Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, February 6, 2018

Jon Snow on his return to Zimbabwe  

Grace Mugabe delivers a speech on 4 November 2017 before Robert Mugabe’s resignation.

Jon Snow-6 Feb 2018


He threw me out in the eighties, and until now I had never been back. I thought it wise to wait until the old man had been dethroned, or had died. African potentates don’t come much worse than Bob Mugabe. A man who blew his formidable intellect in the pursuit of absolute power. One tends to forget his four or five degrees. But not his violent, ruthless, and once seemingly unstoppable reign.

Soon after arriving in Harare, I drove past his plush domestic exile. For he continues to languish in his opulent ‘Blue House’ in the outskirts of the city, where, for so long, he spent much of his Presidency. Today he is naked of power, denuded of title. But spare no pity but for him, aged and infirm he may be, but he’s wallowing in wealth – and the deal that brought about his defenestration leaves him safe from prosecution.

For his avaricious wife Grace there is no such amnesty. The forces of law enforcement are gathering beyond her tasteless compound on the other side of town. She is on a deadline to yield up her vast gains. Her ostentatious spending of this ruined country’s money knows no bounds. At the end of last year, she bought her two wayward sons a spanking new Rolls Royce each.  They were shipped from Europe through Namibia. As soon as they arrived in Zimbabwe, the sons set about driving them out again to put them beyond the reach of the of the State as it now seeks to retrieve the family’s ill-gotten gains. But as the boys drove the cars toward the border, one of them crashed it, rendering it a total write-off. Grace is unlikely to keep her pecuniary liberty for long enough to secure another.
Enough of the sad bad stuff.

For where once arriving at Harare Airport as a foreign correspondent was a nail-biting experience, these days the sparsely populated arrivals hall is ordered and relaxed. Flights are equally sparse and rarely full. But it’s here that the country’s biggest immediate crisis becomes apparent.

An entry visa costs $55. But does anyone have the $5 that the immigration officer needs to give change for the $60 proffered by the passenger in front of me? Someone in the queue finally produces some change. The dollarization of the currency a decade ago has proved a disaster. The introduction of the ‘Bond’ note to make up for lack of dollars has been no solution either. Having started at parity, it now trades at anything up to 1 Bond 50 cents for the dollar. You feel the consequences everywhere you go.

But these days, spirits in Zimbabwe are high. The old despot is gone, and that alone has raised hope. The fact that a lot of his old muckers are still around seems to do little to weaken it. Some of Mugabe’s old cronies are in post but no longer in power.

The whole country appears to accept that power will flow only once ‘free and fair’ elections are held.

Where once police set road blocks at intervals all over the country as a means of political control and providing themselves with pocket money, today there are none to be seen – to the palpable relief of the people. Today in the cities – Harare, and Bulawayo – once again you suddenly notice police officers holding up the normally wayward traffic to escort children across once ignored crossings to school.

Mugabe’s removal and getting rid of the road blocks have combined to add to the sense of freedom and wellbeing, even if the dire economic conditions are unchanged.


Zimbabwe is one of the most irresistibly beautiful countries in Africa. Despite the horrors and abuse in its past it is a country that presents as primed for success. Despite Mugabe, much of the population is educated. Indeed, for all the erosion of budgets, both Primary and Secondary schools continue to achieve high standards, with a remarkable number of students going on to University, here and abroad. Hence the remarkably strong diaspora of Zimbabweans who were forced to leave Zimbabwe in Mugabe’s time in search of a better future.

They also represent a real resource if and when the country really opens up.

In this, a country the size of Germany, the population is only thirteen million. Mugabe reduced a country of food abundance to an entity in which half the population depend today upon international food aid.

Zimbabwe’s relative emptiness strikes you on any journey you take. You can drive for miles and miles of verdant country and rarely see a soul.

Potential abounds. The Population these days is 82% Shona 14% Ndebele. It is a cohesive society. The bloodshed between Shona and Ndebele of the last century is stilled. Inter-marriages seem to have healed much of the factional past. These days there are fewer than 35,000 whites, and no evidence of significant inter-communal friction.

The country cries out for good governance and investment. Interim President Mnangagwa, despite his own chequered past, has made some intelligent commitments, but everyone here will take time to trust power in any form. Mnangagwa has pledged to allow EU and UN monitors for the election and has promised to step down if defeated. If he wins, he will also have to weed out the remnants of Mugabe’s tyranny. Good governance however needs a strong opposition. But no one has so far come up with a figure to either lead it, or even to win the day.

Nevertheless, the feeling I’ve encountered is one of hope that what you see with Mnangagwa, could just be what they’ll get. A sort of official acceptance that the past failed and failed badly. There have been signals too that have embraced the private sector, a reconnection with the UK and the Commonwealth; and becoming active members of the Africa Union. The Mnangagwa mystery is HOW, and How quickly, and whether, in the end if it is not he who prevails, who will.

