremesinghe may think the threat for his premiership is over. But, actually, it has just begun.
By Shamindra Ferdinando-February 20, 2018, 11:50 pm
After over a week of simmering political turmoil in the wake of humiliating drubbing received by the two ruling parties at Feb. 10 local government polls, the UNP-SLFP coalition yesterday indicated that they were ready to continue with the yahapalana partnership.
President Maithripala Sirisena yesterday received a top level UNP ministerial delegation led
UNP, SLFP...
by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe at the Presidential Secretariat where an agreement was reached to present an accelerated economic development plan through the National Economic Council.
The Presidential Secretariat said that they had discussed measures required to be taken immediately as well as short, medium and long term strategies. Wickremesinghe’s delegation comprised Mangala Samaraweera, Sajith Premadasa, Rauff Hakeem, Malik Samarawickrema and Naveen Dissanayake.
President Sirisena’s team included Nimal Siripala de Silva, John Seneviratne, Dr. Sarath Amunugama and Faiszer Musthapha. At the conclusion of the meeting, the Presidential Secretariat said that the economic plan would be revealed next week.
The meeting took place in line with ongoing efforts to improve relations between partners. Sources said a cabinet reshuffle was also on the cards with leaders working on arrangements.
Regional Development Minister Field Marshal Sarath Nonsense has gone abroad amidst civil society grouping that helped the present regime to come to power urging that he be put in charge of Law and Order ministry to expedite cases against Rajapaksas.
Sources close to Fonseka said that the minister was expected to be back within a week.
President Maithripala Sirisena has appointed Chief Government Whip and Lands and Parliamentary Reforms Minister Gayantha Karunatilleke to oversee Fonseka’s responsibilities.
Ven. Dambara Amila thera on behalf of civil society grouping Purawesi Balaya that campaigned for Maithripala Sirisena demanded last week that Fonseka be named Law and Order Minister. An aide to Minister Sagala Ratnayake told The Island that the Matara District MP remained Law and Order and southern development minister though he offered to give up law and order portfolios last week.
Ministerial sources told The Island yesterday that they hadn’t been told of the finalized plans yet as regards possible cabinet reshuffle. Sources declined either to confirm or deny speculation that President Sirisena was seeking to bring law and order under his purview.
However, National List MP Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne on Monday said the President couldn’t act unilaterally in changing ministerial portfolios. Addressing the media at Samasamaja Piyasa, Rajagiriya, Wickramaratne asserted that the status quo would remain until the two parties to the 19th Amendment to the Constitution agreed on changes.
Since the last parliamentary polls in August 2015, the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government had removed two ministers from the cabinet Ravi Karunanayake and Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse in Aug 2017. Karunanayake had to go in the face of alleged corruption charges whereas the UNP demanded Rajapakse’s removal over his public criticism of the government policy, particularly in respect of the handing over of Hambantota port on a 99-year-lease to China and its foreign policy.
Although, cabinet spokesman Health Minister Dr Rajitha Senaratne declared last Wednesday (Feb. 14) that major cabinet reshuffle was imminent, the government was yet to reach agreement on changes. Sources said that even a minor reshuffle was unlikely until the Supreme Court interpreted the 19th Amendment to the Constitution in respect of the President’s power to remove Prime Minister. However, yahapalana proponent Purawesi Balaya co convenor Saman Ratnapriya later yesterday claimed otherwise on the basis of an assurance given by a top UNP leader.
Ratnapriya told The Island that they had received an assurance from the government that President Sirisena on behalf of the SLFP wouldn’t seek the Supreme Court interpretation as regards the executive’s power in relation to the removal of the PM. He said that they were determined to thwart the SLFP from undermining what he called 2015 mandate received by President Sirisena.
Ratnapriya alleged that they also intervened to discourage President Sirisena from proroguing parliament.
Commenting on proposed cabinet reshuffle, Ratnapriya said that they urged the government to accommodate at least a few new faces in the cabinet of ministers. Ratnapriya asserted that their efforts to convince yahapalana leaders to remain committed to the 2015 mandate had been fruitful.
