Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, January 24, 2018

Your guide to the anti-FBI conspiracy theories rippling through conservative media


 
There was a window of about a week at the end of 2016 when the FBI and its then-director, James B. Comey, were two of Donald Trump’s favorite things in the world. From the moment news broke that the bureau was investigating new emails related to Hillary Clinton’s private email server, Trump celebrated the FBI — and its investigation — on as many occasions as possible.

The dossier

The Russia probe got its start with a drunken conversation, an ex-spy, WikiLeaks and a distracted FBI.

The deputy director


FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe has been the target of Republican critics for more than a year. Here's what you need to know about him. 

Read More

Turkey Wants to Crush U.S. Allies in Syria. That Shouldn’t Surprise Anybody.

America’s partners are at each other’s throats, and Washington doesn’t have a plan to pull them apart.

A Turkish tank on the Syrian-Turkish border on Aug. 25, 2016. (Bulent Kilic/AFP/Getty Images)
A Turkish tank on the Syrian-Turkish border on Aug. 25, 2016. (Bulent Kilic/AFP/Getty Images) 
Long-simmering tensions between Turkey and Kurdish fighters in Syria came to a head over the weekend.

BY -
JANUARY 23, 2018, 6:49 PM
No automatic alt text available.On Jan. 20, Turkey launched what it calls Operation Olive Branch, a military campaignagainst the People’s Protection Units (YPG) in Afrin, in northwestern Syria. The operation is part of Ankara’s long-standing effort to prevent the YPG, which has benefited from American backing in its fight against the Islamic State since the fall of 2014, from developing an autonomous region in Syria along the entirety of the countries’ shared border. Turkish objections stem from the YPG’s links to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which is designated a terrorist organization by the United States and European Union and has waged an ongoing battle against Turkey that has resulted in tens of thousands of people dead.

According to Turkey’s Office of Public Diplomacy, the objectives of the intervention include ensuring Turkey’s border security, countering U.S. support for a terrorist organization, blocking the YPG from reaching the eastern Mediterranean and cutting off Turkey’s geographical contact with the Arab world, and ensuring that the Turkish-supported Syrian opposition controls a 3,861-square-mile area.

Bungled messaging by the Trump administration prompted Turkey’s recent move, although it is also the result of broader questions that have emerged throughout the conflict. Since the beginning of the uprising, the U.S. government has struggled to develop a coherent Syria policy. The Barack Obama administration, which wanted to prevent American entanglement in another Middle Eastern war, focused its military efforts on countering the Islamic State, given the threat it posed to the homeland and regional allies. When U.S. special forces sought ground forces with whom to partner, they found YPG fighters to be effective. More importantly, they were willing to fight the Islamic State, whereas other opposition groups prioritized the defeat of the Assad regime. Negotiations with Turkey about joint action against the Islamic State were largely unsuccessful. The previous administration papered over the geopolitical implications of its YPG partnership in pursuit of its counterterrorism objective.

The Trump administration has largely adopted this same approach. Although State Department officials claim the U.S. relationship with the YPG is “temporary, transactional, and tactical,” it has never been clear if the Defense Department shares this view. The Pentagon has played an outsized role in managing counter-Islamic State policy, particularly in the current administration with a leadership dominated by generals.

Lack of consistent messaging and policy coordination across the Trump administration has complicated this already delicate matter. When President Donald Trump took office, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan hoped that the United States would reverse its support for the YPG. Trump not only maintained the policy but also implemented an Obama-era plan to arm the YPG for the assault on the Islamic State in Raqqa, about which the United States informed Erdogan days before his visit to Washington in May 2017. With that battle over, Trump told his counterpart in a November 2017 phone call that the United States would stop supplying weapons to the YPG. This move caught the Defense Department off guard, which quickly clarified it was “reviewing pending adjustments.” This month, the Pentagon surprised the White House when the allied military headquartersleading the campaign against the Islamic State announced plans for a 30,000-strong border security force with a significant YPG component that would be deployed along the Turkish border. When the Turks reacted with predictable anger, the State Department scrambled to control the damage. As Secretary of State Rex Tillerson explained: “That entire situation has been misportrayed, misdescribed. Some people misspoke. We are not creating a border security force at all.”

Within this context, Turkey’s military actions should not have surprised anyone. Despite his fiery rhetoric, Erdogan has largely gritted his teeth as American-backed YPG forces cleared the Islamic State from significant swaths of Syria. However, he has consistently proved his readiness to take military action in defense of a clear red line: any moves by the YPG to connect three cantons in northern Syria along the Turkish border into a unified Kurdish region. There is concern such territory could be used as a staging ground for attacks on southern Turkey, as well as encourage similar moves toward autonomy by Turkey’s Kurdish population. In August 2016, Turkey launched Operation Euphrates Shield, a seven-month mission to clear the remaining Islamic State forces from its border and block movement by the YPG. Last October, Erdogan sent forces into Syria as part of a joint mission with Russia and Iran, ostensibly aimed at the Islamic State but with implications for the YPG. At that time, Erdogan warned against Kurdish aggression toward Turkish troops: “We have no tolerance for the smallest wrong in Afrin.”

