Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, February 2, 2018

Migrant boat capsizes off Libya, 90 feared dead, mostly Pakistanis


Stephanie NebehayAhmed Elumami-FEBRUARY 2, 2018

GENEVA/TRIPOLI (Reuters) - An estimated 90 migrants are feared to have drowned off the coast of Libya after a smuggler’s boat capsized early on Friday, leaving three known survivors and 10 bodies washed up on shore, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) said.

Survivors told aid workers that most of the migrants on board were Pakistanis, who make up a growing number of those attempting the hazardous voyage across the Mediterranean to Italy from North Africa, IOM spokeswoman Olivia Headon said.

“They have given an estimate of 90 people who drowned during the capsize, but we still need to verify the exact number of people who lost their lives during the tragedy,” Headon, speaking from Tunis, told a Geneva news briefing.

“What has been reported to us is that it’s mostly Pakistanis who were on board the boat, but we still need to verify the nationalities and how many from what country,” she said.

Ten bodies have washed up on Libyan shores so far, two of them Libyans and the rest Pakistanis, she said.

“I believe the Libyan coastguard is looking for other survivors off the coast,” Headon added.
Another IOM spokesman, Leonard Doyle, told Reuters Television that the boat was believed to have left shore on Thursday before capsizing early on Friday morning.

LURE OF “EL DORADO”

The tragedy demonstrates the continued allure of Europe for desperate migrants fleeing conflicts and poverty, Doyle said, despite tighter surveillance of the main smuggling routes by the Libyan coastguard, backed up by European cash and know-how.

“They (the migrants) are lured there by social media. They get onto a phone, they are promised El Dorado, they think life is going to be great. And before they know it, they are getting into the hands of awful criminal, extorting people - smugglers, traffickers, this dreadful, shocking torture,” he said.

Earlier on Friday security officials in the western Libyan town of Zuwara said two Libyans and one Pakistani had been rescued from the boat. They also confirmed the recovery of 10 bodies, mostly Pakistani, but gave no further information.

Zuwara, located near Libya’s border with Tunisia, was a favored site for migrant boat departures over the past two years but of late has seen only occasional departures. A statement from the Zuwara coastguard said their initial information suggested there were some 90 people on board.

Libya is the main gateway for migrants trying to cross to Europe by sea, though numbers have dropped sharply since July as Libyan factions and authorities - under pressure from Italy and the European Union - have begun to block departures.

More than 600,000 people are believed to have made the journey from Libya to Italy over the past four years.

Prior to Friday’s incident, some 6,624 migrants are believed to have arrived in Europe by sea so far this year and a further 246 have died, according to IOM figures.
 
The Libyan coastguard, which receives EU funding and training, has become more assertive in recent months in intercepting migrants and bringing them back to Libya.

Activists have criticized the policy, saying migrants often face extreme hardship and abuse in Libya, including forced labor, according to Human Rights Watch and other rights groups.

Migrants who are caught trying to cross to Italy are put in severely overcrowded detention centers authorized by the interior ministry.

Very old, very sophisticated tools found in India. The question is: Who made them?


Artifacts uncovered in the excavation at Attirampakkam. (Sharma Center for Heritage Education)

 

Humanity's origin story has gotten increasingly tangled in recent years: New discoveries suggest that Homo sapiens interacted and interbred with other species and ventured out of Africa in more than one wave. Researchers have compared the ancient world to J.R.R. Tolkien's Middle Earth — but instead of hobbits, dwarves and elves, our planet had modern humans in Africa, Neanderthals in Europe, Homo erectus in Asia.

Now, a treasure trove of ancient stone tools suggests that humans' circuitous path to modernity also wound through India.

In a paper published Wednesday in the journal Nature, researchers described thousands of stone implements uncovered at Attirampakkam, an archaeological site in southern India. The tools span about a million years of history, they say, and illustrate the evolution of big, blunt hand axes into finely sculpted stone points. Starting about 385,000 years ago — long before modern humans are thought to have arrived in India — it appears that an advanced toolmaking culture was developing there.

How did these techniques reach India so early? “That's the multimillion-dollar question,” said archaeologist Shanti Pappu, founder of the Sharma Center for Heritage Education and a co-author of the report.

No remains were found alongside the Indian tools, meaning it's impossible to determine whether the tools were produced by modern humans or one of our hominin cousins. If they were produced by members of our species, it would significantly shift the timeline of human evolution. But that's a big “if,” Pappu acknowledged.

At the very least, she said, the discovery suggests “complex interactions” between the mystery hominins in India and their relatives around the world.

“It shows that simple linear narratives of dispersal only at certain time periods is incorrect,” Pappu said.

Modern humans evolved in Africa, and the oldest known bones that could feasibly belong to our species were found in a Moroccan cave and dated to 300,000 years ago. The recent discovery of human fossils in an Israeli cave suggests that we may have ventured into other continents as early as 194,000 years ago.

Scientists in South Africa unveil the first evidence that early humans co-existed with a small-brained human-like species thought to have been extinct in Africa at the time. 
Upon leaving Africa, Homo sapiens would have encountered an array of distant relatives. Paleoanthropologists believe the first hominins left Africa about 1.7 million years ago, although there's some dispute about what species those early migrants belonged to.

With so few fossils available, reconstructing the story of human evolution and migration is a bit like trying to solve a jigsaw puzzle when you have just a handful of middle pieces and no edges or corners. Often, scientists must trace the movements of our ancestors through the stone tools we created.

