Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, February 8, 2018

How Israel drags down human rights standards


Media coverage painted campaigners for Palestinian human rights in New Orleans using language borrowed straight from Israel and its lobby groups. (via Facebook)

Michael F. Brown Media Watch 8 February 2018

Opponents of the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement have long complained that it unfairly singles out Israel and that its advocates are hypocrites because they don’t work equally diligently – in a 24-hour day – on all other social justice issues.

This convenient argument is also applied to Palestinians who are unashamedly told they must work equally on other social justice issues before their own liberation.

Harvard professor Alan Dershowitz asserted in 2016 that “If there were such a thing as a BDS movement, if it sought to boycott, divest and sanction – generally – and sought to apply these death penalty economic penalties, it would be across the board to all countries in the world.”

Yet after BDS advocates worked in New Orleans with other community groups to pass a resolution – not referencing Palestine – that called for the city to review its contracts and investments to make certain they don’t support companies violating human, civil or labor rights, these same BDS opponents called foul. They then successfully pressed for the measure to be rescinded.

Retreat from human rights

This wide-ranging effort in New Orleans leads to what can be called Dershowitz’s addendum: Advocates, he maintains, must “always go after the worst offenders first.” And, in his view, Israel – notwithstanding myriad human rights violations – would rank “196th on the list” of violators.
One must remain frozen into inaction unless the problems of 195 other countries have been addressed first; one cannot even embrace general human rights standards because Israel would be included with other offenders.

Upon the rescinding of the resolution, The Electronic Intifada’s Ali Abunimah tweeted about the absurdity of losing out on “nice things,” such as human rights, because of the misplaced desire to protect Israel in the court of international opinion from the consequences of its own actions.


This is a very serious criticism. Israel is dragging down human rights standards because organizers cannot even pass neutrally worded resolutions for fear they will hurt Israel which must, it seems, be allowed at all costs to continue oppressing Palestinians.

Coalitions are confronting the nauseating question of whether Palestinian rights should or should not be openly mentioned because of widespread anti-Palestinian bigotry in government circles.

New Orleans council member Susan Guidry stated before the resolution was rescinded, “On its face, this resolution speaks to social justice and equity.” But, she added: “I believe it has been marred by being attached to this controversy. I think we should rescind it, do a motion to reconsider, vote it down, and then let’s get together and come up with a resolution that everyone can feel is for our good and is not pointed at anyone.”

In other words, including Israeli human rights violations – along with those of other countries – is enough to “mar” how we think about a human rights resolution.

But rather than “get together” to come up with new language, Guidry and her colleagues voted the whole thing down. Human rights lost out because of the insistence on an Israel exception.

This makes one frequent claim by anti-BDS opponents correct: Israel is singled out and a double standard does apply. But it is a double standard that favors Israel, allowing it to get away with human rights violations.

Intercept journalist Aída Chávez rightly points out, “Israel’s most fierce defenders have staked out a position in which no criticisms of any human rights violations are possible so long as the avenues for criticism might ensnare Israel.”

Perhaps the most telling moment in the whole race to protect Israel’s violations of Palestinian rights came when David Hammer of WWLTV reported that “the Jewish Federation of Greater New Orleans acknowledged that it supported the language of the resolution itself.” Nevertheless, it was one of the groups pushing for the measure to be overturned.

Anna Baltzer, advocacy director for the US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, who was present in New Orleans, told The Electronic Intifada that such organizations “smear BDS precisely because they know they cannot successfully debate its true merits and goals in a court of public opinion.”

Media shortcomings

US media repeatedly muddied the waters with the New Orleans resolution rather than clarify for readers the goals of the BDS movement and the history of the region.

Hammer is correct in his 19 January article in calling BDS a nonviolent movement. But he errs when describing the 1967 war, in which, he claims, “Israel gained the West Bank and other territories while defending itself from a simultaneous attack by six Arab countries.”

In fact, Israel initiated the attack against Egypt, seizing the Sinai Peninsula, and occupied the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Syria’s Golan Heights – lands it quickly began to settle in violation of international law.

This was no defensive war but rather a war of choice, as Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin admitted in 1982.

Yet in a video that accompanies Hammer’s written report, the journalist calls it “an all-out attack” against Israel “by six of its neighbors.”