In addition to security concerns, Erdogan’s actions should be seen in the context of Turkish domestic politics. The misstep by the Trump administration compelled Erdogan to address a perceived threat by presenting himself as a strong leader capable of defending Turkish security. With parliamentary and presidential elections that will determine his political future on the horizon, many of his foreign-policy considerations are driven by the need to bolster his nationalist base. Moreover, maintaining rhetorical and political pressure on the Syrian Kurds serves to delegitimize the voice of Turkish Kurds. Erdogan initiated a peace process with the PKK that achieved some success, although a two-and-a-half-year cease-fire broke down in July 2015. This coincided with electoral politics, as the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) denied the ruling party a majority in June 2015 elections and surpassed for the first time the 10 percent threshold required to enter parliament. The government dragged its feet on coalition formation and reran elections that fall. Since November 2016, the party’s co-leaders and 10 HDP members of parliament have been jailedon spurious terrorism charges. Resolution of the YPG problem requires resolution of the PKK problem.

Thus far, the international community has been measured in its response to Turkish actions. On Sunday, the State Department expressed support for the “legitimate security concerns of Turkey as a NATO Ally and critical partner in the effort to defeat ISIS.” It called on Turkey to “exercise restraint and ensure that its military operations remain limited in scope and duration and scrupulous to avoid civilian casualties.” Defense Secretary James Mattis, who acknowledged that Ankara had provided advance notice of its operation, said, “It’s easy to understand why Turkey has concerns about the chaos.” British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson tweeted, “Turkey is right to want to keep its borders secure.” Similarly, a NATO spokesman said Turkey has the right to self-defense but urged action in a “proportionate and measured way.” The French were stronger in their calls for restraint and requested U.N. Security Council discussions, which were held in a closed-door session on Monday. Trump and Erdogan will reportedly speak on Wednesday.

The Russian reaction has been telling. Given its control of airspace around Afrin, Russia clearly acquiesced to the Turkish operation. (Erdogan dispatched his military and intelligence chiefs to Moscow last week to discuss plans.) Russia also removed troops from harm’s way, including military advisors working with YPG forces there. Erdogan has been notably silent about Russia’s partnership with the YPG given Turkey’s lack of leverage and vulnerability to Russia’s Kurdish policy. Moscow is seeking political capital from recent events, which it described as the result of “provocative U.S. steps aimed at the separation of regions with predominantly Kurdish populations.” On Monday, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov criticized American cooperation with the YPG as either a “misunderstanding of the whole situation or a deliberate provocation.”

In the near term, another fix will be found: most likely some accommodation of Turkey’s desire to create a face-saving, Kurd-free buffer zone along its border. The international community has signaled its acceptance of limited Turkish military action, emphasizing restraint and avoidance of civilian casualties. Yet as the operation continued into its fourth day, Mattis expressed concern that it could distract from efforts to conclude the international fight against the Islamic State. More broadly, dealing with these combustible issues cannot be put off indefinitely. In addition to questions about the extent of Turkey’s military action, the Kurdish issue will continue festering in peace talks amid disagreements over YPG participation, as well as governance and security arrangements for a post-Islamic State Syria. Lavrov announced Monday that Russia had invited Kurdish representatives (seemingly over long-standing Turkish objections and notwithstanding ongoing military operations) to join the next round of peace talks in Sochi, Russia, later this month, stating they should play a role in the “future political process.” Some Syrian Kurds have decriedthese talks as meaningless after “Russian collusion” with Turkey in Afrin.

Syria poses a wicked policy conundrum, complicated by numerous external actors who have competing interests and webs of relationships. To date, the U.S. approach has been militarily driven and narrowly focused on the Islamic State. It needs to become much more holistic with a broader awareness of regional dynamics. Last week, Tillerson outlined a reasonable way forward that called for a continued U.S. presence in Syria to prevent a resurgence of terrorist violence, ensure a change of regime leadership, and help reconstruct liberated areas so refugees can return home. The challenge, as he acknowledged, will be managing the agendas of external actors with their own stakes in Syria’s future. Among the many obstacles to implementing this policy is Turkish opposition to what Ankara interprets as American security guarantees for a YPG-controlled region. The United States does not appear to have fully grappled with the complexity of this issue, as evidenced by disparate messaging from across the government. The lack of active U.S. involvement in the peace process — which is managed by Russia, Turkey, and Iran — further limits its room for maneuver.

The United States chose to support the YPG in the fight against the Islamic State, partly driven by a desire to avoid becoming enmeshed in the conflict. Yet this decision may ironically dictate greater American involvement on the ground to prevent a new war among its proxies. Wishing away Turkish concerns is not a strategy. The conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is a key part of the larger Syrian puzzle.

Julian Assange's health in 'dangerous' condition, say doctors

Two clinicians who examined Assange renew calls for him to be given safe passage to hospital

 Ewen MacAskill Wed 24 Jan 2018 16.00 GMT

Julian Assange’s long stay in the Ecuadorian embassy in London is having a “dangerous” impact on his physical and mental health, according to clinicians who carried out the most recent assessments of him.