The first hominins to leave Africa — whoever they were — carried with them oval- and pear-shaped hand axes used to pound and scrape food — a technology called Acheulean. The oldest tools found at Attirampakkam, which are more than 1 million years old, were crafted in this tradition.

But in a second batch of implements uncovered from a rock layer that spans 385,000 to 172,000 years ago (plus or minus about 50,000 years on either end), those heavy hand axes give way to smaller, more sophisticated points. One of the points even appears to have a groove that would allow it to be affixed to some kind of projectile, like a spear.

This kind of technology has long been associated with Neanderthals and Homo sapiens in Europe, the Middle East and Africa, and it wasn't thought to have arrived in India until humans reached south Asia about 100,000 years ago. Known as Levallois, this technique is associated with significant advances in human cognition, because such tools can't be crafted without the ability to think abstractly and plan ahead.

Alison Brooks, a paleoanthropologist at George Washington University, said she's not convinced that the smaller tools described by Pappu and her colleagues are true Levallois points.
“It's still basically a single point in a giant continent,” she added — more discoveries are required to give context to this find.

That's what Pappu hopes for, too. She noted that relatively few paleontology resources have been invested in India. The tools collected at Attirampakkam are among the first discoveries from India for which scientists even have a date.

“We hope this will be a jumping-off point for a new look at regions like India,” she said. “They also have a story to tell.”

Blood test finds toxic Alzheimer's proteins


Blood analysis
BBC
31 January 2018
Scientists in Japan and Australia have developed a blood test that can detect the build-up of toxic proteins linked to Alzheimer's disease.
The work, published in the journal Nature, is an important step towards a blood test for dementia.
The test was 90% accurate when trialled on healthy people, those with memory loss and Alzheimer's patients.
Experts said the approach was at an early stage and needed further testing, but was still very promising.

Brain scans

Alzheimer's disease starts years before patients have any symptoms of memory loss.
The key to treating the dementia will be getting in early before the permanent loss of brain cells.
This is why there is a huge amount of research into tests for Alzheimer's.
One method is to look for a toxic protein - called amyloid beta - that builds up in the brain during the disease.
It can be detected with brain scans, but these are expensive and impractical.

'Major implications'

The new approach, a collaboration among universities in Japan and Australia, looks for fragments of amyloid that end up in the blood stream.
By assessing the ratios of types of amyloid fragment, the researchers could accurately predict levels of amyloid beta in the brain.
Significantly, the study shows it is possible to look in the blood to see what is happening in the brain.
Dr Abdul Hye, from King's College London, said: "This study has major implications as it is the first time a group has shown a strong association of blood plasma amyloid with brain and cerebrospinal fluid."

Early stages

The test is cheaper than brain scanning, "potentially enabling broader clinical access and efficient population screening", according to the study.
At the moment there is no treatment to change the course of Alzheimer's, so any test would have limited use for patients.
However, it could be useful in clinical trials.
Prof Tara Spires-Jones, from the Centre for Discovery Brain Sciences, at the University of Edinburgh, said: "These data are very promising and may be incredibly useful in the future, in particular for choosing which people are suited for clinical trials and for measuring whether amyloid levels are changed by treatments in trials."
Dr Hye added: "Considering Alzheimer's disease has a very long pre-clinical phase, a truer test will be how well this test performs in independent, healthy, cognitively normal individuals or even in individuals in the early stages of the disease."
Follow James on Twitter.

Thursday, February 1, 2018

Much to celebrate on RTI

2018-02-02
Amidst the Government’s Independence Day events and excitement over next week’s elections to341 local councils, quiet and gradual steps in bringing about a better standard of governance have gone almost unnoticed during the previous months. Tomorrow Sri Lanka marks one year of the operationalization of the Right to Information Act. There is much to celebrate about RTI.
   
Globally acclaimed as the third best RTI law and the first in the region, the Act’s impact on the public service and other sectors of society has been remarkable, given decades of secrecy and the ruthless party politicization of once prestigious institutions. The RTI Commission has also been upholding its role as an independent entity with credit, despite many financial obstacles that it has had to contend with. 
 
Some weeks ago, this newspaper carried an expose on the crippling of Sri Lankan Airlines as a result of persistent financial and internal mismanagement during the past many years. The Pilots’ Guild as a responsible professional industry body, had filed an RTI application to the RTI Commission asking for information on ‘exhorbitant’ salaries and other perks being claimed by the top management of the airlines and also in relation to other allegations of waste and mismanagement. As our story highlighted, the Commission has indicated to the national carrier to reveal the information relating to salaries of executive grade officers, stating that this is information that should be anyway voluntarily disclosed under the Act, as public funds are in issue. 
 
President Maithripala Sirisena has announced that he will appoint a Commission to investigate allegations against SriLankan and Mihin Airline. We hope that this will not be just an election-speak.
   
A few days ago, a Sunday newspaper also carried details of a petition filed in the Court of Appeal by challenging the Health Ministry on the non-awarding of a tender labelled ‘very urgent’ to procure 600 vials of the life-saving cancer drug Nimotozumab. This was despite bids closing on January 13, 2017, more than one year ago. The petition had been filed by the sole registered supplier, who holds the export licence for the injections in Sri Lanka. 
 
The Director of the Medical Supplies Division (MSD), the Director-General of Health Services, the Health Minister and the Secretary to the Ministry had been cited as the respondents in the petition. The petitioner had applied for information under the Right to Information (RTI) Act and obtained certified copies of the letter the Director of Medical Supplies, on the instructions of the Health Ministry Secretary, had written to public hospitals, calling for their individual requirements of the drug, “prior to proceeding to tenders to purchase and supply the item”. Official responses submitted by the respective heads of the medical institutions on this issue had also been obtained in this regard. 
 
