Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, December 21, 2017

Bangladesh: Failure of law to hold convicted war criminals

Countries around the world are still looking for Nazi war criminals. Time, however, is running out. Even the youngest 1971 war crimes criminals are approaching their final years and some of those who are being hunted may already be dead.


by Anwar A. Khan-
( December 21, 2017, Dhaka, Sri Lanka Guardian) The worst case of genocide since World War II took place in Bangladesh in 1971. The International Crimes Tribunal in Bangladesh (ICT of Bangladesh) is a domestic war crimes tribunal in the country set up in 2009 to investigate and prosecute suspects for the genocide committed in 1971 by the Pakistan Army and their local collaborators, Al-Badr and Al-Shams and Razakars during the Bangladesh Liberation War. During the 2008 general election, the Awami League (AL) pledged to try war criminals. The government set up the tribunal after the Awami League won the general election in December 2008 with a landslide victory in parliament. Barrister Tureen Afroz, a prosecutor with the ICT in Bangladesh has written, “The ICT is putting Bangladesh on a path toward healing. Without these trials, the world would have long forgotten the dark shadow that will forever linger over Bangladesh, a shadow filled with the perpetrators and their atrocious crimes, and more importantly, the pain and suffering of the victims and their families. The ICT’s presence on the world stage communicates a strong message that genocide and war crimes will not be tolerated, and that’s justice in itself.”
Countries around the world are still looking for Nazi war criminals. Time, however, is running out. Even the youngest 1971 war crimes criminals are approaching their final years and some of those who are being hunted may already be dead. To prosecute and bring to justice the remaining of those responsible for the worst crimes – genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in our glorious Liberation War in 1971 are the crying need of the hour.
Government is the main promoter of important public values, such as justice, that are essential to a good society. Without a strong public sector, life in Bangladesh would be less just, less free, more unequal, and more insecure. It should be as the champion of justice, equality, freedom, and security. The overall point is this: to the extent that we cherish important public values like justice and equality, we need a public sector strong enough and well-funded enough to make these things a reality. Conversely, attacks that weaken government also weaken it as a force for good in our society. Criminal cases are brought to court when a person is accused of breaking the law. Without courts it would be difficult to insure that justice is served when people are accused of breaking the law. Without a court system to deal with those suspected of crimes we have problems as well. A fair and honest court system is designed to take a look at all the evidence in a calm and rational manner and give an unbiased opinion. You may have heard the term, “judge, jury and executioner”, which describes someone given extreme power to determine guilt or innocence and to deliver punishment. It is important to hand down punishments to people who choose to break the law.

Until these criminals are made to publicly face up and accept the evil of what they did, then there is nothing they can be forgiven for. We cannot learn from history if the truth is not disclosed.

The ICT trials in Bangladesh have established that all of humanity would be guarded by a legal shield. This new momentum has reflected widespread agreement that ICT court(s), with fair trial for the accused, should be created as an essential component of a just world order under law. After several years of work and struggle, the promise of a Criminal Court like ICT with jurisdiction to try genocide, war crimes and Crimes against Humanity has become a reality. The Court (s) holds a promise of putting an end to the impunity that reigns today for human slaughtering and bringing us a more just and more humane world. The evidence, based in large part on captured records, is overwhelming that crimes of the greatest cruelty and horror were systematically committed. The findings and judgment of the ICT (s) have helped to usher in a new era for the legal protection of victims’ rights. We must envision a society where the universal principles of equality, fairness and justice prevail.
But the truth of those responsible for planning and executing these crimes must come to light for us to be able to move forward. Until these people are made to publicly face up and accept the evil of what they did, then there is nothing they can be forgiven for. We cannot learn from history if the truth is not disclosed. The ICT in Bangladesh shows one way in which the crimes can be acknowledged and condemned. A crime against humanity has to remain that – a crime against the whole of humanity and therefore, we all have to stand up for the names of our murdered brethren “humanity”.  Maybe, this is a time to remind everyone, especially those who want these alleged criminals to go free, that there are numerous suspected criminals living in this country as well as in foreign countries guilty of involvement in the Genocides in Bangladesh in 1971. Let them see we will stand up for humanity even if our senior people failed to bring justice promptly which would have been admittedly a better example to all.
Crime is crime; criminals are criminals, what’s more basic than that? If they committed the crime, they should pay for that. Time does not forgive mass murder and genocide. Bring the fleer war criminals back alive to justice because the punishment is not over yet. People of Bangladesh and the government are driven by a single purpose i.e. to establish justice. It is not avenge, revenge or cobra bite as has been telling by the mango-twigs of the war criminals. The war criminals have rightly been tracked to prosecute who have evaded justice for decades. It is a mission. It is not wise and humane to let such matters rest without a harsh challenge. It has taken us about four decades to bring some of the king pin war criminals to justice. By this long time, many people died, and some of the best cases could not be brought to justice. It was a real tragedy in all respects. Between 2010 and now, many have been tried and convicted; some of them were hanged for their unspeakable barbarity.
Dehradun Military Academy first batch trained guerrilla freedom fighter Md. Mujibur Rahman says, “If you allow people who have committed terrible crimes to live in your midst without taking legal action against them, you are basically saying it doesn’t matter.” Some people deliberately and some unknowingly try to say very often so many years have passed away, the suspects themselves are probably sorry. But this is more wishful thinking on their part than actual reality. And the bad news is that they have never expressed regret or remorse for the grave atrocities they committed to the freedom loving people during our glorious Liberation War in 1971.  Alexander Hamilton reminds us, “I think the first duty of society is justice.”
If we can’t bring them to justice, we feel we are betraying our fallen heroes and their families. We are leaving them in the pits. But it is prosecution that has the greatest impact in terms of helping a society faced in the past. The war criminals against which trials are continuing in connection with a massacre that wiped out three million of our population. But we should never say you will remain off the hook.  Hence, the hunt for the war criminals must go on. These criminals as we find they had lack of tolerance for them who did not fall in their support, not to speak of people of any religion.
It was a million dollar question how one has deal with the numerous obstacles obstructing justice and the frustrations of seeing so many war criminals of our 1971 history who committed terrible crimes and whom we were finally able to track down and expose, escape trial and punishment due to lack of political will or because of illness and/or death.