Dr. Wickramaratne on Monday insisted that there was absolutely no ambiguity regarding the restrictions in place in terms of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution.
Political sources said the UNP and the SLFP had already effected key cabinet changes to facilitate yahapalana projects. Sources cited UPFA National List MP Mahinda Samarasinghe taking over ports and shipping ministry from UNPer Arjuna Ranatunga in May last year to highlight cooperation between the two parties.
Ranatunga received Petroleum Resources Development Ministry, previously held by Chandima Gamage, who replaced Samarasinghe as Skills and Vocational Training Minister.
Government sources said the SLFP had been looking for a way out of the crisis that was caused by President Sirisena wanting to cover up his party’s own defeat at Premier Wickremesinghe’s expense.
Ranil Wickremesinghe has been in the UNP for a long long time. The UNP has also suffered Ranil for a long long time. But let us hark back to when he made his push to become the Leader of the Grand Old Party and his track record vis a vis the voting block of the country. His base is Colombo centric. His thinking is Colombo and international.
Wickremesinghe
His backing and his choice of core appointments are also Colombo centric and westward ho.
When JR Jayewardene changed the system of voting from first past the post to proportional count of votes the thinking was that the UNP could never be beaten. But the people found a way around it. Since then the UNP has floundered only because the Leader was found wanting besides Premadasa.
You, Ranil was cheated of a victory to become President by Mahinda when he paid Prabakaran to get the tamils to refrain from voting. Them the very same Mahinda was able to fool the people that you were with Prabakaran at subsequent elections and you didn’t have the persona to prove otherwise. You had to bring in Gen. Sarath Fonseka as a compromise candidate to run for Presidency because you did not have the public approval to face Mahinda after the victory over the same Prabakaran. Sarath Fonseka was the foil which you could not be at the time.
That was with your approval. The next time you had to turn to Maithripala Sirisena to run against Mahinda Rajapaksa. Again with your approval. This time Maithripala won. You had the Prime Minister position given on a platter again. Not because of your appeal but for the vote base of the UNP. You misread the UNP vote as a block support for you personally. If that was so you should have run for the top office each time.
You could not manage Maithripala like you could not manage Chandrika. Again Mahinda was able to raise his head over you. Let us not fool ourselves that it was you who ran this government and not Maithripala. Your appointed Ministers had the key Ministries. You were more experienced than Maithripala. Now. after the local elections Maithripala too is not enamoured by you. The common denominator is you where the UNP faltered. You have not been able to muster your base vote. It has dropped down to 30-35% because the die hards do not vote. They do not vote because they think the UNP cannot win under you. Even Maithripala who won with the support of all the parties plus the UNP block vote who were inspired by Harin Fernando in Uva has become disillusioned by you.
Wednesday, 21 February 2018
Whilst Sri Lanka is grappling to understand how to structure the Government to run the country, the reality is that the pressure on the consumer purse is taking the country to the wire. Let’s accept the reality – Sri Lanka has voted for change and policymakers are not accepting this verdict and are holding the country to ransom.
It’s very sad for the country when we must now be working towards making Sri Lanka a 100 billion economy at 7% plus growth and working towards operationalising the FTA with Singapore that is coming to effect on 1 April.
Deep dive –
Q4 decline by 8.5%
If one does a deep dive, we see how the overall consumption in Sri Lanka of the Fast Moving Consumer Goods (FMCGs) has declines right across 2017. As per AC Nielsen data, from -3% in Q1 to -2.5% in Q2, then in Q3 the decline is stronger at -3.5% and 2017 ended with Q4 declining by a staggering 8.5%. This sure does not augur well for a country on an economic reform agenda to drive economic growth.
What is more worrying is the segmental performance of personal care which has declined by 3.1% in Q1 to 5.5% in Q2 whilst in Q3 the trend becomes acute with a decline of 5.4%, and in the final quarter the performance of -11.1% means that the lifestyle of the consumer is severely affected.
The voter turnout of over 70% was a clear indication of the protest on the way the current Government was being run. Policymakers are yet figuring out how to adjust to this decision, which only states how ‘product oriented’ the Government currently is as against being ‘market driven’.