In Twitter posts he refers to “anti-Israel activists” and an “anti-Israel group,” rather than allowing activists to define themselves as, say, pro-Palestinian freedom. Instead, he uses the defining terminology of the resolution’s opponents.

Hammer does say that BDS seeks to punish Israel financially for the 50-year occupation of the West Bank, but makes no mention of its other goals: equal rights for Palestinian citizens of Israel and guaranteeing the right of return for Palestinian refugees forced from their homes.

This is a common journalistic omission which is setting back US citizens’ understanding of the BDS movement.

Hammer does at least mention Amnesty International’s support for the resolution in a 24 January article.

Writing for The Times-Picayune, Kevin Litten is a rubber stamp for Bill Cassidy, a conservative US senator from Louisiana who used the vote to raise funds.

Litten quotes Cassidy claiming that “anti-Semites around the nation rejoiced,” at the resolution’s success. He adds, “As your senator, I will always stand with Israel and work to protect Jewish-Americans from the harm that BDS causes, this I promise you.”

Litten simply regurgitates Cassidy. He fails to note that organizations such as Jewish Voice for Peace supported the New Orleans resolution. Cassidy seems to think the Jewish community is monolithic and Litten does nothing to correct that impression.

Most egregiously, there is not one word describing the Palestinian-led BDS movement’s goals. Litten did not respond to The Electronic Intifada when asked to comment on his omissions.

Kevin McGill, writing for the Associated Press, largely framed the resolution as an anti-Semitic undertaking.

His first paragraph reports that “approval of the seemingly benign measure sparked accusations that [council] members had unwittingly played into the hands of international anti-Israel extremists and anti-Semites.”

At no point does the report mention the unambiguous opposition of BDS movement leaders to all forms of racism, including anti-Semitism.

The AP journalist does quote the BDS movement as saying it “works to end international support for Israel’s oppression of Palestinians” and to “pressure Israel to comply with international law.” He immediately follows that up by writing, “Critics call its efforts anti-Semitic.”

This coverage is as journalistically lazy and galling as saying that “Martin Luther King Jr. led a movement against systematic racial segregation in the United States, while critics called his efforts anti-white.”

The specific goals of the BDS movement once again received no attention.

McGill’s and AP’s tweets on the resolution are no better, limiting the scope of support for the resolution – which he dubs a “Palestinian-backed measure” – and putting the anti-Semitism charge front and center.
New Orleans Council rescinds Palestinian-backed measure (from @AP) https://apnews.com/3a8d1dbe1eb74d4cafb56219194a6c02 

AP South U.S. Region
@APSouthRegion
New Orleans officials have rescinded a human rights resolution that opponents say had an anti-Israel and anti-Semitic agenda. Supporters of the resolution say the mayor and city councilors bowed to pressure from campaign contributors. http://apne.ws/nPoCucX 

By contrast, no word appears at any point in McGill’s 25 January article to make plain the legally sanctionedIsraeli racism against Palestinians, or how for decades human rights organizations have slammed Israel’s violence including extrajudicial killings, torture, home demolitions and arbitrary detention, among countless other abuses against millions of Palestinians living under military occupation.

'On the brink of collapse': Gaza's economy reeling from siege and division


The Israeli siege, US aid cuts and continuing PA-Hamas strife have brought Gaza's already stressed economy to a standstill
The only food the Abu Rayyash family has received is grinded flour (MEE/Mohammed Asad)

