Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, December 2, 2017

Body of missing Tamil man found in Mannar forest

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The body of a Tamil man reported missing over a month ago was found in a forest in Mannar.
02Dec 2017
Anthonipillai Saint Nicholas who ran a barbershop in Aandankulam did not return home after work on October 25, according to the police report filed by his wife.
On Friday, Madu locals reported to police the discovery of a decomposing body in forested land around the Poomalanthan village. The body was identified as Mr Saint Nicholas by relatives this morning.
Madu police have said they are investigating the death.

SL under cavalcade of UN scrutiny

Working Group on Arbitrary Detention due, followed by Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion

 
article_image
Leigh Toomey

by Shamindra Ferdinando-December 1, 2017

Close on the heels of UN expert on transitional justice Pablo de Greiff warning the government of dire consequences unless the administration addressed accountability issues in accordance with Geneva Resolution 30/1, another top level UN delegation is due to arrive in Colombo on Dec. 4.

De Greiff delivered his warning at the UN compound in Colombo on Oct 23 with UN Resident Coordinator Una McCauley by his side.

The Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) is expected to brief the media in Colombo on Dec 15 following a meeting with government leaders. The group will also visit the northern province.

Led by Australian Chair-Rapporteur Leigh Toomey, the WGAD comprises Jose Guevara (Mexico) and Elina Steinerte (Latvia). Two other members Setondji Adjovi (Benin) and Seong-Phil Hong (South Korea) are not on the visiting team.

UN Special Rapporteur on human rights and counter-terrorism Ben Emmerson and UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence Pablo de Greiff lambasted Sri Lanka in July and Oct this year, respectively. In addition to them, Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, Jeffrey Feltman was here in July.

A heated argument between Emmerson and the then Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC over unsubstantiated allegations made by the former contributed to the top UNPer’s unceremonious removal from cabinet in the following month.

Police and military sources told The Island that some Tamil politicians and interested parties continued to accuse the government of maintaining secret detention camps nine years after the conclusion of the war. Sources pointed out that in spite of no less a person than President Maithripala Sirisena assuring them, protests continued.

Foreign Ministry sources said the Special rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression was scheduled to visit Colombo early next year.

Sources said visits were part of the process meant to scrutinize the government and to ensure the government adhered with its human rights obligations.

In response to a query by The Island, the Office of the United Nations Human Rights High Commissioner has made available the following statement: "A three-member delegation from the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention will carry out an official visit to Sri Lanka from 4 to 15 December 2017 to assess the country’s situation regarding the deprivation of liberty.

José Antonio Guevara Bermúdez, Leigh Toomey and Elina Steinerte will visit a variety of places where people are held, including prisons, police stations and institutions for juveniles, migrants and people with psychosocial disabilities, to gather first-hand information which will form part of their overall assessment.

The delegation will visit Colombo as well as western, north-central, northern, eastern, southern and central provinces, where they will meet Government officials, civil society groups and other relevant stakeholders.

The experts will share their preliminary observations at a press conference on 15 December 2017 at 2 pm at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH), Bauddhaloka Mawatha, Colombo 07. . 

The Working Group will present its final report on the visit to the UN Human Rights Council in September 2018."

Sri Lankan Army returns fraction of Vali North village in ruins

Villagers access Our Lady of Mount Carmel Church for the first time in 27 years
Home30Nov 2017
Residents of a Valikamam North village which was partly released by the Sri Lankan Army on Thursday have said that the lands have not been returned in a settleable condition.
The Jaffna Army commander Darshana Hettiaracchi handed over a release certificate for Vasavilan - Oddakapulam which gave access for the 29 acres of privately owned land as well as a Roman Catholic School and the village church.
Returning to the village after 27 years of military occupation, the Vasavilan residents found their homes destroyed and beyond recognition.
The church and school were also in ruins and cannot immediately be used.
Villagers were disappointed that only a small portion of the village was released, although the Army has said the remainder of the village would be released within two months.
The released land is ringed by the High Security Zone and can only be accessed via a narrow path.
 