Key issues
If one analyses the issues in doing business, the increase in taxes comes out as the first reason, with 100% of the respondents stating the same whilst the second key issue effecting business is inflation, with 69% of the respondents stating the same as a pressing issue as at December, 2017. Maybe the remittances dropping by 7% can be a cause for the consumption to drop in families where a person is working overseas (like the Middle Eastern workers) and the change of behaviour at the household end.
The problem from a Government point of view is that quarter after quarter in 2017 the above two indicators – taxes and inflation – were cited as key business issues and the issue kept worsening right throughout 2017 but was not addressed by the policymakers; which is why the drastic behavioural change at the 10 February local government election. What is worrying is that after almost two weeks there is no response to voters other than meetings on an hourly basis at the cost of a taxpayers’ money.
Country at ransom
- $ 3.8 bn debt
Whilst there are allegations and counter allegations on the reason for the current status quo, what people are forgetting is that Sri Lanka has to service a $ 3.8 billion debt in 2018 and $ 4.2 billion in 2019.
The Central Bank Governor has already issued an official statement that unless we have a Government taking control on the road map, Sri Lanka is heading towards faltering on our global commitments which has never happened before in history.
Industry related issue – tourism in red
In this backdrop, we see the non-action at policy level is now hitting the private sector P&Ls. The first is the blue-eyed sector of Sri Lanka – tourism which is worth $ 4 billion. The industry is virtually in the red as the room stocks have increased whilst the costs have spiralled to a point where the ROI does not make sense for an organisation to continue its operations in the sector.
The acid test is where we see there are three tourism properties on sale in the city, whilst in the eastern belt of the country there are almost 1500 entities in the market shopping around. Whilst the reality is seen by the industry, the policymakers keep highlighting the amazing arrival numbers which shows how distant the policymakers are to the reality of the country.
Tea industry –
Chairman resigned
If I am to single out another industry in this same status quo, it is the tea industry which is worth $ 2 billion. The arbitrary ban on the weedicide glycophosphate has virtually throttled the industry and Sunday papers reported that one of the most respected chairmen of the Sri Lanka Tea Board (whom I personally know) had resigned, stating one of the reasons being the issue of glycophosphate.
Whilst research cannot justify the ban, Sri Lanka continues to uphold the decision which once again indicates the gap between the policymakers and the reality. We continue to be product driven rather than being consumer driven.
What next?
Whilst the world is moving forward, aggressively driving Free Trade Agreement agendas, Sri Lanka is at a crossroads on what the economic policy should be post-LG elections. Whilst the FTA with Singapore is positive, there has to be significant policy changes to be actioned if we are to make use of the opportunity for the advantage of the country from 1 April. But the reality as at now is that the country is on a wait-and-see mode.
The author was the head of Sri Lanka’s key economic policymaking entity, the National Council For Economic Development( NCED), when the country registered a GDP growth of 7% plus during the years 2007-2009 and thereafter went on to serve the United Nations(UN). Currently he is a Board Director in many private sector organisations.
Rohan Abey Iriyagolla yesterday told Colombo High Court that Indika Karunajeewa, a companion of Namal Rajapaksa gave him a cheque worth Rs. 30 million to be encashed and deposited in a bank account of Iriyagolla’s company.
Witness Iriyagolla was testifying in a case filed against Parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa and five others under the Money Laundering Act.
Rohan Abey Iriyagolla, the chairman of Boston Capital Pvt Ltd made this revelation when the case against Namal Rajapaksa and five others for their alleged involvement in laundering money amounting to Rs.30 million through Gowers Corporate Services was taken up for trial yesterday.
The witness said a cheque (worth Rs.30 million) issued by Hovael Construction (Pvt) Ltd was given to him through Indika Karunajeewa of Gowers Corporate Services for encashment. In reply to a query made by Deputy Solicitor General Thusith Mudalige, the witness said he did not refuse to encash the cheque since Indika Karunajeewa had close relations with high-ranking persons during the previous regime.“I got to know Namal Rajapaksa through businessman Nimal Perera. I have met him and spoke to him over business activities,” the witness said.