Mohammed Asad's picture
Mohammed Asad- Thursday 8 February 2018
GAZA CITY -  At the beginning of each month, Muzouza Abu Rayyash usually shops at the supermarket next to her house in Gaza City's Sheikh Radwan neighbourhood.
But this month, she had to cancel her trip after the World Food Programme (WFP) stopped handing out food vouchers to 60,000 beneficiaries in Gaza including Abu Rayyash's family.
She used to buy cooking oil and milk with the $20 voucher she received. Now Abu Rayyash said her family of seven will be given food supplies instead. But so far, they have only received flour.
"Why should my children be a victim of politics?" she said.
'We have only two options: either cut down more workers or close our shops and wait for the prison'
Nabil Shurrab, clothing boutique owner
The WFP cuts - first announced in October and result of a budget deficit - come weeks after the US withheld $65m in funding for the United Nations Relief and Work Agency (UNRWA), in addition to $45m in food aid for Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza that it had promised for an emergency UNRWA appeal. 
These developments have only deepened the hardship in Gaza where an 11-year-old Israeli blockade have left nearly two million people trapped with little access to basic services, half of whom rely on aid, according to Oxfam.
And an agreement between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas brokered in Egypt back in September was supposed to bring relief, but the PA has yet to lift its sanctions.
Muzouza Abu Rayyash demonstrates in front of UNDP headquarters earlier this year (MEE/Mohammed Asad)
All of these measures together are leading many to question whether, after years of claims that it would come, Gaza is now truly on the verge of a complete economic meltdown. 
Earlier this week, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres described the Gaza Strip as a "constant humanitarian emergency" and said the UN predicted that the enclave will become unliveable in 2020 "unless concrete action is taken to improve basic services and infrastructure".

Growing protests

In recent weeks, there have been protests as hundreds of Gazans, from UN employees to truck drivers to shopkeepers, demonstrate against the increasing challenges they face.
"The economic situation in Gaza is on the brink of collapse. All the economic indicators point to this," Maher al-Tabbaa, director of Gaza's Chamber of Commerce, told MEE this week.
'The economic situation in Gaza is on the brink of collapse. All the economic indicators point to this'
- Maher al-Tabba, director of Gaza's Chamber of Commerce
Among Gaza's more than 2 million people, Al-Tabbaa said 46 percent are currently unemployed and 65 percent of live on $1.90 or less each day.
Murjan Abu Aser was one of 150 truck drivers who protested on Monday at the declining situation in Gaza which has resulted in a sharp drop in the number of loads they are transporting across Kerem Shalom, the strip's only commercial crossing. 
"I have a truck worth around $100,000. I do not know how I will pay for its installments," Abu Aser said. "I have seven family members, so I hope that the situation will return as it was in Hamas' era [before the group dissolved its control of Gaza in September].”
"We are industrious and we do not have political affiliations," said Nahed Shuhibar, owner of a private transport company. "My company used to transport 12 shifts a day. Now we carry only three shipments per month." 
Nahed Shuhibar and truck drivers in Gaza protesting earlier this week (MEE/Mohammed Asad)
"We have been paying a transfer tax for the Hamas government of $725 per truckload. Today, we pay four times that amount," Shuhiber said. 
The number of supply trucks entering the strip weekly from Israel has recently dropped from an average of 900 to around 300, as a result of the weak purchasing power of the Gazan consumers. Each driver has only three shipments per month, Murjan said.

Shops without customers

At Gaza's Rimal shopping area around midday, usually the busiest time of day, the area is half empty this week.
Many of the storefronts hang banners advertising major discounts and winter sales in an attempt to draw customers. Some have dropped prices by as much as 40 percent.
But Nabil Shurrab, 44, who runs a boutique with clothes imported from Turkey and China, said even with sales, they no longer have enough money to buy his goods.
A Palestinian vendor at his shop in Rafah in southern Gaza Strip (AFP)
Instead of running their shops, Shurrab said his colleagues spend their day at the bank paying off loans to avoid going to jail.
"We have only two options," he said. "Either cut down more workers or close our shops and wait for the prison."
One reason shopkeepers are feeling the pinch, said Al-Tabba, the director of the Gaza Chamber of Commerce, is that government employees have been not paid since last year after the PA cut their salaries, estimated to total $20m each month.
But Ahmad Majdalani, a member of the PLO's executive committee and close advisor to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, refused to describe the PA’s measures as "punitive". 
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"The authority imposes legal taxes, unlike Hamas, which was taxing according to its wishes, although Hamas is still controlling the Strip and refuses to hand over the keys to the current government,” he said.
Last month, Gaza merchants staged a full-scale strike and closed the doors of their shops to protest local living conditions.
Unlike earlier strikes, al-Tabbaa said commitment to the protest was high, which he attributed to fear of "a dark future which might affect the already confused social and political situation".