Some (more) cuts on 1956

2017-12-01
The late Tissa Abeysekara, in an essay on Lester James Peries, candidly noted that the cultural renaissance which swept over our film industry, after 1956, was never dependent on the State. He wrote this as a response to an observation by Ashis Nandy that for a revolution in the cinema to unfold itself more properly, the filmmaker as such had to look to the Government of the day for moral and financial support. The problem with this assumption is that it leaves out the stark, ubiquitous fact that no Government, in any part of the world, will get involved with a country’s cultural sphere unless and until that cultural sphere is turned into a vassal of the dominant ideology of that particular country. 1956 was a process that traces its origins to Anagarika Dharmapala, and it found its roots, for an intermittent period, with S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. But those roots were never properly nourished. They couldn’t be.  
What happened in Sri Lanka was that we confused the destruction of any  structure, elitist or otherwise, for a cultural renaissance
And why? Because, regardless of the time or place, the cultural doesn’t belong to the political, though it is also never completely independent of the political either. The latter is driven by expedience, by the need to capture rhetoric and transform it into policy and action. When these two seemingly incongruous fields of human enterprise get together, there can be no reconciliation, no proper bond between them, until the cultural is made to follow its own independent course and the political is brought in to help it follow that course, from the sidelines. As Gunadasa Amarasekara rightly notes in Anagarika Dharmapala Marxwadiyekda, what began as a flowering of our innate cultural and social sensibilities was evicted and virtually castrated by political hacks. 1956 was not opposed to English, nor was it romantically inclined towards the past. Those who thought it was, and who voted for their leaders in the hopes of dislodging the elite through it, were doomed to commit hara-kiri, because (as Regi Siriwardena frequently observed) 1956 didn’t represent the dislodgment of the elite, rather the substitution of a more insidious form of class elitism for that which had existed until then. The discrepancy the multitude and the few intensified in a more subtle, less discernible form. I firmly believe that we are still paying the price for our sins. 
The single best process (political or otherwise) inaugurated after independence was free education, because despite the problems and the shortcomings that would stunt it over the decades, it helped to push the people to embrace that modernity

In search  of our roots 

The revolution, of course, had to start from somewhere. That somewhere was not the Buddhist Renaissance which both Colonel Olcott and Dharmapala inaugurated right before they parted ways. That somewhere was not the search for the hela basa that Munidasa Cumaratunga launched, successfully, until it spawned a veritable horde of poets, writers, and linguists ranging from Wimal Balagalle (who turned 93 last Friday) to Siri Gunasinghe (barring Gunadasa Amarasekara, the last of the bilingual literati, who died several months back). It began instead as an independent, autonomous search for our roots that we have been hankering after ever since the West, and even the East, began invading us. It’s convenient to contend that there is a global conspiracy against the Sinhalese and the Buddhists, but what is convenient isn’t necessary what is true. The truth, therefore, is more complex, more multifarious.  

This assault on our civilisation took on three broad fronts; against the faith, the language, and the culture. The latter was more or less a sum-total of the former two, but it incorporated many other elements as well. History and heritage, let’s not forget, are never exclusively predicated on the clergy or the wielders of the mother tongue, though both form an integral part of any civilisation. Consequently, the local assault against the foreign assault congealed into those three fronts. It is my contention that any attempt at a Buddhist Renaissance was distorted by the Theosophists. It is also my contention that the many attempts of Munidasa Cumaratunga to resuscitate our language, the hela basa that had been castrated by Sanskrit impurities, were stalled by what Tissa Abeysekara once referred to as the pothe guras; the academics and the intellectuals who were opposed to, inter alia, the experiments that Sunil Shantha was indulging in and the attempts made by the likes of Prof. Balagalle to take the Sinhala language to the 20th century through Ferdinand de Saussure. The cultural sphere – comprising poets who borrowed, but also strayed from our conventional metrical forms as well as novelists who propagated religious tracts through narrative fiction (Piyadasa Sirisena’s early works come to mind here) – was at its inception politically zealous. When that political zeal found its equivalent in the political sphere with Bandaranaike, the cultural sphere was, for the time being, abandoned.  