The wheels of justice for the victims of the war criminals’ crimes move in a zigzag way and at a frustratingly slow pace

It is with great trepidation that the people of Bangladesh will be waiting to hear judgment of ICT and SC. Valiant freedom fighter Syed Hafizul Hoque reminds us, “The obligation we owe the victims, the responsibility to make a serious effort to track down those who turned so many innocent men, women, and children into victims, simply because they were classified as enemies belong to Jamaat-e-Islam, other religion trade based political parties and their notorious Pakistan.” The freedom fighters’ words and gratitude underscore for us one of the main motivations to keep trying to bring the 1971 war criminals to justice. So, when the going gets rough, and the frustrations mount, we should think back to the words of the aforesaid veteran freedom fighters and remember that one of the greatest good deeds a Bengali can do is to fulfill that obligation to as many of the victims as possible.
The wheels of justice for the victims of the war criminals’ crimes move in a zigzag way and at a frustratingly slow pace, even at this late date in time, when every day that passes can spell the difference between a perpetrator being convicted and punished and cases being dropped for reasons of death while trials were going on and death penalties to some accused were commuted on physical or mental infirmities. For us who saw the 1971 struggle of our proud history, the genocide of three million of our people is a living memory, not only because survivours of that tragedy, our parents, uncles and aunts, are still among us to testify and remind us of the horrors that they survived, but also because of our more recent history that some foreign and local mango-twigs of the war criminals are out to save them from the hangmen’s nooses, and that we remain the target of genocidal threats.
Martyrs Intellectual Day in Bangladesh is probably the most solemn day on the country’s calendar, a day of mourning and reflection, a day to commemorate the victims, but also to ponder our current situation and try and comprehend how all this fits in to the continuity of Bangladesh’s history. The arrest in Germany of three men aged 88, 92 and 94, who served as guards at the Auschwitz-Birkenau death camp, has once again raised the issue of the ongoing prosecution of elderly Holocaust perpetrators, almost seven decades after the end of World War II. Why shall we consider age, health ground and so on in case of the 1971 war criminals? Thus the moral, legal and philosophical arguments for continued prosecution remain the same, and can be summarised as follows:
Firstly, the passage of time in no way diminishes the guilt of the killers. If a person committed murder many years ago and has still not been held accountable, he or she is no less guilty today, just because many years have passed since the crime was committed.
Secondly, old age should not afford protection to murderers. Reaching an advanced age does not turn a murderer into a righteous among the Nations.
Thirdly, every one of Bangladesh’s’ victims deserves that an effort be made to find the person(s) who turned them – innocent men, women, and children – into victims.
Fourth, the ongoing efforts to bring 1971 war criminals to justice sends a powerful message, that if one commits such heinous crimes, even decades later the search to hold such persons accountable continues. In this regard, the fact that so many of those who perpetrated the crimes of the Holocaust were able to escape punishment only made it easier for subsequent tragedies to occur. It must be as clear as possible, that committing such crimes will almost certainly result in swift and severe punishment. “Justice is conscience, not a personal conscience but the conscience of the whole humanity. Those who clearly recognize the voice of their own conscience usually also recognize the voice of justice” – these words of Alexander Solzhenitsyn are to the point here.
Fifth, trials of 1971 war criminals continue to prove helpful in the fight against Holocaust denial and the recent efforts in Bangladesh, to rewrite the narrative of 1971 war to hide or minimise the role of local collaborators in Holocaust crimes.
It is important to note that we have never encountered a single Holocaust perpetrator who ever expressed any regret or remorse. If anything, just the opposite, they are still proud to this day of the crimes they committed, which many continue to portray as their duty. And that is why, we continue time after time to remind the skeptics, that the criminals being brought to justice are the last people on earth who deserve any sympathy since they had no mercy on their innocent victims, some of whom were even older than they are today.
So, when you see one of these war criminals on TV or in the media in the coming weeks, don’t be taken in by their frail, sickly appearance. Think of them as they were in the prime of their youth and physical strength, when they devoted all their energy to helping run the largest mass murder factory in the history of mankind. It is outrageous that almost 100 convicts, accused are still fugitive. It is very painful that the concerned government agency puts less emphasis on aggressive action to put them into custody. We can cite a few examples hereunder:
1.Abul Kalam Azad ((Bachchu) is war criminal of 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. He was the first war criminal to be convicted for crimes against humanity, including murder of unarmed civilians and rape committed during the War. On 21 January 2013 Azad was sentenced to hanging for his crimes, but he was on the run.
2.M.A. Zahid Hossain Khokon, of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party, is a fugitive war criminal, convicted to death penalty and believed to be in Sweden.  He was convicted of leading the killings of people, looting and arson attacks during the war.
3.Syed Mohammad Hasan Ali, 68, was found guilty on five charges out of six and International Crimes Tribunal handed down the death sentence to him. He is believed to have fled the country as the trial process was initiated but 26 witnesses testified against Ali during the trial.
4.Sakhawat Hossain, an ex-Jamaat-e-Islami party member of parliament (MP) was sentenced to death for leading a unit that killed, raped and tortured unarmed civilians during the 1971 war. The ICT sentenced seven others – six in absentia – to life in prison.
5.The International Crimes Tribunal convicted Britain’s Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin and Ashrafuzzaman Khan, from the United States, in absentia of charges relating to the murder of 18 intellectuals during the 1971 war. The pair, who fled Bangladesh after it gained independence from Pakistan, faced the death penalty by the International Crimes Tribunal. They were handed down death penalty.
6. About the Gaibandha case, the six are accused on four counts of crimes like abduction, torture, loot, arson, forcing people to leave country, killing and genocide. The accused are Md Abdul Jabbar Mandal, 86, Md Jasisar Rahman alias ‘Khoka’, 64, Md Abdul Wahed Mandal, 62, Md Montaz Ali Bapari alias ‘Momtaz’, 68, Md Asgar Hossain Khan, 66, and Md Ranju Mia, 59. All but Mia are absconding.
“It’s not only us who are frustrated over the fugitives, some frustrations have affected the victims, case witnesses, and those demonstrating for a long time for war crimes trial,” Sanaul, the chief of  ICT investigation agency said at a news conference. He said the ICT investigation agency has nothing else to do other than to remind police about the fugitives, because the investigators do not have the powers to arrest them.
According to Sanaul, 22 of the 24 fugitive war crimes convicts have been condemned to death. One of the 22, Kishoreganj Razakar commander Gazi Abdul Mannan, died on December 19, 2016 while on the run.  The number of fugitives accused in cases under trial is 46 while 11 are absconding in cases under investigation. The total number of absconding war criminals or war crimes suspects is 81. “We hear a great deal of political rhetoric about bringing back the persons accused in war crimes cases from abroad. But somehow it comes to our mind that there is a lack of coordination. I’m not saying there is a lack of sincerity,” said the ICT investigation agency coordinator. In his words, ‘Justice gets limited as only a symbol’ when the sentence is not executed. “We’ve written to the government several times. The home ministry has formed a committee on the matter. Another committee was also formed at the Police Headquarters following a tribunal order. “The committee sits every three months and issues some reminder letters. That’s all,” he said.