It was pointed out that the respondents had ‘consciously and willfully’ suppressed information from Court and the public, thereby sacrificing the lives of poor cancer patients to try and get an advantage in this case. The information had only been obtained under the RTI Act, it was said.   
Without a doubt, these are important steps taken under the RTI Act which has given the Sri Lankan people a new weapon to use to their benefit and also enforced duties on State entities. On Sunday, as we mark the Independence of this country from colonial rule, it is important to remember that fact and to celebrate our gains regardless of the setbacks we may have to face.   

Delays, Dilution And Deal-Making Mar Establishment Of OMP: Friday Forum


February 1, 2018
 
imageThe Friday Forum charged those responsible for the establishment of the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) of deliberately delaying, diluting and indulging in deal-making.

Pointing out that the OMP was one of the four mechanism the Government had promised to put in place in what it claimed was a ‘comprehensive approach to dealing with the past, Friday Forum in a media release expressed regret and concern that little has been done to operationalize the same, although 28 months have passed since the plan was announced.  

Friday Forum also argue that the process has been marked by sloth, lack of transparency, weak engagement with victims and political actions designed to undermine the institution’s independence.  
The full text of the media release is given below: 

Establishing the Office of Missing Persons: Delays, Dilution and Deal-making
 
The Office on Missing Persons is one of the four mechanisms that the government promised in its ‘comprehensive approach to dealing with the past’. Whilst OMP is the only mechanism on which any formal progress has been made in the 28 months that have passed since the government announced its plan, even this has not yet been formally constituted and operationalised. Each step of the process thus far to establish the OMP has been marked by slow progress, a regrettable lack of transparency, poor engagement with victims and troubling political actions to undermine the independence of the institution.  
 
In mid-2016, a Bill to establish the OMP was drafted by a small government-appointed committee that was not publicly announced, working in parallel and disconnected from the ongoing ‘victim-centric’ process to consult the Sri Lankan public on the proposed reconciliation mechanisms that had been initiated by the government in January 2016. 

When civil society actors challenged the government on why it was preempting the Consultation Task Force (CTF) process and report, the government’s Secretariat for Coordinating the Reconciliation Mechanisms (SCRM) responded that the government’s rush to establish the OMP was to expedite support to families of the missing and disappeared. Over one and half years later, in the absence of minimally constituting the OMP, these claims ring very hollow.

Responding to criticisms about the lack of consultation of victims, prior to finalizing the OMP Bill to be presented in Parliament, the SCRM arranged a brief consultation in Colombo for the drafting committee with a few family members of disappeared persons. The CTF was also requested to provide early submissions on the OMP to the drafting committee. In response, the CTF provided an oral submission, and also produced an Interim Report in August 2016 which compiled OMP-related submissions that it had received from the public. 

Since most of the CTF’s public consultation work had not taken place at the time of writing, the CTF’s Interim Report was based solely on written submissions that it had received as of 17th July 2016 and a few consultation meetings conducted before 8th August 2016. 
 
Questionable Passage of the OMP Act

A Bill to legally establish the OMP was submitted to Parliament and was passed on 11th August 2016 following unorthodox procedures after a disruptive debate. The brief, truncated debate, and passage of the Bill without a vote, seriously undermined the sense of the OMP as an institution established following a considered due democratic process.  

Lack of Consideration of Victims Voices and Concerns

It was unclear whether the 8th August 2016 Interim Report of the CTF was reviewed by the government prior to the hurried passage of the Bill on the 11th August, or even if its content was considered later when subsequent amendments were made to the Act, before it was formally signed into law on 23rd August 2016. When the CTF’s Final Report was released on 3rd January 2017, it was apparent from Annex 15 of that document that the government had not incorporated a single one of the CTFs Interim Report recommendations reflecting the content of public submissions and victims views into either the draft Bill or the final OMP Act.

Given the government’s declared haste in enacting legislation to institute the OMP, it is ironic that it was only at the 3rd January 2017 launch of the CTF Final Report that the Foreign Minister announced that the Gazette on the OMP Act had finally been signed by President Sirisena – giving effect to the law after several months of inaction.

The OMP Act was further amended on 22nd June 2017 by a unanimous vote in Parliament which removed a key paragraph that explicitly had allowed the OMP to enter into independent financing arrangements with external sources. Many victims groups and analysts saw this as seriously compromising the independence of the OMP because it would now be entirely dependent on the government for finances.

Laying the Foundation for the OMP on Uncertain Ground

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Sri Lanka much safer for journalists today


By Dr. Vickramabahu Karunaratne-2018-02-01


Reporters Without Borders (RSF) called on the Pakistani authorities to do whatever is necessary to guarantee the safety of Taha Siddiqui, a well-known and courageous freelance journalist who narrowly escaped a kidnap attempt recently in the capital, Islamabad. Taha Siddiqui was on his way to the airport in the morning; a vehicle blocked the path of his taxi and forced it to stop. Ten or twelve gunmen got out of this and another vehicle, one pointed a rifle at the taxi driver and pulled out Siddiqui from the taxi.

They then threw him to the ground, beat him and threatened to shoot him if he continued to resist. Siddiqui nonetheless managed to get away by running across the expressway and flagging down another taxi in which he rode for a few kilometres and then sought refuge in a police station.