If Zimbabwe’s natural resources, wide open land, and plentiful human capacity stand for anything; if the elections do turn out to be free and fair; then the future for this country could prove a dramatic contrast from its past.
Long denied education, Rohingya children start school in exile


OF the 700,000 Rohingya who have fled to Bangladesh, escaping a vicious campaign of ethnic cleansing in Western Burma, there are 450,000 children, most of whom had been denied a formal education under Burma’s system of apartheid.

With the help of non-government organisations and aid groups which work in Bangladesh’s sprawling refugee camps, some of these children are getting a chance to attend makeshift schools, and begin learning basic numeracy and literacy.

Since 2012, when Burma’s government imposed a system of racial segregation across Rakhine State, Rohingya children have struggled to attend school. The few schools at which Rohingya children could attend were drastically overcrowded, with as many as 90 students per class, and inadequately equipped, with insufficient desks, chairs, textbooks and teaching resources.


Due to overcrowding, students could only attend school for a maximum of half a day, with schools operating two study sessions – a morning session for one group of students and an afternoon session for another. In these schools, students were not allowed to learn Bengali, the language which the Rohingya dialect is based upon.

It’s estimated that 60,000 Rohingya children remain stranded in squalid camps in Western Burma, where they have little or no access to formal education, while a far greater number of children fled the country following Burma’s brutal military offensive against the ethnic Muslim minority. 
2018-02-03T145849Z_636829527_RC12BDB5C7C0_RTRMADP_3_MYANMAR-ROHINGYA
Thousands were estimated as killed by Burmese security forces in a government-led crackdown last August. Source: Reuters/Lynn Bo Bo/Pool

As thousands of Rohingya children arrive in Bangladesh after a long and arduous journey, aid organisations have been striving to provide safe spaces for them to rest and play. These safe spaces are essential to help children cope with the trauma they’ve experience, as Marzia Dalto, UNHCR’s Protection Officer in Cox’s Bazar explains:

“Play is essential for all children to build a foundation for learning, but it is particularly important for refugee children because of its therapeutic role. When properly managed, safe and imaginative play can help to reduce stress and optimise brain development.”
“It can provide healing opportunities for children’s emotional trauma and offer hope to break the cycle of physical and emotional violence.”
Children on the Edge, a non-profit child protection organisation which for the past seven years has been providing schools for Rohingya refugee children, reports that the many of the children they’re helping hadn’t been to school before. Those who had, said their teachers regularly didn’t show up.  Few of these children are able to read or do simple mathematics.

Since 2010, Children on the Edge has established 45 schools within the Kutupalong camp. These schools now “double up” as safe spaces for the hundreds of Rohingya children who have been arriving each day. Many of these children have witnessed first-hand the beatings, executions and gang-rapes which Burma soldiers have inflicted on the Rohingya populace during their land clearance operations.


Staff at these centres create safe environments where children can forget where they are and what they have been through. As Ayasha, a teacher in the camp explains: 

“As the teacher, we need to show them a smile every day. This will make the centre feel like a happy place for them. And then they want to come back again the next day.”
“We don’t talk about negative experiences. It’s too soon, We only try to give them a happy place to come”.
While in school, children are focused on songs, learning, educational games and drawing activities, rather than the ordeals they have recently experienced. The children’s sense of contentment is illustrated by seven-year-old student, Sofaya, “I like when my teacher plays games with us. She is fun to play with. She makes me feel better when I am sad. I like to skip rope. I learned to jump rope at the centre. It’s a very fun way to spend time. My teacher even tries to jump rope too sometimes!”

2018-01-14T000000Z_577134041_RC1FC1936570_RTRMADP_3_MYANMAR-ROHINGYA-BANGLADESH
Rohingya refugee children attend a lesson in Palong Khali camp, near Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Source: Reuters/Tyrone Siu

Schools and child-friendly safe spaces help improve children’s general well-being and provide parents with the opportunity to collect water, food, firewood and resources for their shelter, without having to worry about their children’s safety.

Refugee children who do not have regular access to a school or a child-friendly safe space, are at greater risk of being victims of violence, abuse, sexual exploitation, child marriage, child labour and human traffickingWith human trafficking gangs working in refugee camps to traffic young girls into sexual slavery, schools provide an essential social support network which can protect these vulnerable children.


In an effort to establish a sufficient number of schools and safe spaces for the 450,000 Rohingya children now living in refugee camps along the Bangladesh-Burma border, Unicef has announced an ambitious plan to increase the number of learning centres from 182  to 1,500 centres, which will be able to cater for 200,000 children.

Children on the Edge has begun establishing a further 150 new classrooms, which will enable the organisation to provide education to a total of 8,400 children.