It is important to note that we have never encountered a single Holocaust perpetrator who ever expressed any regret or remorse.

Is it the lack of interest on the part of some people of the government machineries! Are there even secret ties and collaboration between some people on both sides? It is not hard for this coalition to torpedo the hunt for the war criminals. But countless players — in politics, the judiciary, the government and the administration — have to work together in order to arrange and execute successful criminal prosecutions. Indeed, a small mistake or minor procedural irregularity is enough to foil the arrest of the criminals. Some reports may confirm that it neglected to forcefully pursue murderers for decades
But there is no scope to turn a blind eye to atrocities committed by thousands of 1971 war criminals. In order to effectively protect our loved ones, we must provide the Bangladesh’s people with unfettered access to know who these dangerous criminals are and where they are living. They are criminals, they brutalised Bangladesh, they killed our people, and they destroyed our land. Rutherford B. Hayes has written, “One of the tests of the civilization of people is the treatment of its criminals.” The concerned government authority must look into the matter of fugitive war criminals and convicted war criminals seriously to get rid of this state of things.
The past years’ experience has taught us that a single tribunal court is not sufficient enough to try the many remaining war criminals. Setting up more tribunal courts are a dire emergency needed one to give the essential momentum to the on-going trials. William Penn said, “Anything less than full justice is cruelty.”
– The End-

Community singing 'improves mental health and helps recovery'

Christmas singing with a Sing Your Heart Out group
Everyone is welcome to the singing workshops and no-one asks about mental health issues

  • 21 December 2017

  • BBCSinging in groups can help people recover from mental illness, making them feel valued and increasing their confidence, according to research.

    A University of East Anglia study of singers involved in free weekly workshops in Norfolk found benefits to mood and social skills.

    Researchers said the Sing Your Heart Out project had stopped some people from relapsing.

    They urged other areas to consider running community singing groups.

    The Sing Your Heart Out (SYHO) initiative started in 2005 at a psychiatric hospital in Norwich, before branching out into the community.

    It is aimed at people with mental health conditions as well as the general public, and regularly attracts hundreds of people to four weekly sing-alongs.

    One of them is Penny Holden, 67, who has lived with bipolar disorder all her life.

    She credits the singing group with turning her life around 13 years ago, when she was at her lowest.

    Penny Holden
    Penny was first taken along to a singing workshop by a support worker

    She said singing in harmony had been a wonderful tonic.

    "It's the best thing I've ever done. It's such a nurturing environment, where we look out for each other and help each other.

    "I found it difficult to relate to people and trust them when I first went along, but I knew I wanted to do something to get involved in life again.

    "But I didn't want to sit around talking and drinking tea and biscuits."

    Researchers from UEA's Norwich Medical School said a study of 20 members of the group over six months found singing and mixing socially had helped those who had had serious mental health issues to function better in day-to-day life.

    'No pressure'

    Lead researcher Prof Tom Shakespeare said it was "a low-commitment, low-cost tool for mental health recovery within the community" because it gave participants a feeling of belonging and wellbeing.

    He said the breathing involved in singing had also been shown to be good for the body.
    Prof Shakespeare said the term "choir" had been intentionally avoided in SYHO because it scared people off.

    "Anyone can make a noise. No-one is ever rejected in these groups.

    "There's also very little pressure because the participants are not rehearsing towards a performance."
    This approach, he said, meant the singing groups were very inclusive, relaxed and fun.

    And, in contrast to music therapy, there is no pressure for anyone to discuss their condition.

    "That means you don't know who you're sitting next to. You don't have to tell anyone about yourself," Prof Shakespeare said.

    As part of their study, the researchers organised focus groups with singers, organisers and voice coaches, who lead the groups and are paid from a community fund.

    Wednesday, December 20, 2017

    THE ONCE STRONG AND VIBRANT FMM APPEARED TO HAVE LOST STEAM AND IT’S DYNAMISM

    Image: 25th anniversary with a special event of the FMM.(Credit- FMM FB)

    Ruki Fernando.-20/12/2017


    Sri Lanka BriefThe Free Media Movement of Sri Lanka (FMM) celebrated its 25thanniversary with a special event in Colombo on November 21.

    Looking at the exhibition tracing the history of FMM’s activism, it seemed a major focus of its activism has been demanding accountability for violations of freedom of expression. In other words, an end to impunity in our country. The exhibition displayed photographs of journalists killed, disappeared, assaulted, tortured, detained, arson attacks on media institutions and so on, reflecting a legacy of violence against media institutions and media personnel.

    Achievements in ensuring accountability was visibly absent. One of the two publications launched and one of the two panel discussions during the special event was also on impunity, indicating it’s still high on the agenda of FMM and a priority for the Sri Lankan media.

    Impunity and accountability are primarily understood from a legal perspective by most. When there violations of human rights, the state must investigate, prosecute and punish is the understanding.

    The investigators (usually police), prosecutors (in today’s Sri Lanka, the Attorney General) and the judiciary are the central players.

    But in reality, a major factor is the socio-political environment. Whether there is political will. And whether there is outrage in society. Including in broader media community beyond media freedom activists and organizations. In Sri Lanka, with few exceptions, it’s apparent that the criminal justice system, political establishment, society and media community in general have all colluded to ensure impunity and thus continuation of violations.

    FMM for 25 years has campaigned against impunity, alongside other media freedom organizations and activists, within and outside Sri Lanka. At times, opposition politicians (such as the UNP during the Rajapaksa regime) have supported these campaigns, but their commitment has not been carried forward after they gained political power.