"This kidnap attempt is extremely worrying in a country where the lack of security for journalists and impunity for crimes of violence against them is a structural problem," said Daniel Bastard, the head of RSF's Asia-Pacific desk. However, according to RSF calculations on safety of media people, Pakistan placed at 139, while Sri Lanka is below at 141. Sri Lanka is today much safer, but it was a bad place for journalist during the previous fascistic regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa. Perhaps the rating is still low as investigation and judicial processes are not yet completed for the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge and the disappearance of Pradeep Ekneligoda. On the other hand, though Siddiqui has been harassed and threatened for months as a courageous journalist whose investigative reporting, has implicated the military when appropriate. In Pakistan, criticizing the armed forces is very dangerous for journalists. It was similar during the Mahinda regime, but we have come out of such military violence at least in the South. Hence we must urge the RSF to reassess the situation in Sri Lanka.

It is the duty of all democratic organizations in Sri Lanka too, to urge the Pakistan authorities to make every effort to guarantee his safety. We are told that last May, Siddiqui received several threatening phone calls from the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), an Interior Ministry offshoot, in which he was repeatedly ordered to report to the FIA's counter-terrorism department for questioning. However, Siddiqui avoided. This recent event shows that step was well-founded.

A very well-known reporter, Siddiqui is the Babel Press bureau chief in Islamabad, a position that includes being the correspondent of France 24 and World Is One News (WOIN). Unlike in Sri Lanka, the Army is a State within the State in Pakistan. It is often impossible for the media to cover a story properly without mentioning the military because of frequent cases of intimidation of journalists.

Pressure from the international human rights movement brought human rights and press freedom increasingly into the political agenda of numerous countries and diplomatic negotiations. All countries in the Indian subcontinent, in SAARC were also pressed to improve press freedom and humanrights conditions. Originally, most such pressures came from France and the UK. In the 1970s American organizations moved beyond rights for Americans to partake in the international scene, and around the turn of the century the movement became so global in character that it was no longer possible to ascribe leadership to any particular country. The global human rights and press freedom movement has become more expansive since the 1990s, including greater representation of women's rights and economic justice as part of the human rights umbrella. Economic, social and cultural (ESC) rights gained new prominence while press freedom became a cornerstone of such movements.

TNA WANTS SOLUTION ON PAR WITH OSLO DECLARATION AGREED BY G. L. PEIRIS AND S. P. THAMILCHELVAN IN 2002

Image: Anton Balasingham of the LTTE and then Foreign Minister G. L. Peiris at peace talks. 

Sri Lanka Brief01/02/2018

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) in its manifesto for the forthcoming local government election said that that the solution it seeks with regard to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka was similar to what was in the Oslo Declaration. This was the joint declaration by the representatives of the then UNF government and the LTTE at the third round of peace talks between the two parties in 2002.

The UNF delegation headed by Professor G. L. Peiris and the LTTE delegation led by its political wing head S. P. Thamilchelvan agreed in the Norwegian Capital Oslo in November/December, 2002 to “explore a political solution founded on internal self-determination based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.”

The TNA manifesto said that the same policy framework was placed before the people at the 2013 Northern Provincial Council election and the Parliamentary election in August 2015.

It further said that one of the significant objectives of the forthcoming LG elections was to show the people of this country as well as the international community on whom the people in the North as well as the South have reposed their trust.

Criticizing the opposition to the interim report of the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly by groups in the North and the South, the Tamil coalition says that it was not a final solution, rather it was a document to be discussed.

While pointing to the extent of lands that had been released by the army after the new government came to power as a result of the pressure it had exerted, the TNA says it would continue to exert more pressure on the government with the assistance of the international community to get the remaining lands under the control of the army released as well. (M.S.M.Ayub) / DM

UNP pledges to build 1000 Buddhist shrines in Tamil homeland

Home
01Feb 2018
The United National Party pledged to build 1000 Buddhist viharas in the Tamil homeland, under the guise of reconciliation.
“500 million rupees has been allocated to build 1000 viharas in the Northern and Eastern Provinces,” a UNP manifesto said on a page titled ‘Reconciliation’.
The construction of Buddhist sites in the North-East in areas with few, if any, Buddhist residents leaves a perception of Sinhalese imperialism, a US State Department report said last year.


Over the past weeks female candidates have been subjected to attacks ranging from verbal abuse, psychological abuse to physical violence. The Centre for Monitoring Election Violence(CMEV) has received 34 complaints regarding violence against females during elections. In total 421 complaints have been received regarding election violence. However, activists point out that the number could be more as incidents are not reported due to fear of further reprisal. Sources have pointed fingers at the inefficiency of the police in investigating into these complaints and curbing violence.

2018-02-02
According to the Suriya Women’s Development Centre two female candidates contesting from the Manmunai Pattu Pradeshiya Sabha (Batticaloa) have been subjected to character assassination using social media. One has been threatened and stones have been thrown at her residence and windows have been smashed as well. The husband of another female candidate from the Vavunathivu ward has verbally abused her and threatened her though she had discussed with him beforehand about contesting. In a recent press release the Women’s Action Network (WAN), which is a network of 8 women organizations operating in the North and East, listed out that a woman candidate in the Monaragala District, who was involved in election campaigning, was admitted to the hospital in a serious condition after she was brutally attacked. Another female candidate from the Puthukkudiyiruppu area of the Mullaitivu District was physically assaulted, kept locked in a house, and threatened to withdraw the complaint she made to the Police, the statement said. 