“It is critical that these children who have suffered so much in this crisis, should have access to education in a safe and nurturing environment,” Unicef Representative in Bangladesh Edouard Beigbeder said.
This is critical not just to provide them with a much-needed sense of normalcy now, but so that they can build a future to look forward to.”
Children at these learning centres will study numeracy, literacy, science and arts as well as safety, hygiene and practical life skills. Following the traumatic events they have lived through, the promise of an education does provide them with a glimmer of hope for the future.

Exactly how long the Rohingya children will be living in these refugee camps remains to be seen.

Bangladesh and Burma have reached a controversial repatriation agreement, but without Burmese leaders altering their disdain towards the “illegal Bengali immigrants”, it’s completely unrealistic to believe the Rohingya will be able to safely return home, keeping the Rohingya children in exile for many years to come.

'I believed no man would marry me if I didn’t cut': battling FGM in Uganda

On the day marking Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation, survivors are educating communities in border areas with Kenya, where the practice is still a rite of passage
In 2009, when Rebecca Chelimo was 12, she was forced to undergo female genital mutilation (FGM).

Samuel Okiror in Amudat Tue 6 Feb 2018 15.45 GMT

“I feared abuse and insults from the community. I was told it was a shame to be an uncircumcised girl. I believed no man would marry me if I didn’t cut. So I did it,” says Chelimo, from her home in Alakas village, in eastern Uganda.

Uganda is one of the 29 countries in Africa where FGM is still performed, despite it having been outlawed in 2010. Compared with other countries, Uganda has a low prevalence rate: 1.4 % of all Ugandan women aged 15 to 49 have been cut. Yet FGM remains a rite of passage for girls particularly from the Pokot ethnic group, who largely live along Uganda and Kenya’s northern border.

According to the UN population fund, UNFPA, prevalence of FGM among Pokot girls and women in Amudat runs at around 95%. Girls as young as 10 are cut.

Anxious to ensure other girls don’t have to go through her experience, Chelimo, now 21 and married, has joined forces with other survivors to campaign against the practice in both countries.

The 20 members of the Yangat Youth Group are part of a project to “go out to teach, sensitise the communities and mentor young people [about] FGM and early marriages”.

Rebecca Chelimo attends a community engagement event against FGM in Amudat, north-eastern Uganda. Photograph: Edward Echwalu/UNFPA


“We need to stop the cross-border practice,” she says. “I have four sisters. I don’t want to see them or any other in the community undergo this bad practice. FGM is degrading and dehumanising. It must be stopped.”

The group undertake cross-border missions quarterly, encouraging efforts to keep girls in school and prevent early marriage. Illiteracy rates stand at more than 80% in Amudat. Chelimo is illiterate and any work is confined to the home.

A porous, unmonitored boarder between Uganda and Kenya means that people who want to avoid detection can pass easily between the two countries, making them much more difficult to trace. Kenya banned FGM in 2011.

“Cultures fear no borders. In many places, it is the same community living on both sides of the border and so it is easy for them to move back and forth … to achieve what they want,” says Joachim Osur, director of regional programmes and field offices for the NGO ‎Amref Health Africa.

“Countries have not come up with collaborative efforts to control cross-border FGM.”

Joe Komacke, Amudat district police commander, says his unit has tried to monitor and coordinate efforts with local Kenyan police to stop the practice. “But it’s hard to put an end to it. We can’t manage joint border patrols,” he says.

“We have a porous border of 150km [93 miles] with one known crossing point as opposed to just 100 personnel. Literally, you can cross into Kenya for the practice without anyone detecting [it],” he says.
According to UNFPA, the prevalence of FGM among Pokot girls and women in Amudat is particularly high, compared with around half of girls and women in the Sabiny, Kadam and Tepeth communities.

“The practice of FGM is deeply rooted in the socio-cultural ties attached to it – the initiation of girls into adulthood and thereby a prerequisite for marriage, sense of belonging, preservation of chastity and fidelity,” says Alain Sibenaler, UNFPA country representative.

More than 200 million girls and women are estimated to have undergone FGM worldwide and 3 million are at risk each year. The procedure involves the partial or total removal of the external female genitalia for non-medical reasons. Those subjected to the practice can bleed to death, or die from infection caused by unclean instruments. They can also experience serious complications during childbirth as well as pain during sex.

The main challenges in implementing the ban in these areas of Uganda and Kenya include the low capacity of law enforcement officers, harsh terrain that makes patrolling difficult, and limited resources. There are also reports that traditional birth attendants – local women who assist in home births – cut women and girls during delivery.


A group of former ‘cutters’ from the Pokot tribe sit together in Amudat, Uganda. They used to make 1,000 Kenyan shillings for each girl they cut, making it a significant form of income. Photograph: Sally Hayden/SOPA/Alamy

“Among our main concerns is the defiance of the FGM laws and the fact that the face of FGM is changing [to] underground FGM, practised at night, in seclusion and across the border,” says Sibenaler.