The witness said a sum of Rs.24 million out of Rs.30 million was deposited in a Bank account belonging to Boston Capital following the encashment. The remaining Rs.6 million was given to Boston Capital to recover its office expenses. Iriyagolla said Gowers Corporate Services had sent five invoices on several occasions requesting to make payments for handling the construction works regarding a 100 GW of wind power milestone in Mannar.
However, the witness said neither his company nor the Gowers Corporate Services really engaged in any business activity regarding wind power milestone.
Further trial was fixed for May 30 by Colombo High Court Judge Sampath Abeykoon.
Four accused Namal Rajapaksa, the eldest son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Nithya Senani Samaranayake, Sujani Bogollagama and Iresha Silva who functioned as the directors of Gowers Corporation Pvt Ltd director were present in court when the case was taken up before Colombo High Court.
However, the second accused Indika Karunajeewa was not present in Court but represented by attorneys. At a previous occasion, the High Court permitted the prosecution to proceed the trial in the absentia of second and sixth accused in the case in terms of section 241 of the Criminal Procedure Code.
The Colombo High Court had served indictments earlier, on three accused regarding this money laundering case.
The Attorney General had filed indictments against Namal Rajapaksa, Indika Karunajeewa, Sujani Bogollagama, Iresha Silva, Nithya Senani Samaranayake and Gowers Corporate Services (Pvt) Limited on 11 counts under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act for their alleged involvement in money laundering amounting to Rs.30 million in a company (Gowers Corporate Services (Pvt) Limited) owned by Namal Rajapaksa between 2013 and 2014.
It was reported that Gowers Corporate Services of Colombo 5, is providing coordinating services to Sri Lankan Airlines. The FCID had initiated investigations into this matter following a complaint by Voice Against Corruption Convener Wasantha Samarasinghe.
Samarasinghe alleged that MP Namal Rajapaksa had bought shares of a company named Hello Corp and set up a company called Gowers Corporate Services while being an MP from the Rs.125 million earned through illegal means. Deputy Solicitor General Thusith Mudalige appeared for the Attorney General.
President’s Counsel Jayantha Weerasinghe appeared for Namal Rajapaksa. President’s Counsel Anil de Silva appeared for the third accused.
Counsel Sampath Mendis appearing for the second and fourth accused.
“I was taken to hospital without my consent. They restrained me when I refused to be medicated, and gave me an injection to sedate me. I had a full-time job, supporting my mom, and yet I was ‘diagnosed’ as having Bipolar Affective Disorder without a proper clinical interview or case history being taken. I had just wanted to move out of home. I was heavily medicated and sedated for more than a month. The psychiatrist rarely spoke to me, and a junior doctor only asked me two questions each time he spoke to me. ‘Are you straight’? ‘Are you a Buddhist’?. Shiromi*, 28.
Sri Lanka as a nation has come a long way from the days of Veerapuran Appu and Gongaale Godabanda. Wars have been fought, peace has been achieved, at least theoretically and we continue to be the resilient island we always were. However there are still issues that are pushed under the carpet, and mental health is one of them.
The dictionary definition of mental health does not fully take into account the impact of societal norms, cultural concepts, personal biases and prejudices that hinder an individual’s problems from achieving full potential, or from contributing effectively to his or her community. It certainly does not account for the crippling nature of systemic and personal stigma that surrounds individuals and families with mental health problems in Sri Lanka.
An individual’s mental health or the lack of it is only one part of his/her identity, but it often becomes the key attribute through which the individual is identified, and spoken about. Stigma can be systemic where communities, families and institutions perpetuate negative attitudes and stereotypes about people living with mental health difficulties. Systemic stigma often trickles down to cause personal stigma and this is influenced by beliefs about causation, and certain myths and misconceptions propagated by the media.