Sirisena in Thun Man Handiya, Ranjith in Charitha Thunak, and the ultimate symbol, for me, of the failure of the post-1956 youth to realise their aspirations, Sena in Akkara Paha

Mother tongue 

The Sinhala language didn’t evolve after the 19th century. With the diminishment of a language comes the diminishment of an entire collective. Three centuries of foreign domination, a great many preceding centuries of internal strife, had virtually laid the mawbasa to rest. Our schools and universities lacked proper curricula for own mother tongue, and had devoted considerable space to Sanskrit and Pali. The evolution of a culture, inclusive of language that is, cannot transpire unless it is connected to the outside world. The problem was that both the few who had power and the many who didn’t were lethargic and indifferent to this problem; the former because they didn’t speak, and indeed looked down on, the Sinhala language; and the latter because they were unmoored from modernity. The single best process (political or otherwise) inaugurated after independence was free education, because despite the problems and the shortcomings that would stunt it over the decades, it helped to push the people to embrace that modernity. Free education had been preceded by the emancipation of our intellectuals: the likes of Professor Senarath Paranavithana and Wimal Balagalle were already giants in their fields when the Kannangara Proposals were being implemented.  
It began instead as an independent, autonomous search for our roots that we have been hankering after ever since the West, and even the East, began invading us
What 1956 lacked was a comparable generation of intellectuals and academics who were conversant with both the East and the West. 1956 wouldn’t have happened if that generation didn’t exist beforehand, if they hadn’t been fermented by a largely elitist education they themselves repudiated, rightly, later on. I am aware of the need to do away with elitist structures once a revolution, cultural or political, is ongoing, but ***what happened in Sri Lanka was that we confused the destruction of any structure, elitist or otherwise, for a cultural renaissance. Consequently, the rift between swabasha and non-swabasha, which in turn gave way to a three-pronged rift between the elites, the multitude who wielded the vernacular and refused to join the elites, and the multitude who acceded to them, was so overwhelming that what we got in the end was a social discrepancy between those who could speak English and those who could not. The earlier class hierarchies had ostensibly vanished, but their spirit endured.  


Stricken with envy 

The outcome of all this wasn’t a cultural renaissance. The outcome was an aberration; a culture of envy, on the part of those who wished to join the privileged. The writers and the poets who emerged after 1956 – Mahagama Sekera (Thun Man Handiya), K. Jayatilleke (Charitha Thunak), Madawala S. Ratnayake (Akkara Paha), to name a few – wrote of the new swabasha-wielding folk, who clamoured and hankered after social upliftment: Sirisena in Thun Man Handiya, Ranjith in Charitha Thunak, and the ultimate symbol, for me, of the failure of the post-1956 youth to realise their aspirations, Sena in Akkara Paha. While not all these characters and their real-life counterparts rebelled against their pasts to join the elite, they were more or less stricken with envy, with sadness, with poignant imaginings of what they would have been if they were born to privilege. It was an insane reversal of fortune, and our novelists, who were deeply connected with the ethos that made 1956 possible, more so than our filmmakers, punctured the idealism that year conceived with the harsh reality it later gave birth to. Our filmmakers were more rebellious, more brutal, in that respect, from Dharmasena Pathiraja, who came from roughly the same milieu which Wimal Balagalle had come from, to Dharmasiri Bandaranayake, our first political director and playwright who hailed completely from the generation of 1956.  

There’s an interesting passage in The Play is the Thing where Henry Jayasena recounts a childhood encounter with Ananda Rajakaruna. Apparently Jayasena’s school had organised a literary contest at Kalutara at which speakers would condemn English and promote the vernacular. Rajakaruna, whose poems were considered a rallying point for nationalist activists, was a special guest. After the event was done, when he and Jayasena were talking with each other, they had heard the organisers of that same anti-English meeting speak in English, and eloquently. Jayasena tells us that Rajakaruna had got so angry that he stormed in and shouted, “You preach one thing and do another. You are what I would call total hypocrites.” For good measure, perhaps, he added, “What is wrong with our village children learning English? Isn’t it because of your superiority with your English that you are able to hold meetings of this nature and that people listen to you? It would have been much more honest if you told them the truth: that your knowledge of English is a big advantage!”  

Rajakaruna had a point there. Not hard to see what it was. And what it continues to be.  

Review The Code Of Best Practice On Corporate Governance



By Chandra Jayaratne –December 2 2017 


President,
The Institute of Chartered Accountants
30A Malalasekera Road,
 
Colombo 7.