Serving Under Trump Is Not a Crime


Officials in both parties urgently need to assure diplomats that working for the Trump administration won’t derail their future careers.


U.S. President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson at the Trump National Golf Club in Bedminster, New Jersey on Aug. 11, 2017. (Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images)
No automatic alt text available.
BY -
FEBRUARY 7, 2018, 3:51 PM
It’s hard not to sympathize with the more than 100 senior U.S. foreign service officers and dozens of promising young diplomats who have left the State Department in the year since President Donald Trump took office.

The latest to head for the exits is 35-year State Department veteran Tom Shannon, the most senior foreign service officer to continue serving under the Trump administration. While Shannon cited personal rather than political reasons for his impending departure, he made his real rationale clear, “I want to go out living by my oath, which is respect for the Constitution, respecting our political institutions, respecting our values, and respecting the choices that the American people have made.”

Simultaneously balancing respect for America’s values, its institutions, and its choice of political leaders has become a high-wire act for diplomats in the past year. The State Department has been subject to hiring freezes, sidelined from critical policy decisions, and left out of the loop in dealings with key governments. Career officials have also witnessed a long list of once-promising policy priorities — many of them bipartisan — such as curbing climate change, advancing international justice, closing the Guantanamo Bay detention center, defending human rights, preserving the Iran nuclear deal, and opening relations with Cuba being thrown into reverse. Indeed, many diplomats are now being forced to undo their own work or sit on their hands. They have also been forced to justify and defend the president’s snubs of foreign leaders, epithets such as “shithole,” and willful indifference to diplomatic niceties.

The current administration has made the tough job of diplomats much tougher

. But U.S. interests now and in the future depend on having a robust, experienced, and committed diplomatic corps. Embassies with experts on politics, economics, counterterrorism, human rights, arms control, drug trafficking, international development, and an array of other topics — coupled with counterparts back in Washington — give the United States unmatched capacity to mobilize support, move international opinion, and respond to crises. In an era when cyberattacks, pandemics, natural disasters, and other threats can originate anywhere and spread overnight, the breadth of this network is invaluable. To let this arm of American influence atrophy would be a grave self-inflicted wound.
Another three years of the current trends could irreparably harm the United States’ foreign affairs apparatus. Civil and foreign service rules, seniority requirements, and other personnel policies mean that even a new administration zealously determined to rebuild capacity and expertise could fail.


Diplomacy is a job you cannot learn outside of government. While there are people with related expertise in think tanks, nongovernmental organizations, and the private sector, anyone who has entered government from the outside will affirm that one’s effectiveness is enormously dependent on the career officials who show you how to get things done. While a hollowing out of the diplomatic corps may feel like a well-deserved thumb in the eye for Trump, those concerned with U.S. foreign policy need to take the long view, doing everything possible to ensure that career officials hang in there and are still around when it’s time to help U.S. diplomacy rise anew.

During the months immediately after the 2016 election, heartbroken liberals and outgoing Barack Obama administration officials comforted themselves with the wishful mantra that “the career officials will save us” from what they feared would be a mercurial, cynical, and corrupt incoming administration. If too many of them leave, there will be no one left to help limit the damage when misguided U.S. policies lead to uproar and diplomatic rifts. In foreign embassies around the world, it is often American diplomats who demonstrate through their sincerity, reliability, and honesty that the negative traits associated with President Trump do not reflect the United States more broadly. They can quietly shelter worthy policies and programs from politicized budget-cutters. They can sustain vital relationships with foreign counterparts to keep cooperation and information flows from being derailed by insults from the White House. The continuation of this work deserves the support of anyone who doesn’t want U.S. credibility permanently diminished. That includes potential future senior officials — both Democrats and Republicans — who may one day inherit control of the U.S. foreign-policy apparatus and ought to want to keep it as intact as possible.

Individual officers will, of course, make their own choices, guided by considerations of professional ambition, personal life, and conscience. While no one can presume to dictate these difficult decisions, there are several steps that interested outsiders should take to stanch the bleeding in the foreign and civil service ranks. The first is an open affirmation by foreign-policy leaders on both the Democratic and Republican sides that career officials who do their jobs with integrity will not be punished later on for having served in the Trump administration. While foreign and civil service protections might ostensibly obviate the need for such a promise, practical experience suggests it could be useful, particularly for those in senior roles whose jobs inevitably depend on politics.