The pair renewed calls for the WikiLeaks publisher to be granted safe passage to a London hospital.
Sondra Crosby, a doctor and associate professor at the Boston University’s school of medicine and public health, and Brock Chisholm, a London-based consultant clinical psychologist, examined Assange for 20 hours over three days in October.

In an article for the Guardian, they wrote: “While the results of the evaluation are protected by doctor-patient confidentiality, it is our professional opinion that his continued confinement is dangerous physically and mentally to him and a clear infringement of his human right to healthcare.”

Although the two did not go into details, Assange’s health appears to be deteriorating significantly after more than five years holed up in the embassy.

The doctors’ assessment offers the first clues about Assange’s condition since WikiLeaks in 2016 published documents setting out the impact of life in the confines of the embassy on his mental and physical health.

Since he sought refuge in the embassy in June 2012, there have been various reports that he has a serious shoulder issue that requires an MRI scan, which would be near impossible to organise inside the embassy. He is also said to have a lung problem.

The UK government refused an earlier request to allow Assange safe passage for hospital treatment. A fall-back position would be to allow doctors with the necessary medical equipment into the embassy, but the size of the equipment needed appears to rule out this option.

Supporters of Assange have expressed fears that if he leaves the embassy, police will arrest him for jumping bail and, once in custody, he will face the prospect of extradition to the US, where he could face a lengthy jail sentence over the publication of classified material including the Iraq war logs and state department cables, both reported on by the Guardian.

The article was co-written by Crosby, Chisholm and Sean Love, a doctor in training at a Boston hospital. Love, on a trip to London last May, visited Assange. Afterwards, he proposed a medical evaluation be carried out.

Crosby, who has done extensive work on human rights and refugees, and Chisholm, who specialises in trauma cases, wrote in the article: “It is unconscionable that Mr Assange is in the position of having to decide between avoiding arrest and potentially suffering the health consequences, including death, and the need to call an ambulance if a life-threatening crisis such as a heart attack were to occur.

“Further, our assessment reveals that he has had no access to sunlight, appropriate ventilation or outside space for over five and a half years. This has taken a considerable physical as well as psychological toll.”

They urged the British Medical Association and colleagues in the UK to demand safe access to medical care for Assange.

Medical conditions are a matter of privacy but a representative of Assange said he had approved Crosby, Chisholm and Love writing the article.

The Ecuadorian embassy, which has granted citizenship to Assange, is in negotiations with the UK government in an attempt to end the stand-off.

The US attorney general, Jeff Sessions, said last year that arresting Assange was a priority for the US. The FBI is investigating WikiLeaks.

Why Fear and Self-hatred Destroy Human Sharing and Solidarity

When each of us is a child, if our parents, teachers and/or the other adults around us are frightened by a feeling – such as sadness, anger or fear – that we are expressing, then they will use a variety of techniques to stop us expressing this feeling. They might, for example, comfort us to stop us crying, scare us out of expressing our anger (particularly at them) and reassure us so that we do not feel afraid.