Re: Code of Best Practice on Corporate Governance

I understand that the Code of Best Practice on Corporate Governance 2013, issued jointly by the Institute of Chartered Accountants and the Securities Exchange Commission of Sri Lanka in 2013, is due to be revised and re-issued soon.

I was rather surprised on hearing the above informally communicated information. I nor business, professional and civil society colleagues, with whom I am acquainted, had no prior knowledge of the purported revision and publication, nor had any of them seen any formal media references nor a discussion draft, all of which have been steadfast practices repeatedly adopted by the Institute hitherto.  

If my understanding as set out above is correct, I deeply regret the adoption of a process that has cut out the essential good governance practice of bringing out a revision to the Code, only after following a due process and transparent publication of a discussion draft, followed by due reviews and joint consultations transparently engaging with members, other professional bodies, chambers, the Institute of Directors, the Colombo Stock Exchange, minority shareholder groups, governance activists, law enforcement institutions, the Central Bank and other closely connected stakeholders.
 
I am of view, for the undernoted additional reasons, which were not applicable during the periods previous revisions were implemented, that a consultative process as described above is now an essential priority, and must precede the formal publication of the revision:

1. The present government is committed to upholding transparent good governance practices, minimizing waste and corruption and expects these values to drive and be upheld also by the stakeholders of society

2. The vision 2025 places high emphasis on the expansion of international Trade, foreign direct investments, public private partnerships, socio-political-economic and environmental good governance, enhancement of productivity, quality and research and technology transfer driven innovations, with the private sector becoming the key engine of growth .

3. The expectations of the governance framework and potential international investors of corporate commitments, ensuring the prevalence of good governance and rule of law in the management practices of the state, state enterprises, the private sector and professionals.

4. The stakeholder expectation of adherence to accounting and auditing standards and ensuring financial statements are comprehensive true, fair and investor friendly and without any misrepresentation or concealment of information, related party transactions and conflicts of interests
5. The expectation of the emergence of a significantly reduced informal economy 

6. The essential need to minimize corporate failures, and ensure regulatory  and  tax compliance

7. The expectation that the private sector will promote sustainability, minimize the carbon foot print and promote corporate social responsibility

8. The assuring that high profile scams, frauds, misappropriations, forgeries, breach of trust, money laundering, bribery, corruption,  minority oppression are only case studies from the past

9. The Institute having adopted a Code of Ethics and Conduct, including member commitment to effectively respond in instances of Non Compliance with Laws and Regulations

10. The expectation that leaders in governance, professions and corporate entities will have in place requisite commitments and controls to assure due compliance with agreed core value principles, ethical practices with governance structures and management practices benchmarking international best practices, 

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Sri Lanka Army chief summoned by court over disappearance of 24 Tamils

A Sri Lankan court has summoned the commander of the country’s Army on Saturday over the disappearance of 24 Tamils since their arrest in 1996

The Jaffna High Court has asked Army chief Lieutenant General Mahesh Senanayake along with two other state officials to appear in court on Saturday. Photo: AFP
The Jaffna High Court has asked Army chief Lieutenant General Mahesh Senanayake along with two other state officials to appear in court on Saturday. Photo: AFPPTI
Colombo: A Sri Lankan court has summoned the commander of the country’s army on Saturday over the disappearance of 24 Tamils since their arrest in 1996 by security forces during the internal conflict with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
The Jaffna High Court has asked army chief Lieutenant General Mahesh Senanayake along with two other state officials to appear in court on Saturday. Judge Ilancheliyan ordered them to appear in court when a case filed by parents and relatives of the 24 missing persons was taken up on 15 November.
The relatives have claimed that the 24 had gone missing since July 1996 when the security forces had arrested them in Navatkuly, Jaffna. Sri Lankan troops and the LTTE have faced international condemnation for alleged human rights violations during the long-drawn conflict.
The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in three successive resolutions has urged for independent international investigation into alleged abuses blamed on both sides. Judge Ilancheliyan also urged the Jaffna security officials to crack down on the gangs who wield swords and intimidate the locals in the wake of the reported rise in such attacks recently.
The police said they have arrested six people. Jaffna along with Kilinochchi, Mannar, Mullaitivu and Vavuniya are the five districts that constitute Sri Lanka’s Northern Province, which was the main theatre of the Sri Lankan civil war. The island country has a population of 18.5 million of whom the majority are Sinhalese (74%).
Other ethnic groups are made up of Sri Lankan Tamils (12.6%), Indian Tamils (5.5%). According to the government figures, around 20,000 people are missing due to various conflicts including the civil war with Lankan Tamils in the north and east which claimed at least 100,000 lives.