“I have been diagnosed with depression previously but medical professionals did not encourage me to go any further. I did not take medication because I knew my mental health was a symptom of something bigger. It turned out I had an autoimmune disorder that caused hypothyroidism which led to depression. It took other symptoms and two years of my own research to get a proper diagnosis. I felt like mental health professionals did not listen to me or really take the time to understand what I felt. While I displayed signs of systemic depression, most of them said I was being spoilt and that life is hard for everyone.’ Rushani* 30 Institutionalisation and stigma
We have moved forward from the days of pouring concoctions down people’s throats, whipping and beating, and the use of other inhumane methods to ‘treat’ mental illness towards more compassionate and scientific methods. However, institutionalising someone experiencing psychological difficulties contributes to the already existing stigma and discrimination surrounding mental illness.
Ward 59 at the National Hospital of Sri Lanka is one of the better known in-patient treatment facilities in the country. However, the dark wards with poor lighting, the condition of the washrooms, and most importantly, its location next to a garbage dump speaks a great deal about how physical spaces where mental health problems are treated contribute to negative attitudes and perceptions around mental illness.
It also indicates the level of priority mental health is given by the government. A visitor walking in to Ward 59 will mostly see heavily-drugged service users, bleak walls with peeling paint, and cold, clinical rooms. There is no warmth or comfort within those walls. One can feel the despair within Ward 59, and hear the echoes of convulsions induced on many a service user.
Another such example is the Office of the Judicial Medical Officer (JMO) of Colombo. Children and young people who have been victims of abuse, rape, and other heinous atrocities come to the JMO’s office for counselling and medical support. The counselling room is situated right opposite the mortuary. How can a child feel comfortable and safe in such an environment? The putrid stench of formaldehyde mixed with traumatic memories of abuse is far from healing.
The National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH), previously known as the Angoda Mental Hospital, is another pioneer institution catering to the needs of those with mental health problems from all around Sri Lanka. The stigma associated with being a service user at this institution is so strong that the previous administration had to take measures such as changing the name of the hospital to make it less stigmatising. They also opened out the institution for families to visit, and created user-friendly spaces for individuals to feel less restricted.
However, try telling a tuk tuk driver that you want to go to Angoda (not necessarily the hospital) or telling someone that you live in Angoda. The reactions are so telling of the negative attitudes and perceptions that exist around mental health problems in the country.
There have been improvements made to the infrastructure and facilities available within the hospital, but the care afforded to service users is something that requires evaluation. The service user-staff ratio is one of the largest in Sri Lanka, and there is so much that can be done to enhance the quality of life for service users seeking treatment.
Having walked around the hospital more times than I can remember, what I have often seen is a lack of enthusiasm and general apathy in the nursing and minor staff. I wonder whether they are also marginalised in their communities because they work with people who live with mental illness. I often think about whether that is a reason for them to appear so distant and disconnected from service users in their care. I believe that attempts at befriending, engaging service users in activities and interactions can really improve their outcomes far more than just prescribing medication and electro-convulsive therapy.
The stench of urine and feces is what you are immediately confronted with when you enter the geriatric ward at NIMH. What does that do to service users and their families, at least those families who don’t abandon the elderly? Service users often are seen staring into space, and the staff having a nice cozy chat between themselves. I often wonder whether the elderly are seen as hopeless cases, that the stigma seeped into every nook and cranny of the hospital.
Shan*, 25 was admitted to a renowned hospital in Colombo following a suicide attempt. The doctor who was managing his liver had repeatedly interrogated and humiliated him before the nursing staff. People at his workplace knew about the incident and questioned him when he returned, because one of the junior doctors who treated him was a good friend of one of his colleagues. There was absolutely no confidentiality.
Do service providers and institutions contribute to perpetuating the stigma we are fighting hard against, the stigma we all talk of wanting to end? The stories shared with me, for the purpose of writing this article, and from what I have seen and experienced as a mental health professional in Sri Lanka, all suggest that there is so much work to be done in this regard. As much as we boast of literacy and top class educational facilities, we also need to improve on our mental health literacy.