    Since the 2015 change in government, there appears to be some progress in investigating the 2009 murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge, the founding editor of the English language publication, The Sunday Leader,’ a journalist both locally and internationally well known.

    There has also been some progress in investigating the 2010 disappearance of cartoonist and journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda, who was not as well-known as Lasantha. Progress in Ekneligoda’s case is primarily due to an exceptionally determined, courageous and sustained campaign by his wife, Sandya Ekneligoda, despite threats faced by her, then and now.

    Just last month, the police had tried to settle the matter through mediation, as threats against her grew, instead of addressing it through the Victim and Witness Protection Act. But as she had done under the Rajapaksa regime, she continues to cow down and insists on accountability for the threats through the judiciary.

    But despite Sandya still being on the streets and going to courts hundreds of times, despite Wickrematunge’s brother and wife now representing the government through overseas diplomatic appointments, despite top government positions related to media being held by champions of freedom of expression during the previous government, there have been no prosecutions even for these two high profile – Sinhalese – Colombo cases in three years of “good governance.”

    Ominously, arbitrary web censorship appears to be back now. It is left to be seen whether the FMM’s leadership will challenge this in courts as it did during the Rajapaksa regime.

    Research by the FMM and others indicate most journalists who had been killed have been of Tamil ethnicity. The Jaffna based Tamil daily ‘Uthayan’ was subjected to repeated attacks, and a number of their journalists and media workers have been killed and assaulted. Still, even minimal progress in investigating a few incidents appears far away.

    In this context, a key challenge for FMM is to raise the profile of some ‘low profile’ cases to the level of ‘high profile’ and try and to make every effort to ensure that the exception is indeed the norm. It may be worthwhile to learn from the example of Sandya Ekneligoda.

    A cautionary note is due in relation to FMM’s primary demand in demanding an end to impunity, as the proposed means is a Presidential Commission of Inquiry (CoI). And a good issue to learn lessons in this regard could be Sri Lanka’s enforced disappearances.

    Numerous CoIs appointed by successive governments have not been able to address impunity, despite receiving more than 65,000 complaints of disappearances since 1994. According to a 2004 government report, investigations by a special Disappearances Investigation Unit had led to 376 cases being filed in High Court (prosecutions), out of which there were 12 convictions with 241 pending.
    Despite failure to take forward criminal accountability, some of the CoIs have contributed towards truth seeking and creating historical narratives about what had transpired in dark phases of Sri Lankan history in terms of enforced disappearances. These include identifying patterns, providing statistics and even naming some perpetrators.

    Special Committees appointed by the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) has also published detailed reports about violations, including analysis of trends, narratives of individual cases examined, names of alleged perpetrators and given official certificates confirming violations. This track record must be assessed and specific demands about the CoI made to ensure that maximum possible results are achieved from a CoI.

    With the present HRCSL leadership showing its independence and assertiveness, it may be worthwhile for FMM to engage with them more systematically – through routine individual complaints as well as discussing options of short term, special mechanisms, learning also from previous experiences.

    The presence and positive interventions by the HRCSL’s chairperson at the 25thanniversary event, and recent proactive initiatives by the HRCSL leadership on allegations and imminent freedom of expression violations give us some hope. But again, limitations in terms of mandate (such as not investigating cases which are before courts, inability to punish or enforce recommendations) and the capacity of staff must be considered.

    Another idea that media freedom organizations could pursue in terms of truth seeking is a “People’s Commission on Freedom of Expression violations.”

    There have been such initiatives by Sri Lankan activists on other issues – such as the Committee on Border Villages in 1990s and more recently, the Commission on expulsion of Northern Muslims by the LTTE. This has also happened in other countries such as theHistorical Memory project by Catholic Church in Guatemala.

    Credibility of such an initiative, particularly in terms of leadership, as well as competence of staff who will do much of the actual work are both key. The work should aim to uncover evidence of a standard that could be used in judicial proceedings to prosecute suspects in specific incidents. International expertise could also be sought for such an initiative.

    Within the FMM structure itself, it may be timely to consider a specialized unit on impunity watch, which could monitor progress or lack of progress on freedom of expression violations, including through trial observation, analyzing police and court records and related social – political environment. It could also engage in diligent documentation of each case, prepare detailed as well as summarized case records and a user-friendly digital database. Public outreach through both traditional and new media will also be important.

    Beyond monitoring and documentation, FMM could also adopt an “interventionist approach,” in pursuing some selected cases within the criminal justice system. A specialized legal unit within FMM may be needed for this, to engage in initiatives such as exploring possibilities to get legal standing as a professional organization, becoming an intervening party and filing writs as an interested party. It is also possible to engage in regular discussions with the Police and AG and provide quality, subsidized or free legal advice and representation to survivors and victim’s families in relation to freedom of expression violations.

    The once strong and vibrant FMM appeared to have lost steam and it’s dynamism in the last few years. It is hoped that the 25thanniversary would be an occasion to re-invigorate the FMM, with measures such as adopting new technology and diversifying its leadership to include more women, youth, those from outside Colombo, ethnic and religious minorities.

    This article is based on his remarks made during the 25th anniversary celebrations of the Free Media Movement (FMM)

    Will National Human Rights ActionPlan be a reality?

    69th commemoration of the International Human Rights Day

    2017-12-21 

    The ‘National Action Plan for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights 2017 - 2021 (NHRAP) was launched last month at the Parliamentary complex. The five-year plan focuses on the key areas namely; civil, social, cultural, labour, environment, economic and political rights, prevention of torture and the rights of women, children, internally displaced persons, returning refugees, migrant workers and persons with disabilities. 

    A Cabinet appointed Inter-Ministerial Committee spearheaded the National Action Plan. Government, civil society organizations, the National Human Rights Commission, United Nations agencies, INGOs and academics have been consulted in the formulation of the National Action Plan. While this Plan is commended for the inclusion of progressive activities in relation to promoting human rights it remains a question as to whether the Plan would be translated into reality. 

    At the 69th commemoration of the International Human Rights Day held at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute and organized by ‘Right to Life- Human Rights Center’, civil society groups and independent commissions expressed their views on the NHRAP and the status of human rights in the country at present.