Sri Lanka sees emerging tensions between Buddhists and Muslims

Legacy of civil war should serve as a warning of the costs of ethnic and religious conflict
Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara, general secretary of Bodhu Bala Sena also known as Buddhist Force, gestures during a protest outside the Indian High Commission in Colombo in 2013. © AP

Nikkei Asian ReviewDecember 1, 2017

Across Asia, religious fundamentalism is posing a growing threat to liberal society. Even Sri Lanka, a country that has only recently emerged from a bloody civil war involving religious as well as ethnic differences, may once more be at risk.

Islamist militancy is generating the most headlines. In Bangladesh, for example, liberal commentators have been killed by alleged Islamic fundamentalists. In Malaysia, self-declared atheists have been bullied by militant Islamic organizations. In Indonesia, Muslim fundamentalists have seized the political initiative.

But a virulent strain of Buddhism has also emerged as a danger in parts of Asia, particularly in Myanmar, Thailand and Sri Lanka. The threat to liberal societies may be less dramatic but is nonetheless real.

These majority-Buddhist countries have similar experiences of a religion that is the embodiment of tolerance and pacifism giving rise to extremism and the baiting of minorities.

In the most shocking example, a brutal military campaign triggered by attacks by Muslim militants led to the exodus of more than 700,000 Rohingya Muslims from western Myanmar into neighboring Bangladesh.

In Sri Lanka, a nation of 21 million people, tensions focus on differences between the mostly-Buddhist ethnic Sinhala, who account for around 74% of the population, and an ethnic Tamil minority, composed of Hindus and Christians. A Muslim community, mostly descended from Arab and Malay traders, adds to the mix.

Sri Lanka's brand of religiously-influenced nationalism began in the years after independence (1948), as a Sinhala Buddhist coalition led by Solomon Bandaranaike sought to redress Sinhala complaints that the British colonial government had favored Tamil  Christians for government jobs.

This resurgence of Buddhist nationalism was opposed by Tamils, who criticized legislation making Sinhala the official language of government administration. Protesting Tamil lawmakers were assaulted by Sinhala thugs, beginning a spiral of ethnic tensions and violence.

Tamil militancy led to civil war that cost over 100,000 lives over nearly three decades before the insurgents were finally defeated in 2009.

But many Buddhists remain uneasy and restless, with the economy in a fragile state. Extremism thrives in situations of general malaise or uncertainty, and both Islamic fundamentalism and Buddhist extremism can be traced to economic anxiety and political tumult. To complicate matters, Buddhists in Sri Lanka, along with Myanmar and Thailand, follow the Theravada tradition, that is more conservative than the alternative Mahayana tradition.

Maithri- Rajapakse discussions go up in smoke ! What happened ?


LEN logo
(Lanka-e-News - 01.Dec.2017, 10.15PM) The discussions held between the SLFP group and the Rajapakse flower bud symbol group to form an alliance to  contest the forthcoming local government elections have  completely faltered , frittered and flopped , and both sides have now decided for sure to contest elections separately , a Maithri group political bigwig speaking to Lanka e news revealed.
The final condition imposed by the flower bud group on the Maithri group was , ‘if there is going to be an alliance , the Maithri group should leave the consensual government .‘ Maithri group which cannot fulfill that condition under any circumstances , and the SLFP ers who are currently enjoying the luxurious perks and privileges as ‘honorable’ ministers have totally refused to accept that condition. 
Although the president said openly, he was ready to resign his positions , and wage a struggle along with  the people against the rogues , if he is  to do that in fact  , he too has to  join with the Rajapakse rogues. Thankfully , in this third world there is no such struggle in which a battle is waged against rogues by joining  with the  rogues . It is clear without any trace of doubt those proud announcements were only to provide impetus to the discussions. It is therefore no wonder ,suddenly Maithripala Sirisena became ‘our president’ of Machiavellian Medamulana Rajapakse during that period. 
No matter what , because of the discussions held by Maithri group to strike an alliance with Rajapakses , the forces that were responsible to make  Maithripala  the president were naturally driven into disappointment  and disillusionment. Although he expressed he is  matured enough to turn the negotiating table in his  favor , Maithri could not succeed in that direction.
In fact  if the objectives  were sincere, the president could have told , ‘accept the policies of good governance and come to the negotiating table.’  Until today , neither he nor his group made any such statement.
If such an announcement was made the forces which propelled Maithripala  to power would not be this disillusioned with his negotiations ; neither his group and himself would have incurred  such displeasure.  On the contrary what escaped from the mouths of his self seeking political opportunists and renegades  like Dayasiri  Jayasekera were : ‘Thank God if we join we are safe’ thereby betraying their unscrupulous political traits. 
When Machiavellian Rajapakse cashed in on the situation , Maithri group could do nothing , whereas  Rajapakse by stipulating   conditions which pleased his own group  and giving publicity to that turned the negotiating table in his favor.