Stigma and the family
The family unit bears the brunt of caring for those with mental health problems, due to the lack of adequate services and professionals in most parts of the country. They are tasked with the enormous responsibility of providing care for those struggling with their mental health. However, there are legitimate concerns that most families of individuals with mental health difficulties face in Sri Lanka; “How will I get my daughter married, if people find out that my son is mentally ill?”. “What will people say”? “Will my son get bullied in school because my husband is mentally unwell?”
There is a sense of isolation and disconnection from the community, a ‘wall of silence’ is built around the family and their home, especially after a death by suicide. Funerals houses are generally empty, and it’s the family alone that cremates or buries their loved one. The stigma can be so dehumanizing that it causes families to shield members with mental illnesses from society completely, and can cause families to rip apart.
Stigma and the media
This is an institution that I always struggle with as a mental health professional, because there is a serious lack of ethical reporting practices for mental health problems and suicide. The media has been criticised for glorifying and sensationalising suicide and self-harm, and also for their apparent lack of respect for privacy and confidentiality. Negative stereotypes about mental health or mental illness are often portrayed in both mainstream and social media. The information given out can elevate stigma and also cause people to receive wrong information that can be harmful. Guidelines have been developed for the media on ethical reporting by the World Health Organization, but it is always a struggle to engage with the media so that they follow the guidelines.
Not only can following ethical reporting guidelines prevent mental health concerns from being perceived in a negative light, they can also promote positive health practices and most importantly help-seeking behaviour. Including helpline numbers in an article published about mental health or psychosocial issues can go a long way in helping people access support when required. Collaborating with competent mental health professionals can also a be a useful way of providing appropriate information to the public.
Stigma and discrimination takes many shapes and sizes, and it is one of the key factors that prevent people from recovering from mental health problems and often leads to poor outcomes in health and well-being. However, there are steps that we as citizens of this nation can take to promote better understanding and knowledge around mental health and also to prevent those living with mental health problems from being discriminated and ostracised in their families, schools, workplaces and communities.
It is sometimes convenient for us to blame ‘society’ for all its prejudices, and stereotypes. However, you, the reader and I, the writer – we are also part of society. Hence, it is important that we constantly reflect on our prejudices and biases and be aware of how we ourselves perpetuate stigma. We need to start having conversations about our mental health, and also create safe spaces where other people can talk about their mental health openly. I believe that medical professionals (not just those working in mental health) need to be trained to deliver services sensitively and proactively. You and I cannot do this alone – we need our government to support us. Those responsible for the health and well-being of our nation need to step up and take steps to work towards better mental health and psychosocial well-being for the entire country, starting from appropriate budget allocation and campaigning for mental health literacy.
We are in this together, you, me, policy-makers, law-makers, everyone. The onus is on us to advocate for and perpetuate less stigma and promote more understanding. The road is long, with curves and bumps, but as long as we chase after what’s right, together, there is always victory to be achieved.
If the content of this article caused any distress, please seek help by calling the following helplines. 0112696666, Sumithrayo, 1333, CCC Line, 0717639898, Shanthi Maargam.
The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption has taken measures to take legal action against 152 persons who had suddenly become millionaires but were unable to say how they earned their income say reports.
Cases have been filed against Politicians, Magistrates, Principals, police officers, doctors, Grama Sevaka Officers, senior state officials who have earned much more than their salaries and have not been able to say how they earned the money.
The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption has investigated complaints they had received, revealed assets and how such large amounts of money have been earned, taken statements from the accused and have filed cases against them as they had failed to show how they had earned such large amounts of money.
Rather than heeding the warnings from the UN to open up Gaza’s blockade and allow vital aid, what we have witnessed over the course of the last decade is a periodic all-out Israeli assault on Gaza’s vital infrastructure.
GAZA (Analysis) — Near the end of last month, Haaretz reported that, according to an expert hydrologist, 97 percent of Gaza’s drinking water has been contaminated by sewage and salt. The UN also confirmed that this was the case early last year, and clearly, the situation has remained unchanged even up until 2018. Robert Piper, the UN’s local coordinator for humanitarian and development activities, has called the situation “really very serious” and stated that “[w]e are falling far behind the demand for clean drinking water for Gazans.”