Make The MMDA Report Public: A Response To Hilmy Ahamed


imageBy Ibn – Al – Rushd –February 1, 2018

An article published under the title “The Long awaited MMDA Report, A Façade” by Hilmy Ahamed has been doing the rounds. Based on either conjecture or hearsay, the article on the face of it seems to serve a single purpose- derailing the efforts made through the years to navigate an issue which has given rise to serious difficulties to those who have to seek relief from the Quazi Courts and its appellate bodies, particularly Muslim women.

This is despite the fact that the civilised world has agreed to certain standards which ought to be maintained with regard to marriage, children and equality. The civilised world which was one time spearheaded by the Muslims themselves, granting equality, abhorring medieval practices and advancing both in art and science. It is the irony that in 2018, we are yet in the process of reading and listening to the likes of the content of the said article and more, insisting that we must acceded to narratives built and acted upon by a society far different from what we have now.

The current response serves to do two things. First, it responds to the said article written by Hilmy Ahamed and published in the Colombo Telegraph on 28 Jan 2018 [1], and thereafter in the Financial Times on 30 Jan 2018 [2]. Secondly, it raises a plea from the Sri Lankan public to the Minister of Justice to immediately publish the report recommending amendments to the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act (the MMDA Report), that was handed over to the Minister of Justice, Mrs. Thalatha Atukorale, on 22 Jan 2018 by Justice Saleem Marsoof, acting as the chairperson of the committee appointed by the then Minister of Justice, Mr. Milinda Moragoda in 2009 (the MMDA Committee). Notably, the MMDA Report comprises two separate reports, one signed by the chairperson and 8 others on 20 Dec 2017 and another signed by As-Sheikh Rizwe Mufti and 8 others on 21 Dec 2017.

As will be demonstrated herein, the need to publicize the MMDA Report is necessitated by irresponsible conjecture on the part of  the writer-Hilmy Ahamed. In order to comprehensively respond to the alleged, and rather spurious, claims madein the article, the claims are set out below followed by a response to each of these claims.
 
Claim 1: that no consensus was reached

The article claims that “[i]t is regrettable that the JSM [Justice Saleem Marsoof] committee could not arrive at a consensus among the learned members who sat for a record nine long years” [1][2]. This claim, however, is only a half truth and is aimed at projecting a wrong impression. He also claims “[t]he Chair miserably failed to negotiate a consensus.”

As was published by Colombo Telegraph [3] and Ceylon Today [4] on 24 Jan 2018, the MMDA Report was unanimous on all fronts except on three aspects of the current law–namely, the prohibition on the appointment of women Quazis, the prohibition on Attorneys-at-Law appearing in Quazi Courts and the reference to ‘sect’ in ss16 and 98(2) of the MMDA. On the aforesaid issues, the MMDA Committee was equally split. In addition, the Colombo Telegraph reported in the same article that although the MMDA Committee did reach consensus on setting a minimum age of marriage, there was a 9:9 split in respect of its scope and exceptions:

“…while one group including the Chairman want to set it at 18 for both males and females, while allowing for the Quazi Court  to authorize marriages of a male or female above 16 in the best interest of the particular person where a case can be made that relevant circumstances are exceptional. Another group led by Ash-Sheikh M.I.M Rizwe Mufti on the other hand has recommended that males be above 18 and females above 16 with power to the Quazi to authorize a marriage of any girl below the age of 16 in the interest of such girl” [3].

Thus, it is common knowledge that the MMDA Committee was equally split (9:9) on the aforesaid issues in which the Committee did not concur, whereas there was unanimity and consensus between the members in respect of all other matters. As such, it is quite clear that all references in the said article that no consensus was reached by members of the MMDA group, as well as the writer’s reference to a ‘majority’ and ‘minority’ within the MMDA Committee are misconceived, false and incorrect.
 

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After independence: What has been achieved?



logoThursday, 1 February 2018

It could have been better. Much, much, better. But it was not a disaster. That, in summary, is the story of our country since 1948, when we received independence as a collateral effect of the Indian independence struggle. The atrophying of British military power as a result of the World Wars also contributed.


Institutions

At the top of our society, the institutions appeared strong when we became free from British rule. For example, many talk about how independent our courts were and how we squandered that legacy in recent decades, especially after the appointment of Sarath Nanda Silva as Chief Justice.

There is no doubt that a strong and efficient judicial system that dispenses justice without fear or favour (and undue delay) is an essential pre-condition for wealth creation and the building of a good society. But there was little depth to what was good about our legal system. Who the litigant was still mattered in Magistrate’s Courts and District Courts.

Fairness in the superior courts was underwritten by the presence of a few truly independent judges, especially those from the Burgher community. Not them alone, but their presence made most of the judge behave better. But after 1956, the Burghers were made to feel unwelcome and departed for Australia. Our institutions gradually deteriorated.

Believing that an independent and professional administrative service was a barrier to their efforts to serve the people, our political class, inspired and led by the socialist parties, subjugated it to their will. Comparison of those at the upper levels of the administrative and foreign services of India and Sri Lanka shows how much damage has been caused.


Economy

The British did not bequeath us a dynamic economy. It was, as many in my age group learned in school, based on the export of tea, rubber and coconut. Little value addition was done. Most government revenues came from taxing foreign trade. Reliance on commodity exports made the economy vulnerable to economic cycles. In 1952, a dramatic fall in rubber prices by over 30% because of the end of the Korean War led to the Rubber-Rice Pact with China, not some kind of grand gesture of non-alignment.