    A special unit within NPC for complaints on torture

    -Prabath Lakshman Wijetunga
    Director Public Complaint Investigation Department of the National Police Commission



    To the surprise of the audience Director Public Complaint Investigation Department of the National Police Commission Prabath Lakshman Wijetunga, said that it was the invitation from ‘Right to Life’ to attend the commemoration that presented an opportunity to inform the NPC of the National Action Plan. According to him some Government institutions were still not aware of the NHRAP. 

    Meanwhile the NHRAP states that a special unit will be established within the NPC to record, investigate, take disciplinary action and refer for prosecution complaints on torture. Wijetunga said that work on this has already commenced. 

    Under Article 155, as amended by the 19th Amendment, the NPC can establish procedures to entertain and investigate public complaints made against a police officer or the police service and provide redress as provided by law. “If we find a police officer guilty we take disciplinary action against that individual,” he said. 
    When investigating into complaints on torture we have found that most victims had been involved in the illegal drug trade. Sometimes the complainant does not cooperate
    Since the establishment of the NPC on 14 October, 2015 it has received 467 complaints in 2015, 1879 in 2016 and around 1400 so far in 2017. “We have taken disciplinary action against 76 police officers. Preliminary investigations have been initiated against 25 police officers,” said Wijetunga. 

    He assured that as soon as they received a complaint on torture they had acted promptly. “We go to the police station where it is alleged that the torture took place and inspect the place. We inquire into how the person was arrested,” he said. 

    Under the Torture Act, torture can be either physical or psychological, he said. “A person who has been subjected to torture will be removed immediately and hospitalized. We have the power to extract statements and investigate into such allegations. 

    “When investigating into complaints on torture we have found that most victims had been involved in the illegal drug trade. Sometimes the complainant does not cooperate.

    This is because they want to continue with the trade and they believe that an investigation would impede their opportunity of reassuming the trade. Then we are helpless because we can’t proceed with investigations,” he said. 

    Chapter on economic, social and cultural rights is weak

    -Dr. Deepika Udagama
    Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission(HRC)

    Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission(HRC), Dr. Deepika Udagama stressed that many activities in the National Action Plan were progressive. However, she admitted that the chapter on economic, social and cultural rights was weak. “But plans about women’s rights, torture, civil and political rights are very strong,” she said. 

     “Most of these areas in the NHRAP will fall under the eight thematic sub committees under the HRC. For instance, there are committees for women’s rights, ESC rights, torture etc. Every committee comprises Human Rights Commissioners and civil societies,” she explained. 
    “We don’t know what happened to the previous National Action Plan. We hope that the 2017-2021 Action Plan will not share the same fate as that of its predecessor. It is the responsibility of the citizens to ensure this,” she said. 

    Dr.Udagama said that there was a great improvement in the state of human rights in the country. However, she highlighted the inexplicable delays in certain matters such as ending impunity. 
    She further observed that the silence of the wise and just was detrimental to a democracy.
    “You can’t just vote and stay aside. No democracy has been strengthened in this manner,” she observed.

    NHRAP must be more accessible to people at large

    -Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
    Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA)

    Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu said that the NHRAP was a reflection of the change that has taken place in the area of human rights in the country since 2015. But he queried as to whether the change has been used to strengthen human rights. 

    “Have we done our (civil society) bit? Or are we assuming that it is adequate to make plans and pass laws and all we have to do is watch and criticize?” he further quizzed. 

    “From 2012 onwards we’ve had successive resolutions on this country. These resolutions began almost as appeals to the Government. The very first resolution on Sri Lankan asked to implement the LLRC recommendations. We all contributed towards making that change. Now citizens can’t take a break. They can’t go on holiday. Citizens have to be eternally vigilant. They have to always express their rights, fight for their rights and protect their rights,” he said. 

    “My appeal is that we have to make this Human Rights Action Plan more accessible to people at large. People need to know what is inside this,” he said. 

    He said that the Right to Information legislation should be used to ensure that the Government departments, the various ministries and commissions were performing their duties as expected. At a recently held UNESCO conference on Regional Cooperation to Promote Freedom of Expression and the Rule of Law in Asia through Ending Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, the issue on the numerous attacks against the Uthayan newspaper was raised. “The Minister of Law and Order in response said that he didn’t know about them and asked for a list, and it was given to him. These are the ridiculous things that are happening,” pointed out Dr. Saravanamuttu. 

    He further explained that transitional justice and constitutional reform go hand in hand. He pointed out that though four mechanism were promised in relation to transitional justice only one mechanism is to be operationalised. “We are just about to get one (Office on Missing Persons). The others probably not. I think constitutional reform is stuck at the moment,” he said. 

    “I was secretary to a Task Force on public consultation with regard to reconciliation. We were appointed by the Government. We were asked to find out from the citizens of the country what they thought about the four mechanisms the Government promised in Geneva. How can we go and ask people about the four mechanisms when they don’t know anything about them?,” he asked 

    He said that at a private meeting with the President they were told that if transitional justice became the focus, constitutional reform will not take place due to the fear that war heroes will be penalized. 
    “There are lots of changes that can be made which don’t require a two thirds majority in Parliament or a referendum,” he pointed out. 

    He stressed that human rights should be upheld for democracy to be preserved. “We need to establish a culture of human rights,” he said.

    (Pix by Nisal Baduge (11.12.2017)   

    An urgent wake up call to civil society on corruption

    The shocking information revealed before the Bond Commission, the shocked conscience of the Supreme Court on the coal tender, the recent revelations on highways, petroleum and fertiliser tenders and other numerous high profile investigations of the present and past regime, reflects how badly independence, integrity and capability have been impacted by key executives in decision making; thus violating at will and disregarding applicable financial and administrative regulations, approved procurement and good governance guidelines – Pic by Shehan Gunasekara

    Thursday, 21 December 2017

    logoOur wake up:

    The village farmers’ tale

    “Wetath, niyarath, goyam ka num, kaata pavasami eh amaruwa,” is a commonly used saying of the village farmers. This saying adapted with the extension to read as, “If the fence, the bund, the mud, the water and the fertilisers, all start eating the paddy, O god, to whom can the farmers complain?” is an apt phraseology to describe the unfortunate position of the Sri Lanka citizenry are facing today.