by Robert J. Burrowes-
(January 24, 2018, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) As our world spirals deeper into an abyss from which it is becoming increasingly difficult to extricate ourselves, some very prominent activists have lamented the lack of human solidarity in the face of the ongoing genocide of the Rohingya. See ‘The Rohingya tragedy shows human solidarity is a lie’ and ‘Wrongs of rights activism around Rohingyas’.
While I share the genuine concern of the Yemeni Nobel peace laureate Tawakkol Karman and Burmese dissident and scholar Dr Maung Zarni, and have offered my own way forward for responding powerfully to the ongoing genocide of the Rohingya – see ‘A Nonviolent Strategy to Defeat Genocide’ – in my view the lack of solidarity they mention is utterly pervasive and readily evident in our lacklustre official and personal responses to the many ongoing crises in which humanity finds itself.
To mention just the most obvious: Every day governments spend $US2 billion on weapons and warfare while a billion people lack the basic resources to live a decent life (and more than 100,000 of these people starve to death). Every daymillions of people live under dictatorship, occupation or suffer the impacts of military invasion. Every day another 28,800 people are forcibly displaced from their home. Every day another 200 species of life are driven to extinction. And every dayour biosphere is driven one step closer to making human life (and perhaps all life) on Earth impossible. See ‘Killing the Biosphere to Fast-track Human Extinction’.
It is not as if any of this information is unavailable. Just as many people and major international organizations are well aware of the plight of the Rohingya, it is also the case that many people and these organizations are well aware of the state of our world in other respects. And still virtually nothing meaningful happens (although there are tokenistic responses to some of these crises).
Hence, it is a straightforward observation that human solidarity is notably absent in virtually any attempt to tackle the major issues of our time. And the Rohingya are just one manifestation of this problem.
Given that I have long observed this phenomenon both personally and politically, and it concerns me as well, I would like to explain psychologically why the lack of sharing and solidarity is such a pervasive problem and suggest what we can do about it.
In order to feel concern for those who are suffering, and to want to act in solidarity to alleviate their suffering, it is necessary to experience certain feelings such as sympathy, empathy, compassion, love and (personal) power. Moreover, it is necessary that these feelings are not suppressed or overwhelmed by fear and, equally importantly, not overwhelmed by a feeling of (unconscious) self-hatred. If someone is scared and full of unconscious self-hatred, then they can have little interest in sharing their own resources or acting in solidarity with those who need help. And this applies whether the adversely impacted individual is a close relative or friend, or someone on the other side of the world.
So why is fear in this context so important? Simply because fear grotesquely distorts perception and behaviour. Let me explain why and how.
If an individual is (consciously or unconsciously) frightened that one or more of their vital needs will not be met, they will be unable to share resources or to act in solidarity with others, whatever the circumstances. In virtually all cases where an individual experiences this fear, the needs that the individual fears will not be met are emotional ones (including the needs for listening, understanding and love). However, the fearful individual is never aware of these deep emotional needs and of the functional ways of having these needs met which, admittedly, is not easy to do given that listening, understanding and love are not readily available from others who have themselves been denied these needs.
Moreover, because the emotional needs are ‘hidden’ from the individual, the individual (particularly one who lives in a materialist culture) often projects that the need they want met is, in fact, a material need.
This projection occurs because children who are crying, angry or frightened are often scared into not expressing their feelings and offered material items – such as a toy or food – to distract them instead. The distractive items become addictive drugs. This is why most violence is overtly directed at gaining control of material, rather than emotional, resources. The material resource becomes a dysfunctional and quite inadequate replacement for satisfaction of the emotional need. And, because the material resource cannot ‘work’ to meet an emotional need, the individual is most likely to keep using direct and/or structural violence to gain control of more material resources in an unconscious and utterly futile attempt to meet unidentified emotional needs.
This is the reason why people such as the Rothschild family, Jeff Bezos, Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, Amancio Ortega, Mark Zuckerberg, Carlos Slim, the Walton family and the Koch brothers as well as the world’s other billionaires and millionaires seek material wealth, and are willing to do so by taking advantage of structures of exploitation held in place by the US military. They are certainly wealthy in the material sense; unfortunately, they are utterly terrified (and full of self-hatred) and each of them justly deserves the appellation ‘poor little rich boy’ (or girl).
If this was not the case, their conscience, their compassion, their empathy, their sympathy and, indeed, their love would compel them to use or disperse their wealth in ways that would alleviate world poverty and nurture restoration of the ancient, just and ecologically sustainable economy: local self-reliance. See ‘The Flame Tree Project to Save Life on Earth’.
Of course, it is not just the billionaires and millionaires of the corporate elite who have suffered this fate.
Those intellectuals in universities and think tanks who accept payment to ‘justify’ (or simply participate in without question) the worldwide system of violence and exploitation, those politicians, bureaucrats and ordinary businesspeople who accept payment to manage it, those judges and lawyers who accept payment to act as its legal (but immoral) guardians, those media editors and journalists who accept payment to obscure the truth, as well as the many middle and working class people who accept payment to perform other roles to defend it (such as those in the military, police, prison and education systems), are either emotionally void or just too frightened to resist violence and exploitation, in one or more of its many manifestations.
Moreover, governments that use military violence to gain control of material resources are simply governments composed of many individuals with this dysfunctionality, which is very common in industrialized countries that promote materialism. Thus, cultures that unconsciously allow and encourage this dysfunctional projection (that an emotional need is met by material acquisition) are the most violent both domestically and internationally. This also explains why industrialized (material) countries use military violence to maintain political and economic structures that allow ongoing exploitation of non-industrialized countries in Africa, Asia and Central/South America.