A new administration always brings a changing of the guard. New leaders want fresh eyes and perspectives

. When political winds shift dramatically, these routine reshuffles can take on a punitive cast. Almost immediately after Secretary of State Rex Tillerson’s arrival at the State Department, he commenced a massive purge. Assistant Secretary for International Security and Nonproliferation Tom Countryman, a venerated 35-year veteran, learned he had been ousted in January 2017 while en route to an arms control conference. Career officials closely associated with signature Obama-era policies including the Iran deal and the opening with Cuba feared that their work had become a political “kiss of death.”

The impetus to purge officials closely associated with a prior administration may be motivated by fears of disloyalty or the belief that ideological or strategic differences run so deep that professionals could not effectively serve two such divergent masters. It is not hard to imagine Republican “never Trumpers” who might help shape a future administration or Democratic foreign-policy officials wanting to decisively turn the page on officials associated with Trump’s “America first” agenda.

Instead, influential foreign-policy figures should publicly assert now — in the speeches, articles, and panel discussions in which they routinely communicate their critiques of the current administration — that service under Trump will not be presumed to reflect support for his agenda, nor will it be a disqualification for service in future administrations.

In making their personal commitment not to retaliate explicit, former and potential future State Department, Pentagon, and White House officials can play a role in halting the exodus of expertise that is compounding the damage of the Trump presidency.

An implicit, preemptive “amnesty” — in essence an assurance that career officials won’t be seen as tainted just because they continued to serve through the Trump administration — could offer a measure of reassurance to foreign and civil service officers now weighing their options. Staying in place won’t be a threat to their future prospects.

Another critical line of defense rests with those within the upper ranks of the Trump administration. After the president’s “shithole” remark disparaging Haiti, El Salvador, and African countries, Undersecretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs Steve Goldstein acknowledged, “It’s not easy,” and said, “I’ve advised people to keep their heads down and focus on the job at hand.” Goldstein and others should use what authority they have to protect career officials from politically motivated reprisals  and shore up the resolve of officers contemplating jumping ship. Those in the department who control access to short-term fellowships outside of government should support foreign service officers who ask for these opportunities, treating them as a long-term retention tool. Gen. H.R. McMaster, the president’s national security advisor, should vow not to preside over the degeneration of U.S. diplomatic prowess. After a long military career, he is well familiar with “stop-loss” programs designed to prevent American defense capabilities from degrading beyond a certain point. While the State Department lacks the coercive powers of the military to keep personnel in active duty, a menu of incentives should be developed to achieve the same result.

Congress also has a role to play. In November 2017, Democratic members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee sent a letter to Tillerson complaining, “The amount of talent leaving the State Department endangers the institution and undermines American leadership, security and interests around the world.” Sens. John McCain (R-Ariz.) and Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) sent a letter voicing similar concerns. Congress should call a hearing inviting recently departed senior foreign service officers to explain their reasons for leaving and advise on steps that can be taken to prevent others from following them out the door. If congressional Republicans refuse to examine this critical matter of national security and call for testimonies out in the open, Washington’s think tanks and policy institutes should do it publicly instead.

In generations past, when a senior government official resigned in protest, their action could sound a moral clarion call by calling policies into question and prompting soul-searching among top decision-makers. In the Trump administration, there exists no moral compass to be set askew by a mass exodus of top diplomats.

In the age of Trump, the greatest sacrifice an individual officer can make may not be to abandon a promising career, but rather to hang tough in a job that risks moral compromise.

The White House’s Rob Porter debacle is a sign of incompetence or hubris — or both

Rob Porter's ex-wife Jennie Willoughby told The Post in an interview that the White House aide was abusive during their marriage. 


“Rob Porter is a man of true integrity and honor, and I can't say enough good things about him,” White House Chief of Staff John F. Kelly said in an initial statement Tuesday about allegations that the top White House aide had abused an ex-wife.

By Wednesday afternoon, Porter resigned amid allegations that he had abused another ex-wife, who produced photographs of her black eye. And Kelly was suddenly “shocked.”