    The UNDP Resident Coordinator’s message on International Anti-Corruption Day on 9 December 2009 read: “No country is immune from corruption, and with economies larger and ever more intertwined, the potential risks and costs of corruption are increasing. It is for this reason that the member states of the United Nations came together and adopted the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) through resolution 58/4 of 31 October 2003. Sri Lanka was the first country in Asia to sign the Convention, which today has 141 State Parties. It’s the fastest ratified international treaty ever and it clearly demonstrates a global consensus on what countries should do to prevent and criminalise corruption, to improve international cooperation in combating corruption, and to recover assets. Many consider it a revolutionary step in international criminal law, a ground-breaking and innovative tool to promote good governance.”

    Much water and very much more of corruption, systems abuse, policy capture corruption, bribery, money laundering, and illegal transfer of State property, have been witnessed in our society over the last decade. Opportunities have existed throughout this period for criminal elements to engage in many arrangements for concealing, disguising, conversion, transfer of criminal property or terrorism linked financing: instead of such windows being closed and controlled, in fact even new windows have been opened (an example is the decriminalisation of the misuse of foreign exchange and making foreign exchange related money laundering not a predicate offence under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act) and the culprits allowed to get away scot free, at times mocking at the law enforcement officials and good governance activists.


    The facilitators

    of corruption


    The fence, the bund, the mud, the water and the fertilisers eating the paddy are none other than the politicians/legislators, the executive arm of governance, the professional, business persons, and civil society (including religious leaders and the media). Their actions and inactions over the last decade, especially the appalling silence of so-called good men and women of our society, have led to the state of affairs we are in now. Their present attitudes/actions and their future commitments, do not give us citizenry any hope of Sri Lanka being a corruption, nepotism and waste free nation in the years to come.


    Where are we? And where have we come from?

    The Basel Anti Money Laundering Index measures the risks of money laundering and terrorist financing of countries based on publicly available sources. A total of 14 indicators dealing with Anti Money Laundering/Combating Financing of Terrorism regulations, corruption, financial standards, political disclosure and the rule of law are aggregated into one overall risk score.

    In terms of this publication1, Sri Lanka is ranked in 2017 as the worst 25th Nation in the league. The Transparency International Corruption Perception 2016 Index2 placed Sri Lanka in the 95th position out of 176 countries. In 2009, Sri Lanka was 97th out of 180 countries and in 2005 Sri Lanka was 78th out of 158 countries. Sri Lanka’s relative ranking does not appear to have radically changed over the period 2005 to 2016 though under the baton of two regimes with distinctly differing core commitments.

    The ranking of 88 (98) Developing Countries according to size of the Shadow Economy estimated by the World Bank3 for the period 1999 to 2006 shows an average size of the shadow economy at 44% and places Sri Lanka at the 70th  (73rd) positions. The data set of an earlier academic study conducted over three distinct separate periods, when connected in a graph and extended brings the current estimate of Sri Lanka’s shadow economy to be well over 55%.

    Sri Lankan Customs has seized six shipments of high-purity South American cocaine in 14 months; including Asia’s largest-ever haul of the drug in December, at its main port. “Sri Lanka is becoming a hub for cocaine as it is a risk-free location with less legal restrictions,” a top Police official, who is aware of investigations into the smuggling, told Reuters this week4.

    All of the above indicators support the hypothesis that the five stakeholders identified earlier have continued to eat the paddy over the last decade and more. This is an appalling state of affairs as it is even despite the election of a good governance committed regime in 2015.


    Looking back at the role of the key driver stakeholders

    The politicians of all parties appear united and of one mind to ensure that those in power exercise their authority and decision making capacity to advance the personal interests of themselves, their families, network cronies, and also their political parties and succession within such parties. The leaders of the political parties have structured the organisation and decision making within the political parties to assure dictatorial and unbridled power vesting in the respective leaders. These public institutions thus lack inner party democracy that they vouch to uphold at a national level. The most tragic revelation is that even when out of power and severely challenged and pursued by the law enforcement authorities and the judiciary, these politicians find the unseen hands of support to evade the application of the rule of law and justice.

    The politician legislators elected to office as Cabinet ministers have arrogated to themselves power, in terms of the 1972 Constitutional Amendment, of direction and control of the secretary of the ministry, who is also the chief accounting officer of the ministry .This empowerment is exercised widely irrespective of the capability (knowledge, skills, attitudes and values) of those elected to hold such office, and this empowerment has been the forerunner of the tragic story of missed opportunities and bad governance seen over the last 45 years.

    This unbridled power in the hands of ministers in the exercise of supervision over the departments of Government and other institutions in charge of the minister, associated with the power to change the secretary at their whim and fancy, has been a significant contributor to the ever-increasing levels of bribery, corruption, nepotism and waste seen since 1972.

    These politicians and ministers have displayed no fear of shame in ordering the key executives to carry out illegal and unacceptable directions and requests and openly engage in transactions riddled with conflicts of interests and related party close connections. The giddy limit of the lack of fear and shame have been the way politicians and ministers have not only bent rules to suit their personal or political needs, but also directed and controlled the law enforcement  and regulatory authorities and even the judiciary. The application of the rule of law and justice as a last resort was also denied during the second term of office of the last regime. It is totally disheartening to see the continuing misdirection, and interference in the law enforcement functions even under the Yahapalanaya Government.

    Weighed down by the enhanced power of politicians on one side and impacted by the lack of due capability, transparency, independence and integrity of those appointed to key positions within the Executive and Administrative governance structures of the State have dashed all hopes of advancing Sri Lanka to become a relatively corruption free society.

    The shocking information revealed before the Bond Commission, the shocked conscience of the Supreme Court on the coal tender, the recent revelations on highways, petroleum and fertiliser tenders and other numerous high profile investigations of the present and past regime, reflects how badly independence, integrity and capability have been impacted by key executives in decision making; thus violating at will and disregarding applicable financial and administrative regulations, approved procurement and good governance guidelines.

    The role of key professionals (e.g. revenue officers, engineers, valuers, architects, doctors, accountants, auditors and lawyers) in the due discharge of their professional accountability with integrity, independence and in compliance with laws, regulations and ethical codes of conduct are vital elements for assurance of corruption, bribery and waste free governance environment. Regrettably, the evidence clearly visible appear to point to serious lacunae in these obligations being delivered upon, with the role of lawyers and auditors standing up like two sore thumbs amongst the set of professional fingers.