But, equally importantly, many ‘ordinary’ people are just too scared to share (more than a token of) what they have and to act in solidarity with those who suffer whether through military or other violence, exploitation, persecution, oppression or occupation. Of course, it takes courage to resist this violent world order. But underlying courage is a sense of responsibility towards one’s fellow beings (human and otherwise) and the future.
As noted above, however, fear is not the only problem. Two primary outcomes of fear are self-hatred and powerlessness. Here is how it happens.
When each of us is a child, if our parents, teachers and/or the other adults around us are frightened by a feeling – such as sadness, anger or fear – that we are expressing, then they will use a variety of techniques to stop us expressing this feeling. They might, for example, comfort us to stop us crying, scare us out of expressing our anger (particularly at them) and reassure us so that we do not feel afraid.
Tragically, however, responses such as these have the outcome of scaring us into unconsciously suppressing our awareness of how we feel when, of course, evolutionary pressures generated emotional responses (some pleasant, some less so) to events in our life in order to help guide us into behaving appropriately at any given moment. And this suppression of how we feel is disastrous if we want children to grow up behaving functionally. This is more fully explained in Why Violence?’ and Fearless Psychology and Fearful Psychology: Principles and Practice.
So where does self-hatred fit into all of this? Well, if a child is angry in response to some violence to which they are being subjected (usually, of course, in an attempt to control their behavior), then they will attempt to defend themselves against this violence in an effort to persevere with their original intention.
However, if the child is then terrorized into submission by a parent or other adult (by being threatened with or experiencing some form of violence, often given the inaccurate label of ‘punishment’) the child will be compelled to unconsciously suppress their awareness of the original feelings, including anger, that were generating their behavior.
Unfortunately, there is a heavy cost to this suppression because each child is genetically programmed to follow their own self-will  (manifesting through such mental functions as thoughts, feelings and conscience) rather than to obey the will of another (whether it be parent, teacher, religious figure or anyone else).
Hence, if a child is successfully terrorized into not behaving in accordance with their own self-will, they will experience a strong feeling of self-hatred precisely because they have submitted, out of fear, to the will of another.
Conscious self-hatred is an intensely unpleasant feeling to experience, however, and because the child is systematically terrorized out of expressing and acting on most of their feelings (which is why 100% of children go to school wherever school is available and compulsory: children are not given freedom of choice) the feeling of self-hatred is suppressed along with these many other feelings. Having learned to do this, subsequent opportunities for this self-hatred to be felt are progressively more easily suppressed.
An unconscious feeling does not ‘go away’ however; it is unconsciously projected elsewhere. Suppressed self-hatred is always unconsciously projected as hatred of someone else, some other group (usually of another sex, race, religion or class) and/or something else, often in imitation of the violent parent/adult (because imitation will be given ‘permission’ by the violent parent/adult). And this inevitably leads to destructive behaviors towards that individual, group and/or the ‘something else’ (including the Earth’s environment).
But, and this is important to recognize, this destructive behaviour might simply manifest as inaction: doing nothing in response to someone else’s (or the Earth’s) obvious need.
So the unconscious fear and self-hatred are projected as fear of and hatred for living beings as well as the Earth, and manifests as behavior that is destructive, often by inaction, of themselves, others and the planet.
The tragic reality is that it takes very little violence to terrorize a child and this is why a substantial proportion of the human population is consumed by their own fear and self-hatred, and feels powerless as a result. Consider the people immediately around you: many spend most of their time, consciously or unconsciously, abusing themselves, others and/or the environment, and doing nothing in response to the plight of our world.
So what can we do?
Given existing parenting practice, fear and self-hatred are not easily avoided although they are not necessarily all-consuming. But to be free of them completely requires just one thing: the fearlessness to love oneself truly. What does this mean?
To love yourself truly, you must always courageously act out your own self-will, whatever the consequences. This requires you to feel all of your emotional responses – fear, sadness, anger, pain, joy, love … – to events, including impediments, in your life. See ‘Feelings First’. It is only when you do this that you can behave with awareness: a synthesis of all of the feedback that your various mental functions give you and the judgments that arise, in an integrated way, from this feedback. See ‘Human Intelligence or Human Awareness?’
At first glance loving yourself and acting out your own self-will might sound selfish. But it is not. Self-love is true love. The individual who does not truly love themself cannot love another. Nor will they feel such emotional responses as compassion, empathy and sympathy. Hence, this individual will not seek mutually beneficial outcomes in tackling conflict, will not seek distributive justice in resource allocation, will not value ecological sustainability and will not act in solidarity with those who are suffering. It is this individual, who is terrified, self-hating and powerless, who will act selfishly.
In addition to courageously acting out your own self-will, you might also consider making ‘My Promise to Children’.
And if you love yourself enough to be part of the struggle to end the violence and exploitation of those who are full of fear and self-hatred, you might like to consider signing the online pledge of ‘The People’s Charter to Create a Nonviolent World’and/or using sound nonviolent strategy for your campaign or liberation struggle. See Nonviolent Campaign Strategy or Nonviolent Defense/Liberation Strategy.
Those who are terrified and self-hating never will.
Biodata: Robert J. Burrowes has a lifetime commitment to understanding and ending human violence. He has done extensive research since 1966 in an effort to understand why human beings are violent and has been a nonviolent activist since 1981. He is the author of Why Violence? His email address is flametree@riseup.net and his website is here.