Komacke insists that police officers are enforcing the law and that arrests and prosecutions of perpetrators have taken place. “But the challenge remains with people’s belief in preserving their culture,” he says.

The practice is not going to stop overnight. Since 2008, UNFPA and the UN children’s agency, Unicef, have been working to combat FGM in six districts including Kween, Bukwo Kapchorwa in the Sebei region, Amudat and Moroto.

UNFPA has a two-pronged approach to the problem: it supports regional moves to ban the practice, such as the East African Legislative Assembly’s proposed sexual and reproductive health rights bill, which seeks to prevent child marriage and FGM – and it engages communities.

It says its work is beginning to pay off. Since 2014 at least 58 arrests have been recorded in the six districts, 32 cases came to court and 14 people were sentenced to between three and 10 years in prison.

“Countries need to come up with joint cross-border teams to monitor these practices – joint initiatives such as creation of special policing or border control units to monitor and arrest alleged perpetrators of the crime,” says Osur.

“The governments also need to fortify their borders and increase surveillance especially during FGM peak seasons.”

He adds: “There is a need to integrate the so-called cutters into the community by providing them with an alternative source of livelihood.”


Monica Cheptilak says she was the ‘chairperson of the knife cutters’ in her community before FGM was outlawed in Uganda in 2010. She displays the tool she used to cut young girls. Photograph: Sally Hayden/SOPA/Alamy

David Sempa, Amudat resident district commissioner, says a lack of resources is a key stumbling block. “Unfortunately, our efforts to end the practice are being hampered by lack of the radio station. We can’t communicate and sensitise the community,” he says.

Thomas Lotongar, assistant chief in Konya Division in Kenya, says more rescue centres are needed, and schools must act as sanctuaries for girls to avoid FGM.

“We need to find more alternatives and livelihood projects like tailoring[or] salon work to empower our girls who run away from the practice to the rescue centres.”

As for Chelimo, she knows why she is so committed to her outreach work. “I want all my sisters and others in the community to go to school and study. Education is key [to] helping us to prevent them from FGM and early marriages. When they learn, they will be able to get jobs and transform this community.”
  • Samual Okiror travelled to Amudat with the UNFPA

In diabetes war, Novo Nordisk aims to break mold with new pill

FILE PHOTO: A view shows kettles at an insulin production line in Novo Nordisk's plant in Kalundborg, Denmark November 4, 2013. REUTERS/Fabian Bimmer/File Photo

Ben Hirschler-FEBRUARY 6, 2018

LONDON (Reuters) - After nearly a century building a company worth $125 billion based on injectable drugs, Denmark’s Novo Nordisk (NOVOb.CO) - the world’s biggest insulin maker - wants to prove this year it can transform the diabetes market with a pill.

Novo’s oral semaglutide medicine is important for ensuring the group’s long-term growth - a critical mission after 2017 results last week revealed mounting price pressure in a crowded market targeting the world’s 450 million diabetics.

Rivals, especially Eli Lilly (LLY.N), are watching Novo’s final-stage oral semaglutide trials closely, ahead of the drug’s potential 2020 launch.

The once-daily pill belongs to a blockbuster class of treatments known as GLP-1s that stimulate insulin production, the first of which were derived from the venomous bite of North America’s Gila monster lizard. So far, all have been injections.

While diabetics with advanced disease need daily insulin shots, those at a less serious stage start on simple tablets, with GLP-1s added as a potent new option since 2005.

Today, GLP-1s are embraced as a highly effective diabetes therapy and semaglutide, which was approved as a once-weekly injection in December, has out-gunned rivals in efficacy. But the needle is still a barrier.

“There is resistance in some patients to move to an injectable medication,” said Dr. Jason Gaglia, a diabetes expert at the Joslin Diabetes Center in Boston. “Once an oral is available I think there will be significant interest in it.”

If the data stack up from 10 pivotal Phase III studies reporting results in 2018, the new drug could grab more than $5 billion in annual sales, Deutsche Bank analysts believe.

Others are more cautious but investors overall are betting oral and injectable semaglutide combined will supply around two-thirds of Novo’s revenue growth over the next five years, according to Thomson Reuters consensus data.

That represents a life-line for Novo as it tries to differentiate itself in diabetes at a time when its smaller biopharma division is also struggling, prompting last month’s abortive attempt to buy Belgian biotech Ablynx (ABLX.BR).

LATE BREAKFAST

But oral semaglutide is no simple tablet. This is a big, complex molecule, known as a peptide, which would normally be destroyed by stomach acid and it requires protection with a special compound to boost absorption.