    The business persons and directors of business entities have also totally failed in living up to public expectations and the chamber movements have abandoned their earlier committed to core values placing the interests of the nation and people first, sectoral interests second and private sector interests third and member ship interests only fourth in the decision making and advocacy. So the business sector has not been bold to openly stand up for and uphold values committed to transparency and good governance.

    The media and civil society appears to have been guilty of allowing the politicians, the executive, professionals and business to engage in daylight robbery and loot the national resources; and in the process destroy the societal values and norms of acceptable good behaviour. They are also guilty of having allowed their democratic rights to be violated, rule of law desecrated, effective law enforcement denied and justice blindfolded. Religious and civil society leaders should have taken a more pro-active stand, advocated and protested and effectively named and shamed all of above miscreants.


    What should

    citizenry do now?


    A united collective organised citizenry action using creatively designed and precisely executed action programmes must effectively advocate, protest, and organise open naming shaming campaigns and compel the undernoted stakeholders to reform and change and:
    • The politicians and legislators to 
    l Be publicly accountable in the use and of national resources and public finances in accordance with international best practices

    l Strengthen independent public institutions, law enforcement and judiciary to function with independence and integrity sans political interference

    l Restructure parties and ensure inner party democracy and discipline within strictly enforced codes of conduct and ethics.

    l To ensure that Article 52(2) of the Constitution reverts to the pre 1972 Constitutional provisions
    • Ensure the independence and integrity of the executive with all high posts being occupied by persons with integrity and capability and operationalised under a code of conduct and ethics binding such holders of public office and making them liable for effective surcharge provisions
    • The professionals and business persons as well as the media and organised civil society must also be bound by codes of conduct and ethics and business standards benchmarking international best practices. The professionals and business persons must further be made to commit to a process of public whistle blowing, within a code which requires them to effectively respond to all known Non Compliance With Laws and Regulations (NOCLAR)
    • The citizenry themselves must judiciously and with intellect, select carefully and elect their public ; and they must include within the Constitutional reforms their empowerment for recall of those public representatives failing to effectively and with integrity perform their duties of office only for the benefit of society at large 
    Footnotes

     1https://index.baselgovernance.org/sites/index/documents/Basel_AML_Index_Report_2017.pdf

    2https://www.transparency.org/research/cpi/cpi

    3http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/311991468037132740/pdf/WPS5356.pdf

    4 https://www.reuters.com/article/us-sri-lanka-drugtrafficking/sri-lanka-emerging-as-transit-hub-for-cocaine-smugglers-officials-idUSKCN1BB1FK

    Saruwa Sunil Now Bats For Yahapālanaya: Wife Gets Nomination From Sirisena


    December 20 2017 

    In a farcical turn of events, President Maithripala Sirisena has sanctioned nominations for the wife of Saruwa Liyanage Sunil (Saruwa Sunil) to contest for the Akuressa Pradeshiya Sabha election.


    Saruwa Sunil is the former Chairman of Akuressa Pradeshiya Sabha who alleged to have hosted a party after raping 100 virgins.

    Although Saruwa Sunil publicly denied the 100 virgins allegation, he was prosecuted for a child abuse case in the Colombo High Court.

    President Maithripala Sirisena claimed that the party had fielded clean candidates for the Local Government election. Addressing a public meeting, Sirisena even went on to say that he was ready to go from house to house urging the public to vote for SLFP.
     
    At the Presidential election in 2015, the speakers of the common opposition whose candidate was Sirisena ridiculed former Presiedent Mahinda Rajapaksa for not taking action on Saruwa Sunil despite child abuse and sexual assault allegation.

    They assured that under Sirisena’s presidency, good governance would prevail and culprits would go to jail.

    Interestingly, at the Local Government election, Saruwa Sunil has aligned himself with the SLFP group supporting Sirisena.

    Read More

    CID investigations commence over alleged fraud at GCE Exams

    CID investigations commence over alleged fraud at GCE Exams
    Dec 19, 2017
    The Criminal Investigations Department (CID) has commenced investigations into two fraud cases carried out in two schools in Anuradhapura and Narahenpita.
    WE REPORT. YOU DECIDEPolice Media Spokesman, Superintendent of Police, Ruwan Gunasekara said IGP Pujith Jayasundara had handed over the investigations on the matter to the CID.
    The fraud carried out was the usage of mobile phones while seated for the G.C.E. O/L examinations.
    Meanwhile, the Department of Examinations says advanced technology will be used in future to detect candidates who attempt to enter the examination halls with electronic devices, including mobile phones.
    The Commissioner of Examinations, Sanath B. Poojitha, said further measures on the matter will be taken upon discussions with the relevant minister.
    He further stated that special investigations on candidates who have violated other examination rules are also in progress.

    All in the name of Bacchus!


    The evolutionary path of drinking begins with that first drink for ‘a kick’.  It then matures into social drinking which gradually progresses towards heavy drinking.  This graduation process over the course of time becomes a burden on the purse. 