Denial then defiance Former sex slave in Argentina fights for justice


By Anastasia Moloney-2018-01-24

Enslaved and trapped in a brothel for six years in the southern Argentine port city of Ushuaia, Alika Kinan was beaten and forced to have sex with up to 30 clients a night. But when police raided the 'Sheik' street brothel in the centre of the resort city in a rescue operation in 2012, Kinan's immediate reaction was one of denial and dismay.

She didn't recognize herself as a victim. Instead she tried to defend her pimps and her work."It was a short-lived Stockholm syndrome," Kinan, now 41, said. "I never thought I was a victim of human trafficking. I thought I was working," she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.It was only after her rescue, when speaking to state prosecutors about her ordeal, did Kinan realize she had fallen prey to a sex trafficking ring.

"At first, I denied seeing myself as a victim. I denied any help. But when I heard myself speaking out loud I realized it wasn't okay," Kinan said."To recognize one is a victim is to recognize pain, to recognize the abuse suffered during childhood. No one wants to admit one is a victim."More than five years on, Kinan has turned anger and denial into a quest for justice. She became the first trafficking victim in Argentina to take her pimps and authorities to court, filing a simultaneous civil and criminal lawsuit against them.

Entrapment

When she was a teenager, Kinan said her mother abandoned her leaving her to take sole care of her younger sister. Desperate and hungry, Kinan said a friend knew of a woman who was offering a waitress job in a bar and who would pay for her flight to get there, about 2, 000 miles (3, 200 km) away from her hometown in Cordoba province."Like thousands of women in Argentina, I was pushed into this because of hunger. You don't have a choice when you don't have any options," Kinan said.But when Kinan arrived aged 19 to the 'Sheik' brothel, disguised as a dance club surrounded by barbed wire, Kinan was told she had ran up a debt and her documents were taken away."The brothel owners wanted 25 women there at all times. Thousands were trafficked there over the years, including under-age girls," Kinan said.The most common form of human trafficking in Argentina is women and girls forced into the sex trade, according to the government's anti-trafficking agency, PROTEX.

This includes vulnerable migrant women from the poorer neighbouring countries of Paraguay and Bolivia and the Dominican Republic, lured by traffickers with false promises of work and then trapped into sex slavery.

Few get justice

About 11, 000 victims have been rescued by authorities since Argentina's 2008 anti-trafficking law was enacted, but only 220 convictions for human trafficking were handed down between 2009 to 2014, according to latest PROTEX figures.

More than four in every five convictions involved women being sexual exploited mostly in bars, cabaret and night clubs across Argentina.Kinan pursued her case, and in 2016 her three alleged traffickers - the brothel manger, owner and his wife - were convicted of human trafficking and given between 3 to 7-year prison sentences and fined.

However, they appealed the conviction with a decision from the court expected this year, Kinan said.
Undeterred, Kinan brought additional charges against three more people who she says recruited women to work at the 'Sheik' brothel in a case that is still ongoing.

As part of the civil lawsuit, a court in 2016 ordered the municipality of Ushuaia and traffickers to pay Kinan about $50, 000 in damages - the first time the government has been ordered to pay compensation to a victim of human trafficking in Argentina, according to local media and PROTEX.
But Kinan, a mother of six children, says she has yet to receive any compensation.

"I'll keep fighting, not just for me and my children but for other women. It's about vindicating your rights," she said.

U.N. calls on Myanmar for unhindered access to Rohingya camps

Rohingya Myanmar camp Maungdaw Rakhine
A Myanmar immigration official stands at the door of a building inside the camp set up by Myanmar's Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Minister to prepare for the repatriation of displaced Rohingyas, who fled to Bangladesh, outside Maungdaw in the state of Rakhine, Myanmar January 24, 2018. REUTERS/Stringer

JANUARY 24, 2018

MAUNGDAW, Myanmar (Reuters) - The United Nations on Wednesday called on Myanmar to give aid agencies unhindered access to camps it has built for tens of thousands of Muslim Rohingya refugees before they can return after fleeing Myanmar military operations last year.

An international delegation advising Myanmar toured the Taung Pyo Letwe refugee camp outside the town of Maungdaw near the Bangladesh border. Video of the camp shows long, plywood houses set on a rocky field and surrounded by a wire mesh fence topped with barbed wire.

Bangladesh on Tuesday delayed the repatriation of the largely stateless Rohingya to Myanmar as the process of compiling and verifying the list of people to be sent back was incomplete.

But the United Nations said necessary safeguards for the refugees were still missing.

“Until the safety and wellbeing of any child returning to Myanmar can be guaranteed, talk of repatriation is premature,” UNICEF Deputy Executive Director Justin Forsyth said in a statement.

The UN Refugee Agency UNHCR said earlier “there are continued restrictions on access for aid agencies, the media and other independent observers” in Myanmar.

The UNHCR called on Myanmar “to allow the necessary unhindered humanitarian access in Rakhine State and create conditions for a genuine and lasting solution”.

More than 688,000 Muslim Rohingya and a few hundred Hindu Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since Aug. 25 last year after the Myanmar military cracked down in the northern part of Rakhine state, amid witness reports of killings, looting and rape, in response to militant attacks on security forces.

Many in Buddhist-majority Myanmar regard the Rohingya community as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. The United Nations described Myanmar’s crackdown as ethnic cleansing, which Myanmar denies.

FILLING OUT FORMS 

 

A man walks inside the camp set up by Myanmar's Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Minister to prepare for the repatriation of displaced Rohingyas, who fled to Bangladesh, outside Maungdaw in the state of Rakhine, Myanmar January 24, 2018. REUTERS/Stringer

A man walks inside the camp set up by Myanmar's Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Minister to prepare for the repatriation of displaced Rohingyas, who fled to Bangladesh, outside Maungdaw in the state of Rakhine, Myanmar January 24, 2018. REUTERS/Stringer

Myanmar officials told a news conference on Tuesday that Bangladesh was not ready to send back the refugees as scheduled because the potential returnees hadn’t completed the forms Myanmar provided attesting to their former residency in Myanmar.