What’s more, the drug must be in close contact with the stomach wall, which means patients cannot eat for 30 minutes after taking it and the pill can also cause nausea, raising questions about its practicality.

Eli Lilly research chief Jan Lundberg told analysts last week: “It’s really a sub-optimal oral agent.”


That may be sour grapes by Novo’s arch-rival, whose own work on developing an oral GLP-1 is only at the preclinical stage.

But making patients wait half an hour for breakfast could affect adherence and is a concern for investors - as is the question of what Novo will charge for a drug that may perform as well as a pricey injection but looks like rival pills that cost half as much.

Chief Science Officer Mads Krogsgaard Thomsen said Novo would pay close attention to such factors as it tries to reach the three-quarters of diabetics who are not yet on injections.

“If we get the balance between the drug’s profile and the drug’s price and market access right then we can do phenomenally well,” he told Reuters.

NOVOb.CO

Getting this far with oral GLP is already a notable achievement, especially after an earlier oral insulin project was abandoned as uneconomic in 2016.

Still, the devil will be in the details of the 10 Phase III trials, the first of which will deliver results this quarter. Key trials against Lilly and Boehringer Ingelheim’s pill Jardiance and Merck & Co’s (MRK.N) Januvia will report later in 2018.

Most analysts expect oral semaglutide to beat these rivals in controlling both blood sugar and weight. The size of the benefit will feed into Novo’s final pricing decision.

“The highest limit of where we could consider taking the pricing would be injectable GLP-1 and the lowest level would be somewhere in between current oral drugs and injectable GLP-1,” Thomsen said.

SHUFFLING TREATMENTS

Doctors hope oral semaglutide will provide a new weapon to tackle diabetes earlier with a highly effective therapy.

But Clifford Bailey, professor of clinical science at Britain’s Aston University and Dr. Gaglia in Boston said price would be critical in determining its uptake both among U.S. insurers and cost-conscious European healthcare systems.

If Novo gets over the pricing hurdle, Bailey and Gaglia believe the new pill is set to reshuffle treatment regimens, with oral semaglutide being used as a second or third treatment option after cheap, generic metformin.

“It will certainly be welcomed by those patients who prefer to go without their breakfast for half an hour rather than have an injection,” said Bailey.

Novo’s nearest rival in developing an oral GLP-1 is Israel’s Oramed (ORMP.O), which has a product in early-stage trials.

Monday, February 5, 2018

TAMIL DIASPORA ORGANIZATIONS CALL FOR ACTION ON THE EVE OF SRI LANKA’S 70TH INDEPENDENCE DAY



Image: Lankan STF ( Special Task Force) soldiers take part in rehearsals for the 70th Independence Day celebrations at the Galle Face Green,Colombo, Sri Lanka on Wednesday 31st January 2018. (January 31, 2018 Lizenz)

Sri Lanka Brief05/02/2018

February 3, 2018 Honorable Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein,

High Commissioner for Human Rights Office of the United Nations,

On February 4 Sri Lanka marks its 70th year of independence from Britain. Historically, this day has been a painful one for the Tamils both who live in Sri Lanka and those who have been forced into exile by discrimination and anti-Tamil violence. Tamil dignitaries and politicians did not attend the ceremonies celebrating the event from 1972 to 2014 in protest for the exclusion of the Tamil population from the political, economic, and cultural life of the country and the elimination of protections for non-Sinhalese Buddhist communities left embedded in the constitution at independence.

Tamil politicians only attended the ceremonies for the past 3 years in recognition of the promises that the current government made about reconciliation, equal rights and a new federal constitution. Progress on these promises has been virtually non-existent and we call on Tamil dignitaries to express their displeasure at such stalling through re-considering their terms of engagement in appropriate ways. Tamil Friends of LibDem Not only has there been little progress on reconciliation, transitional justice and political reform, but serious human rights abuses continue against the Tamil and Muslim communities, as well as journalists, human rights defenders and political dissidents. The brutal security apparatus remains in place, undiminished and unreformed, if not as visible under the current government, but ready to be deployed as those in power wish. Extrajudicial executions,1 abductions, torture, sexual violence,2 illegal land appropriation, state-sponsored population movements that change the demography of Tamil areas, religious and cultural intolerance, language and economic discrimination, political exclusion and gerrymandering, appropriation of timber, agricultural land, minerals and resources of the sea under the protection of the state, fresh occupation of Tamil lands in the guise of expansion of tourism, protection of archeological sites and military needs are all continuing under the current government.