“I was shocked by the new allegations released today against Rob Porter. There is no place for domestic violence in our society,” Kelly said. But, he added: “I stand by my previous comments of the Rob Porter that I have come to know since becoming chief of staff, and believe every individual deserves the right to defend their reputation.”

Kelly was the man brought in to restore order to a White House in chaos. The Porter controversy has displayed once again how rudderless the West Wing remains.

It would be one thing for the White House to keep its powder dry as Porter faced allegations — to say what Kelly said at the end of his Wednesday statement: That “every individual deserves the right to defend their reputation.” The RNC recently has said it would let an investigation play out before returning money raised by its now-resigned former finance chair, Steve Wynn, who faces multiple sexual assault allegations.

But the White House decided to, instead, provide Porter a ringing endorsement. It opted to provide the kind of statements you would expect if they were convinced of Porter's innocence.


Images of Colbie Holderness after an alleged incident with her then-husband Rob Porter in the early 2000s. (Courtesy of Colbie Holderness)

White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders was just as effusive.

“I have worked directly with Rob Porter nearly every day for the last year, and the person I know is someone of the highest integrity and exemplary character,” Sanders said. “Those of us who have the privilege of knowing him are better people because of it.”

Exactly how these statements found their way into the public domain is something we're likely to see reporters dig into Thursday. Could it have been steered by communications director Hope Hicks, who is reportedly dating Porter? Was it merely an overreaction spurred by a siege mentality? Did Kelly, who has earned growing criticism for his comments this week about how young undocumented immigrants were “too lazy” to sign up for DACA (and then doubled down after a backlash), decide he wasn't going to bow to media pressure?

Whatever the case, and whether this was emotion or calculation, it is remarkable just how wrong the White House got this one. Porter has reportedly not received a full security clearance, despite his high-ranking role as staff secretary — a gatekeeper serving closely alongside Kelly. Both ex-wives told The Post that they informed the FBI of Porter's abuse during background interviews. And one of his ex-wives, Jennie Willoughby, told The Post that after she wrote a blog post about the abuse in April — without naming Porter — he repeatedly asked her to take it down and cited delays in his clearance process.

Assuming all of that is accurate, it's an indictment of how the White House handled Porter's entire employment and an even bigger indictment of the staff's initial reactions to the news Tuesday. It's tough to believe nobody was asking questions about why Porter hadn't received a full security clearance. But even if nobody cared to ask before, you have to believe they would ask once the Daily Mail confronted them with the allegations from the first ex-wife.

And if all of that is true, it's impossible to understand how Kelly was truly “shocked” by any of this. It's also really, really hard to understand why the White House didn't check to make doubly sure that their initial statements about Porter wouldn't come back to bite them — especially on an issue as sensitive as domestic abuse.

President Trump has repeatedly assured that he only hires the best people. This episode suggests the White House staff is either incompetent or has way too much hubris.

Cheddar Man: DNA shows early Briton had dark skin



DNA shows early Brit had dark skin

BBC7 February 2018

A cutting-edge scientific analysis shows that a Briton from 10,000 years ago had dark brown skin and blue eyes.

Researchers from London's Natural History Museum extracted DNA from Cheddar Man, Britain's oldest complete skeleton, which was discovered in 1903.

University College London researchers then used the subsequent genome analysis for a facial reconstruction.

It underlines the fact that the lighter skin characteristic of modern Europeans is a relatively recent phenomenon.

No prehistoric Briton of this age had previously had their genome analysed.

As such, the analysis provides valuable new insights into the first people to resettle Britain after the last Ice Age.

The analysis of Cheddar Man's genome - the "blueprint" for a human, contained in the nuclei of our cells - will be published in a journal, and will also feature in the upcoming Channel 4 documentary The First Brit, Secrets Of The 10,000-year-old Man.

'Cheddar George' tweet on early Briton

Cheddar Man's remains had been unearthed 115 years ago in Gough's Cave, located in Somerset's Cheddar Gorge. Subsequent examination has shown that the man was short by today's standards - about 5ft 5in - and probably died in his early 20s.

Prof Chris Stringer, the museum's research leader in human origins, said: "I've been studying the skeleton of Cheddar Man for about 40 years

"So to come face-to-face with what this guy could have looked like - and that striking combination of the hair, the face, the eye colour and that dark skin: something a few years ago we couldn't have imagined and yet that's what the scientific data show."