“They also have to check with the UNHCR about whether it’s voluntary,” Minister of International Cooperation Kyaw Tin told the news conference.

“They need a lot of time to fill out the forms and to determine if they really want to come back.”
A Bangladesh official who participated in the talks with Myanmar told Reuters the UNHCR would be involved in the process to “ensure the repatriations would be voluntary”.

“They (UNHCR) are already working with us...We want to make sure that the return is safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable,” said the official, who declined to be named as he was not authorized to speak to media.

Rohingya Myanmar camp Maungdaw RakhineHe said Bangladesh was working towards signing a memorandum of understanding with UNHCR for the repatriation and it could take “at least two months” to start the return.

But a UNHCR spokesperson in Bangladesh told Reuters the agency had not been involved “in the bilateral discussions on repatriations or signed any agreements”.

“We would like to be part of the process and discussions to ensure the reparations are voluntary, safe and sustainable and that any returns are in line with international standards,” said Caroline Gluck, UNHCR’s senior public information officer, in Cox’s Bazar.

Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed earlier this month to complete a voluntary repatriation of the refugees in two years. Myanmar says it has set up two reception centres and the temporary Taung Pyo Letwe camp to receive the first arrivals.

The plan has sparked fears in refugee camps in Bangladesh that people may be forced to return despite a lack of guarantees around their security.

Late on Tuesday, U.S. State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert said the delay in the repatriations was a good idea and Washington was concerned about a lack of access for U.N. organisations.


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AS PART of an ambitious bid to boost its hydropower output and become the ‘battery’ of Southeast Asia, the landlocked communist state of Laos now has three dam projects underway along the vast stretches of the Mekong river that wind through its rugged mountainous landscape.


Face of 9,000 year-old teen girl recreated

Presentation of the reconstructed face of "Dawn", a young woman who lived around 7,000 BC in a cave in Greece
REUTERS=The angry face of Dawn is on display at the Acropolis Museum in Athens

BBC22 January 2018

This is what Dawn may have looked like when she was alive, 9,000 years ago.

The face of a girl, thought to be aged between 15 and 18, has been recreated by scientists based on remains found in a cave in Greece in 1993.

The silicone model was created using CT scans and 3D printing technology.

She was named Avgi, Greek for Dawn, because she lived in the Mesolithic period in about 7,000 BC, considered by some to be the dawn of civilisation.

According to researchers at the University of Athens, her remains suggest that:
  • She had a protruding jaw, which could have been caused by chewing on animal skin to make it into soft leather
  • Dawn suffered from anaemia, lack of vitamins and possibly scurvy
  • She could have struggled to move because of hip and joint problems, which could have contributed to her death
Her bones indicated she was 15 when she died, but the teeth suggested she was 18. Other features like skin and eye colour were inferred based on general population traits in the area.

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As for her apparently angry look, orthodontics professor Manolis Papagrikorakis told Reuters news agency: "It's not possible for her not to be angry during such an era."

Composite image showing the reconstruction of Dawn's face
REUTERS-The process of reconstructing Dawn's face

Her remains were found in Theopetra Cave, in the central Greek region of Thessaly, where objects from Paleolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic periods have also been discovered.

The reconstruction work involved an international team and a Swedish laboratory specialising in human reconstructions.

The face is on display at the Acropolis Museum in Athens.

Tuesday, January 23, 2018

PTA needs to be repealed - TNA leader tells EU official


Home23Jan 2018
The leader of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) R Sampanthan on Tuesday stressed the need for the Prevention of Terrorism Act to be repealed in a meeting with a representative of the EU to Sri Lanka. 
Mr Sampanthan stressed that the repeal of the PTA was a commitment made by the Sri Lankan government to the international community, and specifically the EU, however the government had failed to deliver on it. He also called for those those detained indefinitely under the PTA to have their cases processed. 
Highlighting the military's ongoing occupation of private land in the North-East, Mr Sampanthan also drew attention to the plight of Tamils who remain displaced over 8 years after the end of the armed conflict. 
Mr Sampanthan also told the visiting EU official of the anguish of families who continue to demonstrate seeking answers regarding the whereabouts of their loved ones who were disappeared. 

Statement issued by Women Action Network (WAN) on attacks on women candidates Women at war Violence against women is a key factor in preventing their political participation