These abuses are exacerbated by the presence of one of the highest concentrations of military forces in the world by one of the largest militaries by population in Asia, most of which remain deployed in the Tamil and Muslim areas. Such a large military is a drain on all citizens in times of peace, but especially on the Tamil population as the nearly 100% Sinhalese security forces have perfected monetary extortion through torture, sexual violence, human smuggling & trafficking,3 economic strangulation and monitoring of all civilian activity. These abuses against the Tamil population, taking place in the aftermath of the mass atrocities during and after the war that ended in 2009, and continuing under the present unity government elected on a mandate for reform are understood to be aimed at the ultimate destruction of the Tamil community as a viable entity within their own ‘area of historical habitation’ on the island.4

This Independence Day 2018, the undersigned Tamil diaspora organizations appeal to the International Community, particularly the Western and regional powers with influence and involvement in Sri Lanka, to ensure justice and lasting peace in Sri Lanka following up on consensus UN Human Rights Council Resolution 30/1 and the reaffirmation of commitments made therein through HR/34/1 in March 2017.

The resolutions called for the establishment of a credible accountability mechanism with strong international participation to investigate the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during and after the war that ended in 2009. The resolutions also called for de-militarization of the North and East, a truth commission, action on tracing missing persons, reparations to victims and a political solution to the ethnic conflict that guarantees non-recurrence.

We bring to the attention of the international community that 3 years after Resolution 30/1, the Sri Lankan government has failed to implement even a single key mechanism for Transitional Justice. The Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)5 is still not repealed, the Office of Missing Persons still not operationalized, and the Special Court, truth commission and reparation mechanisms still not initiated. Your strong call in March 2017, which was echoed by several countries, for Sri Lanka to announce a time-bound action plan for implementation of its commitments remains unfulfilled.

Mothers of the disappeared have been protesting on the roadside for over a year on the lack of action, while Tamil politicians and civil society note the failure to repeal and the continued use of the PTA at every opportunity.

In 2018, we resolve to use all available diaspora resources to support action against accused war criminals in Sri Lanka through universal jurisdiction.

To this end, we call upon the international community to strongly act, including executing travel bans on the accused, implementing asset freezes on war criminals and human rights abusers, and seeking detentions and prosecutions when identified war criminals travel to or through their countries. As the long promised constitutional reform in Sri Lanka drags on, we ask concerned governments and human rights bodies to push for the incorporation of transitional justice provisions in the new constitution.

As Sri Lanka gears up for the 70th anniversary of its independence, democratic governments around the world and the United Nations officials taking part in the festivities must call for Sri Lanka to commit to a time-bound plan to implement the totality of the transitional justice provisions. We urge you in your influential position to issue specific alternative measures to address Sri Lanka’s non-compliance with the Human Rights Council resolutions, including possible referral to the UN Security Council.

1. Australian Tamil Congress (ATC)

2. British Tamil Conservatives (BTC)

3. British Tamils Forum (BTF)

4. Ilankai Tamil Sangam (ITS-USA)

5. People for Equality and Relief in Lanka (PEARL-USA)

6. Solidarity Group for Peace and Justice in Sri Lanka (SGPJ- South Africa)

7. Tamils for Labour (TfL-UK)

8. Tamil Friends for Liberal Democrats (TFLD-UK)

9. Together Against Genocide (TAG-UK)

10. United States Tamil Political Action Council (USTPAC) 11. World Thamil Organization (WTO-USA)

foot notes:

1 SR Mendez in May 2016: “I have received allegations of recent so-called “white van abductions” – a reference to practices that in the past led to enforced disappearance of persons.”
http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=19943 , of Sinhalese: http://alrc.asia/srilanka-extrajudicial-killings-with-impunity-are-increasing/

2 Systematized abduction, torture & sexual violence are documented in reports by the International Truth & Justice Project such as http://www.itjpsl.com/assets/ITJP_unstopped_report_final.pdf which all note the involvement & often physical presence of senior officers. Also HRW’s latest report https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/01/29/locked-without-evidence/abuses-under-sri-lankas-prevention-terrorismact

3 http://www.itjpsl.com/assets/ITJP_unstopped_report_final.pdf

4 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord
https://peacemaker.un.org/sites/peacemaker.un.org/files/IN%20LK_870729_IndoLanka%20Accord.pdf

5 In August 2016 the UN Committee on Racial Discrimination found that the PTA is disproportionately used against Tamils. https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/asia-and-the-pacific/sri-lanka/report-sri-lanka/ Ben Emmerson, then the UN special rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism, said after his July 2017 visit to the country: “The use of torture has been, and remains today, endemic and routine, for those arrested and detained on national security grounds.” He noted that the PTA was used “disproportionately against members of the Tamil community,” and that the community “has borne the brunt of the state’s well-oiled torture apparatus.” according to https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/01/29/lockedwithout-evidence/abuses-under-sri-lankas-prevention-terrorism-act

From ‘sovereignty’ to ‘subordinate legislation ’


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By N Sathiya Moorthy- 

Unnoticed, and hence acknowledged by the rest of the nation, TNA leaders campaigning for the local government (LG) polls in the North and the East have been talking with greater clarity and openness than ever before on aspects of the Constitution Assembly’s Interim Report that impinge on aspects of the ‘national problem’ that have been eluding a broader discourse, and hence a possible solution. While the majority Sinhala polity could well thank the TNA’s political detractors from within the Tamil community and polity, it may be time they too asked themselves as to what they have to offer in turn – and why they are even at this late hour shy of addressing the ethnic issue squarely post-war, and are instead diverting all their attentions and energies to graft of the bond scams and PRECIFAC reports kind, for which there may always be other occasions, if at all anyone could hope to rid the nation and polity of corruption, big and small.