But today, we are less dependent on commodities. Service exports (if we include remittances from those who work abroad, technically a form of trade in services) yielded Rs. 14.3 billion in 2016, higher than the $ 10.3 billion earned from goods exports, of which agriculture and mining comprised on 23%, according to the 2016 Annual Report of the Central Bank.

Remittances, which none other than the families that generate them appear to be proud of, brought in $ 7.2 billion. Contrary to entrenched perception, more men than women are now engaged in this form of service export and the proportion of skilled workers is increasing. Tourism was the biggest source of conventional service earnings, yielding $ 3.5 billion. Most of our rubber now goes out in the form of value-added tyres, gloves and such. It is second only to apparel among industrial exports.

Our economy has diversified and is less vulnerable to external forces than at independence. But the momentum achieved in increasing and diversifying exports was lost as a result of the insular policies of the past decade. Lack of attention to exports and the right kinds of foreign investment has led to greater dependence on borrowing, no longer available at concessional rates, leading to a different form of vulnerability that has to be carefully managed.


Human development


But from the perspective of citizens, life has actually improved, contrary to those who claim otherwise. Few people know or remember how life was for the citizen back then. These days, we have the Human Development Index (HDI) which was developed by the famed Pakistani economist Mahbub ul Haq.

“People are the real wealth of a nation,” Haq wrote. “The basic objective of development is to create an enabling environment for people to enjoy long, healthy and creative lives. This may appear to be a simple truth. But it is often forgotten in the immediate concern with the accumulation of commodities and financial wealth.”

However, the HDI which was devised in 1990 does not allow comparison between 1948 and now. Life expectancy is a cruder, but easier to understand, indicator that does.

A male child born in Sri Lanka in 1945-47 could expect to live 46.8 years. A female could expect live 44.7 years, two years less. The life expectancy predictions in 2015 were 72 years for a male and 78 for a female (six years longer), according to the WHO.

Behind these huge increases are significant achievements in healthcare, housing, education and even working conditions. Obviously, life expectancy could not improve for women if many of them would die at childbirth like they did at the time of independence. If polio, malaria, filariasis and various infectious diseases had not been eliminated with considerable effort and if the housing stock had not been improved, it’s unlikely that that life expectancy for everyone would have gone up by this much. And without people’s incomes and education improving, they could not have stayed alive for that long.


Revolution or reform?

Those who draw a picture of a country in dire straits tend to do so as part of advocacy of radical change. But in the centenary year of the Russian Revolution, it would be wise to exercise caution with regard to prescriptions of revolution. Revolutionary movements in the 20th Century killed millions worldwide and thousands right here. Reform may be messy. The results may be sub-optimal as has been the case in Sri Lanka. But they carry less risk of unintended consequences. Reforms demand more from us as citizens than the mouthing of grandiose slogans. The less-than-ideal pace of economic growth does call for remedial action. Should it be the replacement of the current crop of political leaders with those promising revolutionary change? Or should it be the hard work of exerting pressure on political leaders and officials through instruments such as the Right to Information Law?

70 years with the ‘filthy rich’

If not for colonial rule, it is beyond imagination to think of railroads, tarred roads, Radio Ceylon, printing and newspapers, theatre and Tower Hall becoming part of our lives.

No monitoring can give these elections any validity, as elected representatives don’t represent their voters once elected and the system doesn’t 
allow them to.

People do not even know why they should elect more than double the number of Councillors they elected the previous time.

2018-02-02
This Blue-Green coalition government will go on stage at Galle Face Green this Sunday to celebrate 70 years of Independence from British colonial rule. This same coalition, established after the 2015 January Presidential Election, celebrated 67 years of independence three years ago, with a simple ceremony, also at Galle Face Green. Three years from then, the ceremony has grown into a grand show as any, the Rajapaksas held to exhibit their power using the Independence Day celebrations.