2018-01-24
A woman candidate who was involved in election campaign activities in the Wellawaya area of Moneragala District has been admitted to the hospital in a serious condition after she was brutally attacked.
In Selvanagar, Arayampathy in the Eastern Province, a woman candidate’s house was attacked.
A woman candidate in the Puthukudiyiruppu area of Mullaithivu District has been physically assaulted, kept locked in a house, and threatened to withdraw the complaint she made to the Police.
Women candidates in Puttalam and other districts have been verbally humiliated by religious leaders and their families and have been subjected to revolting comments.
A woman candidate in the Puthukudiyiruppu area of Mullaithivu District has been physically assaulted, kept locked in a house, and threatened to withdraw the complaint...
Vulgar comments on women candidates and disgusting opinions on their race and religion are increasingly being shared in social networks and circulated leaflets.
The above mentioned are some of the most recent news reports of violent acts against woman candidates who are contesting in the upcoming Local Government elections. Apart from these, many incidents of physical and psychological assault on woman candidates that have not been reported to the police or the Elections Commission are being reported through women’s organisations and activists.
Women are subjected to more criminal incidents than men during elections, most of which are referred to as violence against women in elections. Such violent incidents can be defined as follows:
The threat of harm or harm against women during the election period that are intended to cause confusion or impact on the independent and equal roles of women in the electoral process. 
These include harassment, intimidation, physical harm, coercion, threats and financial pressures. Moreover, they can be made in private places or public places.
Women candidates in Puttalam and other districts have been verbally humiliated by religious leaders and their families and have been subjected to revolting comments.
Election violence becomes a violent act against women when the time of the incident is related to the electoral circulation (e.g. Planning for elections, preparing for election, election campaign) and when it is aimed at a woman candidate, voter, Elections Commission member, etc because she is a woman.
Thus, all the above incidents fall into both gender-based violence and political violence categories. Such instances are doubly damaging because they harm the individual and undermine a peaceful democracy in Sri Lanka. Women continue to be subjected to subtle, silent, and hidden forms of violence, and as such these violent acts violate their rights and negatively affect the credibility of the election.
In 2016, a 25 percent mandatory quota for women in Sri Lankan local Government was passed into law.
This creates the possibility of a minimum number of 1,991 women from 341 local councils becoming locally elected members. The mixed electoral system introduced through the Local Authorities Elections Act mandates that 10% of ward nominations and 50% of the proportional list in the nomination paper submitted by a political party or an independent group should be allocated to women.
In post-war Sri Lanka, especially in the North and East, ..women are engaging in this election with great enthusiasm ..as usual, the patriarchal political community and religious groups are trying to nullify their political contribution by subjecting them to violence.
Otherwise the nomination will be rejected. The number of members elected to 341 local councils, including 24 municipal councils, 41 urban councils and 276 Pradeshiya Sabhas, are 8356 members. Although 52 per cent of the total population in Sri Lanka are women, so far, their representation is 5.3 per cent in parliament, 4 per cent in provincial councils, and 1.9 per cent in local councils.
Violence against women is a key factor in preventing their political participation. Ethnic, religious, and cultural barriers, along with structural violence, persecution, sexual bribery, physical assault, threats to family members, financial pressures, warnings and threats from religious heads, vandalized media reports, humiliation in social networks, and open public challenges from people with patriarchal attitudes are what prevent women from participating in politics.
In post-war Sri Lanka, especially in the North and East minority community, women are engaging in this election with great enthusiasm. However, as usual, the patriarchal political community and religious groups are trying to nullify their political contribution by subjecting them to violence.
While taking other countries, especially post-war societies into account, we observe that the political role of women is problematic and unacceptable. In our country where similar conditions prevail, we should be ready to face any obstacle in our way with the help of the law and the society and should never allow gender, race, religion, caste, and party-based discriminations to limit our progress and political participation.
Important to focus on the representation of women to take the lead in such a society. (…) We need not only to bring patriarchal but also matriarchal values...
Video clips of Moulavis Niyas Siddiqi Siraj and Murshid Abbasi verbally attacking Muslim woman candidates and their family members in a disgusting manner for their recent campaign speeches in Puttalam have gone viral in social media. The Moulavis preached their own opinions, for example, ‘Men can never be administered by women.’, and ‘Women are only for performing household duties and to look after their husbands and children,’ They cast these as teachings from Quran in their degrading speeches and used words that violate human dignity such as, ‘Husbands and family members of these woman candidates should be ashamed of them.’
It is a painful and problematic fact that so far, none of the political parties these woman candidates belong to, the police who are responsible to uphold the law, the Elections Commission, or any political party leaders have condemned the open, public, and disgusting hate speech towards woman candidates or verbal and psychological violence by men with religious and political backgrounds towards them. Their silence makes one question whether women’s participation in politics is truly welcomed, or merely a formal act.
In November 2017, President Maithripala Sirisena launched a national campaign to strengthen women’s participation titled ‘Women for Change’.
Speaking at the launch, the President said: “In order to establish a better country, better society, and to establish a society with love, compassion and moral values, it is important to focus on the representation of women to take the lead in such a society. (…) We need not only to bring patriarchal but also matriarchal values, ideas and concepts, suggestions to create an ideal society.”
Nevertheless, women candidates have been subjected to different kinds of violence and the religious leaders and politicians acting in a way that affects their family’s honor has created a situation where women cannot play their part in politics with freedom and self-respect.
“Complete electoral safety goes beyond physical and armed violence. It means creating an environment in which all individuals could use their political rights freely and justly. The Women Action Network reiterates that the 25 percent mandatory quota for women in local Government should not only be nominal. It must be an obligation for the present Government, the President, and the electoral structures.

**WAN is a network of eight women organisations operating in the North and East.