True, the local government polls campaign may not be the best of occasions to discuss power-devolution issues of the ethnicity kind, as the Tamil polity is doing. But, graft is also not an issue of the kind that should detract the grassroots-level voter-attention from issues of immediate concern. If the Sinhala polity could do so with the latter, the ‘national problem’ could well have been a better choice, what with the Constitution Assembly already at it, and the nation needs to hear all stake-holders. A post facto referendum on the ethnic solution of a negotiated, political kind, mandated by the new Constitution draft may end up embarrassing and dividing the nation even more than a cautious consideration that the divided Sinhala polity, and even more divided Government leadership, could give the ethnic issue; based on the local government polls verdict than otherwise.

Win-win situation

To trim the fat, the proposals under the Interim Report, as presented by the TNA to their constituency, boils down to the party and their people acknowledging the ‘unitary’ status of the Sri Lankan State, as it exists now, but understood by all as being more in the nature of a ‘united nation’. In return, the Tamils would settle for ‘subordinate legislative powers’ for the Provincial Councils ‘to manage our affairs, and make laws for our people’ but within a ‘re-merged North-East’.

On paper just now, it is a win-win idea, whose time has come – but could pass away if allowed to pass and lapse. In a fine delienation of constitutional principles, the Government parties and the TNA seem to have agreed that the latter would not press for substituting the existing ‘unitary State’ terminology with the ‘federal’ word; which is ‘bad’ in law and practice in the existing Sri Lankan context. In turn, the Constitution would be amended to confer selective legislative powers on the Provincial Councils, which has been denied all along under various formulations, starting with the present Constitution.

Though the TNA has in principle attested a ‘negotiated settlement within a united Sri Lanka’, post-war, especially it has qualified such a demand with an endless rhetoric to the contrary, saying that the Tamils had ‘sovereignty’ as a separate ‘nation/people’, which they could not negotiate, after all. That is to say, if they were not given adequate legislative and administrative powers as available to Provinces in any modern nation-State, they reserved their right to fight for a ‘separate nation’, all over again – but politically and with full international support, unlike the LTTE’s terrorist methods, which had made even the larger ‘Tamil cause’ unpopular and unacceptable in and to the post-9/11 world.

The delienation part seeks to efffectively differentiate between the identity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sri Lankan State, as commonly understood as a single, common political entity under the international law and practiices, and the internal power-sharing arrangements between the Centre and the periphery, which could comprise the Provinces, as in Sri Lanka just now, and could trickle down to local government bodies, though only at an appropriiate level and form, and only on a later date, if at all. It could have happened now if only 13-A had been given a fair trial, but may have to wait, if at all, for a future generation to evaluate the gains of the proposed arrangement, if at all enforced now.

Counter guarantees

Though the delineation and its efforts read simpler on paper, and also sound so when spoken from an uncontested poll platform compared to anything else attempted in the past, there are issues. The TNA wants iron-clad guarantees that the present arrangement cannot at all be over-turned by a new Constitution, or a constitutional amendment, including an all-embrcing popular referendum --- or, a court verdict. They are speaking from experience dating back to the days of the B-C Pact and D-C Pact, the fate of 13-A at the hands of the Sri Lankan State’s hand (and independent of their own reservations and the LTTE’s outright rejection), et al.

Identifying constitutional guarantees that there would not be any new amendment in the future that could upset the present arrangement, if any, is easier said than done. Considering that two decades after the North-East merger as far back as 1987, the Supreme Court could upturn the legislative arrangement in 2006, identifying a scheme that would satisfy the Tamils, starting with the eternal critics of the TNA from inside the community, is going to be a tough task. The TNA cannot carry any odium of a ‘sell-out’ charge, now or ever. Nor could the consequent weakening of the TNA’s hold on the Tamil society be allowed to get diluted, at least until equally moderate alternatives have appeared on the Tamil electoral scene.

The question assumes greater significance when a counter- question from the ‘Sinhala-nationalist’ hard-liners are to be addressed: "What if the Tamils go back on their part of any deal arrived at now, and go back to ‘separatist demands’ based on the ‘sovereignty’ claims that they now indicate to surrender, even if partially? There can be constitutional mechanisms introduced now alongside, empowering the Centre to ‘dismiss’ the Provincial Council concerned. On the lines of the existing Indian experience, there can be a suo motu Supreme Court case, or one in a newly-instituted Constitutional Court, for upholding or over-turning the decision, within a fixed time-frame (‘S R Bommai case’, Supreme Court of India, 1994).