Though proud we are of the Independence gained (rather received), after 130 years and more of colonial rule, we don’t seem to have achieved anything greater than what the British left us.
If not for colonial rule, it is beyond imagination to think of railroads, tarred roads, the Broadcasting Corporation (Radio Ceylon), printing and newspapers, theatre and Tower Hall becoming part of our lives.
Impossible to think of the new social space the colonial rule created for community organisations, trade unions, women’s associations like Mahila Samithi, youth movement and Tamil people’s associations in Jaffna, and also for the elite formations like the Ceylon National Congress (CNC) and then the Sinhala Maha Sabha (SMS).
Everything Ceylon had never known and experienced ever before. It was this same social space that was used by the Sooriya Mal movement in 1929 to work in malaria infected areas and allowed the formation of the first political party in December 1933, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP).
It was also British colonial rule that introduced formal education, established State-owned schools and allowed privately managed schools under missionaries and the Buddhist Theosophical Society.
They also developed a strong preventive health sector especially after the malaria epidemic and helped change attitudes on hygiene for better personal health. They began archaeological surveys way back in 1871 and then formed the Department of Archaeology in 1890 that helped research and study in rewriting our own history with more and better-documented proof.
With all such infrastructure and new cultural life with new social values, ethics and morals, Ceylon was set on a new economic path on trade and commerce. The old subsistence barter system was replaced gradually for a consumer based economy with buying and selling.
Land belonging to the King and his feudal lords was turned into a commodity to be bought and sold to new proprietors.
A remarkable introduction was the Unitary State the British colonial rule established.
Till then Sinhala Kings, 11 of them had only unified the country that had no State in modern terms. The Unitary State, the British introduced, established a centralised administration, enacted laws and regulations that were implemented and enforced along with a Judiciary.
With the granting of universal adult franchise on the Donoughmore Constitution, the State Council established since 1931 allowed elected local representatives to control domestic affairs.
By then the British had also created a second tier of Local Government beginning with the Municipal Council Ordinance No.17 of 1865 and the Local Government Ordinance No.11 of 1920.
The Donoughmore Commission recommended further expansion and improvement in Local Government that helped establish Urban and Town Councils in addition to the Municipal Councils, all with elected members.
The Soulbury Constitution in 1948 extended and enlarged on those powers giving us independence with an elected bi-cameral parliament to govern ourselves and take responsibility for our future.
During the last 40 years of Post-independence Sri Lanka, the limitless and unrestricted liberalised economy that created a Filthy Rich social sediment has turned the whole political establishment and every State Agency into inept and corrupt power centres
We have since then tinkered with these laws and regulations, adopted two new Republican Constitutions and amended them 20 times with claims to improve and strengthen our Independence, people’s rights and Sovereignty. At the end of all that, where are we now after 70 years of independence? What does the balance sheet look like?
Our representative democracy gave way to two armed insurrections in the Sinhala South within 20 years that turned from bloody and traumatic to brutal and savage, the second time.
That was also reason to modernise the State to be very repressive. We the Sinhala Buddhist majority created a dominant Sinhala Buddhist psyche during the first 35 years after Independence that saw two communal massacres, let loose on Tamil people, the second in 1983 July with Government complicity being inhumanly vulgar and savage.
That led to a bloody savage ethnic war in the next 25 years, concluded as a bleeding human tragedy.
Never learning lessons, the Sinhala Buddhist dominance, is now hosting a decade of refusal on Tamil people, denying answers for the agonising wounds of that bloody war. The post-war decade had also dragged the Muslim community into another unwanted conflict, further polarising an already fractured society.
During these 70 years, we kept borrowing money, turning the country into a long-term debtor of over 10 trillion Rupees. In the process, we keep widening the gap between the urban rich and rural poor.
The Census and Statistics Department says 10 percent of the population earns an average monthly income of Rs.220,197 as against Rs.9,916 the poorest 20 percent earn.
During the last 40 years of Post-independence Sri Lanka, the limitless and unrestricted liberalised economy that created a Filthy Rich social sediment has turned the whole political establishment and every State Agency into inept and corrupt power centres. 
Buying over political parties and turning them into undemocratic and corrupt governing tools, the filthy rich decides politics with all democratic structures and their functions reduced to procedural rituals and practices, leaving space for mega corruption.
A week after celebrating Independence, this hapless country that had ethnically and religiously fractured, economically declined and politically slipped into chaos during its 70-year post-independence life, would once again go to LG Elections, another procedural practice.
No amount of monitoring with donor funding can give these elections any validity, as elected representatives don’t represent their voters once elected and the system doesn’t allow them to.
At the LG Elections, people do not even know why they should elect more than double the number of Councillors they did the previous time.
They will have to bear a massive cost to maintain these dinosaur Councils for no special reason. And they are asked to vote for the best from a dirty lot, political parties that have nominated as candidates. Women given a 25 percent quota do not understand they will get entrenched and embedded in a patriarchal system. One that lies subordinate and is dependent on a heavily corrupt and a brutally patriarchal society run by a coterie of filthy rich agents of a lopsided free market economy.
With that, we conclude 70 years of Independence that prove we have been on a wild track not wanting to accept we are that. Our beating around bushes trying to find a way out has given the ever-growing rich and corrupt more power and better ability to keep us on a wild track, ‘believing’ of a future.
No amount of crying foul, demanding cleaning up and new anti-corruption laws, debating corruption investigation reports, voting women and the best out of the bad lot, can ever lead us away from this chaos.
In short, no political party or leadership is innocent and honest.
President Sirisena who claims he would wipe out corruption before he steps down if he does in 2020, is himself accused of the ‘Spectrum deal’ that went through the TRC directly under him.
He is also leading a Government with politicians, who had been with the Rajapaksas and are accused and found corrupt by the PRECIFAC as reported.
He cannot claim he is clean having campaigned for the Rajapaksas at every election including LG, PC and at the 2010 Presidential Election.
Having endorsed and defended everything the Rajapaksas are accused of during the nine long years as a leading Cabinet Minister and as General Secretary of the SLFP. So, is the UNP and its leadership. They cannot claim any innocence anymore after the Bond Scam Report, nor can they shout themselves hoarse that others are corrupt.
The same goes with the JVP that stood for the 100-Day Programme of this Government having sat in the Executive Committee with PM Wickremesinghe overseeing the work of this Yahapalana Government (Good Governance).
The JVP now cannot say they are still against the Port City having dropped its campaign long before the 2015 August elections. Worst is their ghostly silence on the Spectrum Deal that Maharajas are accused of having a large hand in.
They don’t demand a Presidential Investigation on the Spectrum Deal as they demand on all other shady deals.
Seventy years of independence prove nothing can be put to right in this system.
Seventy years that prove we have failed miserably in governing ourselves for the benefit of the people in achieving political stability, democracy and economic freedom. Seventy years we proved we have completely left aside the two most important issues that should have been addressed as the most important issues.
That, of establishing an inclusive Nation State, capable of accepting and accommodating ethnoreligious diversity, with equality and a stable strong economy that can provide a comfortable and secure life to all citizens with equal opportunities.
Seventy years that tell us, we have to start anew and patching up makes it far more untidy.