    by  Mass L. Usuf-
    ( December 19, 2017, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) Another festive season is closing in – Christmas and the New Year.  Organisers of the new year eve dinner dances lure the party animals by making offers of a variety of alcoholic drinks.  Sometimes the bacchanals at these do’s, in their inebriated bliss, are not even aware that the new year had dawned. In worst cases, the new year had dawned to some while they were in a state of unconsciousness in hospitals.  So much for the revellers who gulped several drinks, just the last year.
    Each year the ‘Sinhala and Demela Avurudu dawasa’ (Sinhala/Tamil New Year day) unmistakingly revives in me memories of my late dear friend Tissa.  During our youthful years, he once poured the contents of a glass of beer on my head for declining to drink it.  He threatened me that he would do it but I did not take him seriously.  I was a guest at his house that day.  The moment he did it, I saw his mum rushing towards me and berating Tissa. Only then I realised his mum had been watching the drama.  His mother knew very well, as much as Tissa himself, that as a Muslim I do not imbibe alcoholic drinks.  For Tissa, it was Sinhala ‘avurudda davasa’ so to have a drink was part of the celebration.  All in good spirits.  His mother washed my head while continuously blaming Tissa and apologising to me.  Tissa’s mother was like my mother.  For her I was like her son.  Tissa for me was like my brother and for him too the same.
    Tissa’s house was near a mosque.  Whenever I was in his house and the ‘Azan’, the Muslim call for prayer was heard, he would remind me, ‘palliyata yanna welawa hari’, time is up to go to the mosque.  On some days, Tissa would accompany me to the mosque and wait outside until I finish my prayer.  Those were the beautiful days compared to the hate, hostility and enmity with which we live today.
    Ascending Graphs
    Immediately, following the festive season in April comes the May Day rally. After a brief lull the year end festivities kick in.  Each of these events push the graphs in various charts to move upwards – the sale of alcohol, the related tax revenue, the number of deaths and injuries due to fights and road traffic accidents, the amount of alcohol in the blood, the indebtedness in some people, domestic violence, penal code violations.  All in the name of Bacchus, the god of wine.
    Examining the road accident statistics, focussing only on the festive seasons, for two consecutive years gives a perspective of the issue at hand.  On April 14th of 2015, 605 persons who drove under the influence of alcohol were arrested.  On April 13th alone of the same year, two hundred and eighty-three (283) persons had been booked for this offense.  Among them were 141 motorcyclists and 115 three-wheeler drivers.
    In 2016, a total of six hundred and eighty-eight (688) drunk drivers were arrested by Police just within the two days of 12th and 13 of April.  During the 24-hour period from 6 am Tuesday (April 12) to 6 am Wednesday (April 13), a staggering two-hundred and fifteen (215) drunk drivers had been arrested.
    The off season countrywide special Police crackdown in November 2017 led to the arrests of 5,807 errant motorists and according to the Police Spokesman the number of drunk driving offenders arrested were 999.
    National tragedy
    Liquor ironically, is consumed when one is happy and, also, when one is sad.  A classic instance is a wedding celebration or a funeral house.  Besides these, there are several other occasions when liquor is served like at alms-giving, social gatherings, birthday parties etc.  This habit or ‘culture’ has become so enslaving that without the ‘bottle’ no event is complete.  An additional dimension to this is the Poya Day.  A day on which the sale of liquor is prohibited.  This day which occurs every month has been declared a holiday and is a day dedicated for Buddhist religious observances.  Interestingly, on the day prior to the Poya Day the wine stores are all crowded.  The merchants record their highest sales figures on that day.  A clear indication of paying homage to Bacchus on a Poya day.
    The National Authority on Tobacco and Alcohol Act (NATA), No. 27 of 2006, in Section 31 (1), states:
    “A person shall not sell, offer for sale, or permit or promote the sale of any tobacco product or alcohol product to any person under twenty-one years of age.”
    A law which borders on absurdity and self deception.  What is bad for the 21-year-old cannot be good for the 22-year-old.  An independent study in 2013 by two organisations Healthy Lanka Alliance for Development (HLAD) and Foundation for Innovative Social Development (FISD), to assess the impact of the NATA Act and its implementation revealed some frightening numbers in relation to this Section 31 (1).
    The FISD research indicated that 98.7 % of the merchants sell alcohol to persons below 21 years of age.   HLAD figures show that 93.3 % of the merchants sells alcohol to persons below 21 years of age.
    The evolutionary path of drinking begins with that first drink for ‘a kick’.  It then matures into social drinking which gradually progresses towards heavy drinking.  This graduation process over the course of time becomes a burden on the purse.  Therefore, one may resort to alternative ways of generating revenue for e.g. forcing himself to work beyond office hours or by gambling to earn quick money or take bribes, banks overdrafts, loans or resort to white collar frauds etc.  For him the boss in office becomes a problem.  At home, the wife a constant source of irritation and the children a nuisance. Effectively, his family, friends and relations become the collateral damage of his bad habit.  The drink he had for kicks in the beginning is now shadowing him making him a social outcast.  Empirical observations reveal the common occurrence of a broken family, unhappy wife and disoriented children. Though the above is not the norm, to a greater degree, it certainly represents a staggered resemblance of a serious social problem within the country.
    Hypocrisy
    Alcohol use disorder is explained as a physical craving or urge to drink.  Advancing to a stage of dependency to the extent that even if the person wants to stop he may suffer withdrawal symptoms.  Pushing the alcoholic further down the bottomless pit is the increased level of alcohol tolerance in his system.  This tolerance level would want him to drink more to get that ‘kick’ effect.  For example, if he is used to take one, he may have to take two.  The person becomes a slave to his habit.  It advances into a stage where he would not possess the ability both physically and mentally, to control or stop drinking once he starts to drink.
    Everyone knows that the way to solve a problem is to find a solution to it.  Instead of finding solutions, researchers are seeking justifications to moralise the evil effects of alcoholism.  Quite apart from alcoholism being called morally wrong, socially unacceptable or religiously a sin, the US National Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence (NCADD) has developed a disease model in order to identify alcohol dependence as a ‘medical illness’.  The disease model of alcoholism depends on it being a physical addiction that cannot be controlled, distinguishable by specific symptoms and requiring specialized medical treatment. A typical instance of hypocritically treating the symptom and not the cause.
    License To Kill 
    If this model is accepted then very funnily alcohol will be the only disease that is bottled, labelled, advertised and sold in the markets.  The only disease which the government issues license to gradually or, in some instances, to instantly kill people; To destroy family life; To breach the peace; To indulge in domestic violence; rape; incest, sexual harassment; To commit suicide and commit various crimes arising from imbibing the licensed alcoholic drinks.
    The National Council for Road Safety has recorded 3003 deaths for the year 2016.  An average of eight deaths each day.  According to reports of the Colombo National Hospital a total of 551 various accident victims were admitted on the last New Year’s Eve and the day before.  The number of road accidents reported was 135.  Drunk driving being partly responsible for such accidents.
    To the bacchanalians without the ‘bottle’, what new year?  For the sober, the national tragedy continues.
    The End.

    Coconut crisis – can drip irrigation save the industry?

    Wednesday, 20 December 2017

    logo
    For the past year and more, the consumers had to undergo severe hardship due to the price increase of coconut, an essential item in daily food, which cost around Rs. 30-40 two years ago, climbed to Rs. 100-120 and is still climbing.

    Housewives have no alternative than to reduce the consumption of coconuts, but pol sambol, green leaves with coconut and in white curries, coconut is an essential ingredient. The Government blamed the poor rainfall experienced during the past for the reduced yields and small coconut size. But was the calamity beyond control? The article looks at possible long-term solutions to avert similar situations.