The counter-guarantee would still be a problem, which needs to be thought out, even if the Tamils were to agree to a ‘dismissal’ clause, which they had opposed all along. But the problems do not stop there. On re-merger, the Muslims’ reservations in the East are also for real, and the Tamils and the TNA cannot blame the Sri Lankan State or the Sinhala polity, when they themselves are unable to and unwilling to convince their fellow Tamil-speaking brethren, but go around telling the world that only the Sinhalas are standing in the way. It is another matter that in the changed global scenario, if the Tamils of Sri Lanka cannot empathise with their own Muslim brethren, they cannot expect the Sri Lankan State, the Sinhala polity or the international community to do it for them -- or, tell their people that all was well with the Interim Report, as if formalities alone remained.

The writer is Director, Chennai Chapter of the Observer Research Foundation, the multi-disciplinary Indian public-policy think-tank, headquartered in New Delhi.

Email: sathiya54@gmail.com

Lanka’s Defence Attaché From The UK Following ‘Throat-Cutting Gestures’



author: COLOMBO TELEGRAPHFebruary 6, 2018


imageJoan Ryan MP and Siobhain McDonagh MP have called on the Foreign Secretary to “withdraw Brigadier Priyanka Fernando’s diplomatic papers and expel him” from the UK, after he was filmed making ‘throat-cutting gestures’ to Tamils protesting outside the Sri Lankan High Commission in London, on Sunday 4 February.

Ryan and McDonagh, the Vice Chair and Senior Vice Chair of the Tamil All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG), also said in their letter to Boris Johnson MP that the conduct of Brigadier Fernando – Sri Lanka’s Defence Attaché to the UK – was “inappropriate, unacceptable and threatening […] from someone who is serving in an official capacity as a guest of this country.”

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Speaker issues communique responding to claptraps of president who is liable to a two year jail sentence !


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 05.Jan.2018, 11.30PM)  It is a universally accepted fact , no sane and sensible State leader of a country compromises his/her country’ s administration in his/her  greed for winning at elections. Neither does he make announcements which are conducive to creating such perilous situations. Sadly however , it is only in Sri Lanka there exists a state leader –president Maithripala Sirisena alias Sillysena who indulges in such activities both in word  and deed , clearly proving practically what a despicable and disgraceful leader he is by making public announcements which are directly detrimental to the country , the constitution and sovereignty of the people, solely and wholly  to prop his defeated and discarded party based on  his own  selfish and shameless reasons. One in  the series of such illustrations was ,when he made his  own capricious and distorted statements  on the constitution pertaining to the report of the Bond Commission appointed by himself. 
Believe it or not , it is this president who on election rally platforms first challenged the party leaders including prime minister (P.M.) to hold a debate regarding the Bond Commission report in Parliament before the upcoming elections if they can.  (In fact as a State leader what he ought to have done was , instead of throwing challenges from election platforms to gain cheap political plus points , officially informed the speaker and the P.M. about it ,for which there is no bar) .
Based on the challenge , the P.M. and the opposition chief whip requested the speaker to call for a debate on the 8 th. Accordingly the speaker summoned the party leaders and the Elections Commission , and decided  6 th February as the suitable date for the debate. Nevertheless this villainous State leader Sillysena at media briefings again insulting the constitution declared  , this ‘debate on the 6 th is an eyewash’ , and conducting a debate for a few hours serves no purpose. 
While his own party representatives had said they would participate ,this silly president , no wonder whose pet name is now Sillysena publicly degrading  the constitution at media briefings went on to launch a barrage of criticisms which not only provoked  the ire and wrath of the people but also undermined  their faith in the government, thereby precipitating a crisis. 
Going by the (mis)conduct and stupid  attitude of president Sillysena , it is very evident , what Sillysena wants to portray before the people though in vain is , he is clean and sinless, and glorify himself as ‘I am pure,’ and a hero (despite being a confirmed villain)   among fools .
Indisputably , the offensive conduct of the president is liable to a punishment of  two  years in jail under section 10 of the Penal code. An individual who shows disrespect to or harbors a grudge  or provokes hatred against a government that is legally appointed is liable to  punishment under section 10 of the Penal code. Besides, it does not state anywhere , he/she is exempted because he/she is a president or a state leader .
In any event , ignoring the crisis , the speaker issuing a further media communique had said , there are  no objections on the side of the party leaders  to selecting  another date to conduct a debate on the issues revolving around the  subject  after the conclusion of the debate on the 6 th.
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by     (2018-02-05 20:13:21)