Reality check in Sri Lanka

 

Local government elections this month will have a bearing on the coalition government in Colombo

Return to frontpageFEBRUARY 01, 2018 00:02 IST


Sri Lanka’s local government elections, scheduled to be held on February 10, have elicited the interest of a national election, and with good reason.

This is the first time the country will go to the polls in about three years since the President Maithripala Sirisena–Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe combine rose to power promising “good governance”, giving voters a chance to say what they think of the performance of the government they elected to office.

Further, the two coalition partners in government — Mr. Sirisena-led Sri LankaFreedom Party (SLFP) and Mr. Wickremesinghe’s United National Party (UNP) — are contesting the island-wide local polls separately, with their campaigns laying bare the deep fissures and insecurities within the coalition government.

Inevitably, the outcome will impact the future course of the government in the remaining two years of its term, with much of the work on the promised constitutional reform and post-war reconciliation remaining only on paper. Going by the mudslinging on the campaign trail, it is clear that the elections will most likely leave the country’s first national unity government, formed by two traditionally rival parties, considerably weaker.

Focus on corruption

Amid severe criticism of his government for taking little action against corruption during his predecessor, Mahinda Rajapaksa’s term, Mr. Sirisena has pegged his campaign to an anti-corruption crusade, chiefly targeting the SLFP’s senior coalition partner in Parliament, the UNP. The President’s attacks have grown shriller after a presidential commission of inquiry (CoI) held a former Central Bank Governor, handpicked by the Prime Minister, responsible for a loss of 11,145 million Sri Lankan rupees to public institutions following a major bond scam at the apex bank, in 2015. The CoI also accused former Finance and Foreign Minister Ravi Karunanayake, a close aide of the Prime Minister, of corruption. On Tuesday, it was decided that Parliament would debate two different reports on the bond scam and other serious acts of fraud and corruption on February 6, four days before the election.

Justifying Mr. Sirisena’s pre-poll rhetoric, his supporters maintain that it is no surprise, given that he is competing with the UNP. For the purpose of this election, he has donned the hat of the head of the SLFP and engaged in mass politics, with no compulsion to sound statesmanly in his campaign. His attacks have irked many UNP-ers, especially the backbenchers who have not missed an opportunity to retaliate, though the Prime Minister has shown restraint. What has also given more fodder to the UNP camp critical of the President is his recent move to seek clarification from the Supreme Court on his term limit and his ambivalence about the executive presidency.

Three-cornered fight

The challenge for the two parties does not end there. Mr. Rajapaksa and his supporters, basically a faction of the SLFP and others who call themselves the ‘Joint Opposition’, are campaigning for the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), or Sri Lanka People’s Front. His brother Basil Rajapaksa, a prominent member, is known to be an efficient organiser.

The SLPP has become the de facto political vehicle of the Rajapaksas, though Mahinda Rajapaksa, who had earlier resolved to topple the government in 2017, remains a member of the SLFP that Mr. Sirisena, his former cabinet colleague and now arch rival, leads.

In effect, the local government polls present a three-cornered contest, with the President and Prime Minister fighting each other, despite being coalition partners in the national government, and the Rajapaksa-backed SLPP threatening to eat into the SLFP’s vote share.

While it remains to be seen whether the bond scam will cost the UNP electorally, or if Mr. Sirisena’s apparent inability to garner more support within his party will weaken his position, what will certainly matter is the government’s failure to deliver on many counts, be it on the new Constitution aimed at a political solution to the Tamil question, assurances on war-time accountability, jobs to unemployed youth and the spiralling costs of living gripping the urban and rural poor.

Forgotten issues

Though the leaders are contesting local government polls, they are in fact gearing up for a bigger fight, so much so that key local issues such as illegal sand mining, deforestation, irrigation and drinking water hardly figure in the ongoing campaign. The widely read local weekend paper, The Sunday Times, reported that unemployment is a chief concern not only in the war-affected north and east but also across other provinces, despite the Prime Minister’s grand promise of a million jobs.

For a government facing enormous pressure within and outside, the fact that the Rajapaksas, who retain considerable support in the island’s southern districts, are seeking to capitalise on the incumbent government’s shortcomings makes matters more difficult. It is in this context that the UNP and the SLFP have to take a decision, following the local polls, on the likely renewal of their memorandum of understanding signed when they formed the government.

Mixed bag

This is not to say that the story of the forthcoming local polls, in which about 16 million citizens are eligible to vote, is entirely about a brewing political crisis. It does offer some promise, especially after the government enacted a law mandating 25% representation of women in local government bodies, prompting many women community leaders to contest. This is also the first time that Sri Lanka will follow a mixed electoral model whereby 60% of members will be elected by the first-past-the-post system and the remainder through closed list proportional representation.

All the same, it is a high stakes election as UNP General Secretary Kabir Hashim, who is also a cabinet Minister, noted recently. “Elections have consequences — and sometimes they are dire,” he warned, reminding voters of the “era of darkness” under the previous regime.

A scenario where Mr. Rajapaksa stages a comeback, would be the government’s own making. In the last three years, the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration has left the people of Sri Lanka, including Tamils, with fewer reasons to remain hopeful. Despite the initial promise and some welcome initiatives, disillusionment and frustration pervade the electorate. Busy fire-fighting to manage frequent tensions within, the ruling coalition has had little time for the good governance it promised.

Undoubtedly, the political stakes are high for all parties and the actors in this election. But the leaders would do well to remember that the stakes are higher for the people.

meera.srinivasan@thehindu.co.in