Honda has changed the venue of a motorcycle racing event featuring star rider Joe Roberts that had been due to take place in an Israeli settlement in the occupied West Bank.
Palestinians are welcoming the decision as a sign of the impact of their worldwide boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) campaign to hold Israel accountable for its violations of their rights.
But they say it does not go far enough because the event will still be sponsored by Israel’s far-right sports ministry and will now take place in a city whose mayor is involved in human rights violations and inciting racism against refugees from African states.
They are asking Roberts to pull out of the event altogether.
“The announcement from Honda that the motor race it sponsors will no longer take place in an illegal Israeli settlement shows the BDS movement’s growing impact on international corporations that are complicit in Israel’s regime of occupation, colonization and apartheid,” Jamal Juma’, a member of the Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC), told The Electronic Intifada.
“The efforts of BDS organizers in Japan and around the world through this campaign have put a dent in the Israeli government’s sportswashing policy, which uses sporting events to cover up its violations of Palestinians’ human rights.”
On Friday, the BNC had warned Honda that it could face “international boycotts” if it did not “end its sponsorship and association with this Israeli settler race.”
Japanese peace and human rights groups had also urged the motor giant to withdraw its participation in the event.
Over the weekend, Honda Israel abruptly announced that the event, scheduled for 23-24 February, was being relocated out of the West Bank, to Arad, a city in the southern Naqab region of present-day Israel.
Roberts told+972 Magazine that he had no idea he was due to be participating in an event in a settlement.
“I wasn’t given a lot of details in the beginning, other than that the track was in Israel,” Roberts wrote to the publication. “I would not have attended the event had it been in the West Bank.”
Roberts, 20, won the 2015 MotoAmerica Superstock 600 Championship. He recently signed with the RW Racing team to compete in the Moto2 World Championship.
Separately, APEX Motorsport Agency, which represents the American, sent an unsolicited statement to The Electronic Intifada in response to our Friday article on the controversy.
Roberts “will NOT under any circumstances” be attending events at the track in the occupied West Bank, APEX’s Eitan Butbul stated.
Settlement track
The event had been scheduled to take place at a new track in the Petzael settlement in the northern Jordan Valley.
The Petzael track is built in a so-called “live firing zone,” a designation Israeli occupation forces use to forcibly displace indigenous Palestinian communities.
Within the same “live firing zone” is the Bedouin village of Khirbet Tana, whose residents have been the victims of frequenthome demolitions by Israel.
All of Israel’s settlements in the occupied West Bank are illegal under international law.
There is a growing consensus among human rightsdefenders and legal experts that any business activity in the settlements is incompatible with respecting human rights and violates international law.
In an indication of the reputational damage that comes from any association with Israel’s military occupation and colonial settlements in the West Bank, APEX’s Butbul added, “we would like to ask [you] not to use his [Roberts’] name” in any further reporting on the Israeli event.
Yet moving the event out of the West Bank has not allayed the concerns of human rights defenders.
Far-right sports minister
The BNC’s Jamal Juma’ noted that the event will still be sponsored by Israel’s sports ministry.
The minister, Miri Regev, is notorious for her racist outburst comparing refugees from African states to “cancer,” and more recently for posting on Facebook a video of herself with a group of Israeli football fans inciting violence against Palestinians.
And Arad – the city where the Roberts event has been moved – is in an “area where Palestinian Bedouins are systematically expelled from their homes and their communities repeatedly destroyed,” Juma’ stated.
Moreover, the mayor of Arad, Nissan Ben Hamo, announced in 2015 that he would not permit Africans to move to his city and posted police at the town’s entrances with instructions to stop them from coming in.
“We urge Honda to end its sponsorship of the race as the only way to steer clear of complicity in Israel’s displacement of Palestinians and human rights violations. Honda must also refuse any association with the far-right Israeli government and its sportswashing of Israeli apartheid policies,” the BNC’s Juma’ said.
“We call in particular on Joe Roberts to withdraw from the race as Israel is blatantly using his good name to sportswash its crimes and blatant violations of human rights.”