Cheddar Man
A replica of Cheddar Man's skeleton now lies in Gough's Cave

Fractures on the surface of the skull suggest he may even have met his demise in a violent manner. It's not known how he came to lie in the cave, but it's possible he was placed there by others in his tribe.
The Natural History Museum researchers extracted the DNA from part of the skull near the ear known as the petrous. At first, project scientists Prof Ian Barnes and Dr Selina Brace weren't sure if they'd get any DNA at all from the remains.

But they were in luck: not only was DNA preserved, but Cheddar Man has since yielded the highest coverage (a measure of the sequencing accuracy) for a genome from this period of European prehistory - known as the Mesolithic, or Middle Stone Age.

They teamed up with researchers at University College London (UCL) to analyse the results, including gene variants associated with hair, eye and skin colour.

Extra mature Cheddar

They found the Stone Age Briton had dark hair - with a small probability that it was curlier than average - blue eyes and skin that was probably dark brown or black in tone.

This combination might appear striking to us today, but it was a common appearance in western Europe during this period.

Steven Clarke, director of the Channel Four documentary, said: "I think we all know we live in times where we are unusually preoccupied with skin pigmentation."

Prof Mark Thomas, a geneticist from UCL, said: "It becomes a part of our understanding, I think that would be a much, much better thing. I think it would be good if people lodge it in their heads, and it becomes a little part of their knowledge."

Unsurprisingly, the findings have generated lots of interest on social media.
Cheddar Man's genome reveals he was closely related to other Mesolithic individuals - so-called Western Hunter-Gatherers - who have been analysed from Spain, Luxembourg and Hungary.

Dutch artists Alfons and Adrie Kennis, specialists in palaeontological model-making, took the genetic findings and combined them with physical measurements from scans of the skull. The result was a strikingly lifelike reconstruction of a face from our distant past.

Pale skin probably arrived in Britain with a migration of people from the Middle East around 6,000 years ago. This population had pale skin and brown eyes and absorbed populations like the ones Cheddar Man belonged to.

Chris Stringer

No-one's entirely sure why pale skin evolved in these farmers, but their cereal-based diet was probably deficient in Vitamin D. This would have required agriculturalists to absorb this essential nutrient from sunlight through their skin.

"There may be other factors that are causing lower skin pigmentation over time in the last 10,000 years. But that's the big explanation that most scientists turn to," said Prof Thomas.

Boom and bust

The genomic results also suggest Cheddar Man could not drink milk as an adult. This ability only spread much later, after the onset of the Bronze Age.

Present-day Europeans owe on average 10% of their ancestry to Mesolithic hunters like Cheddar Man.

Britain has been something of a boom-and-bust story for humans over the last million-or-so years. Modern humans were here as early as 40,000 years ago, but a period of extreme cold known as the Last Glacial Maximum drove them out some 10,000 years later.

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There's evidence from Gough's Cave that hunter-gatherers ventured back around 15,000 years ago, establishing a temporary presence when the climate briefly improved. However, they were soon sent packing by another cold snap. Cut marks on the bones suggest these people cannibalised their dead - perhaps as part of ritual practices.

Ian Barnes
The actual skull of Cheddar Man is kept in the Natural History Museum, seen being handled here by Ian Barnes

Britain was once again settled 11,000 years ago; and has been inhabited ever since. Cheddar Man was part of this wave of migrants, who walked across a landmass called Doggerland that, in those days, connected Britain to mainland Europe. This makes him the oldest known Briton with a direct connection to people living here today.

This is not the first attempt to analyse DNA from the Cheddar Man. In the late 1990s, Oxford University geneticist Brian Sykes sequenced mitochondrial DNA from one of Cheddar Man's molars.
Mitochondrial DNA comes from the biological "batteries" within our cells and is passed down exclusively from a mother to her children.

Prof Sykes compared the ancient genetic information with DNA from 20 living residents of Cheddar village and found two matches - including history teacher Adrian Targett, who became closely connected with the discovery. The result is consistent with the approximately 10% of Europeans who share the same mitochondrial DNA type.