At any rate , the present situation is , the negotiations between Maithri group and Rajapakse flower bud group have gone up in smoke.  . However the Maithri group bigwig who spoke to us  revealed another story. According to him , the SLFP ers should have been addressed  , and that during the period of the discussions , the SLFP ers realized it was the Rajapakses who split the party and not they. 
It was also  his opinion , though the good governance forces which made Sirisena the president were disillusioned , the SLFP ers weren’t.  His revelation of course is nothing unsurprising because on the 8 th of January 2015 , this same SFP bigwig  was with Mahinda Rajapakse with the determination to defeat Maithripala Sirisena.
This is like   a story concocted  and related to cover up the failure after trying to  forge an alliance with the rogues. This  is akin to  seeking to justify the villainies and sordid attempts when realizing the odds are now not in their favor via  claptraps  sans any political sense.

It is our analysis, if these two groups at the elections contest separately , though many say Maithri group will not have the edge , the Rajapakse group (flower bud) is certainly not have going to have such a big advantage .  
The only thing they can harp on  before the people is ’ we are not rogues’ because there is nothing that they have done for the benefit of the people or that they can do. 
The flower bud group of Rajapakse owing to its racial stance and propensities following  its defeat at the last elections will not be able to increase their vote base on  minority votes. If it is the view that those who voted for ‘Swan’ symbol on  8 th January 2015  are   disappointed because of the weakness of the good governance , and that the flower bud group is strong enough to win over those votes , it is an absolute  fallacy and a figment of  imagination.

This is because those on the stage of the Flower bud group are the same old crooks and the corrupt – the  buddies of the same feather who robbed the country together . There is not a single new entrant who can be said as a buddy not of the same feather. Hence , if anyone is to claim these buddies of the flower bud group can easily defeat the Maithri group under the ‘hand’ or the ‘betel’ symbol it is a self deception. The Maithri group front-liner  who exchanged views with us disclosed , Maithri group has still not decided under which symbol they shall contest.

At any rate , if the Rajapakse group cannot secure  first place in this election , the factions remaining with the Rajapakse group joining with Maithri cannot be averted. On the other hand if the so called Maithri group loses to Rajapakses  ,  the Maithri groups  joining with the Rajapakses is not a possibility because Maithripala Sirisena is going to be the president for another three years. It is the practice in Sri Lanka reprehensible though , where there is no affluence or  influence of power , not even a Sri Lankan animal let alone citizen will visit that venue to drink a drop of water. 
In any event , after the local government elections , when the local administration is being established , without any doubt , the Maithri group is surely going to initiate discussions  with the rogues to form an alliance . That is because during their last failed discussions , it was inordinate power greed and not policies which was given  precedence over all other considerations. 

By a Staff writer

---------------------------
by     (2017-12-01 16:57:53)

Seven JO MPs to embrace Maithri?


Seven JO MPs to embrace Maithri?

Seven JO MPs to embrace Maithri?Dec 01, 2017

Seven or more SLFP MPs in the joint opposition are to ally with president Maithripala Sirisena, reports say.

Attempts by groups in both sides at uniting the SLFP and the JO have not been successful, mainly due to the JO’s demand that the SLFP should leave the government. Basil Rajapaksa is behind that demand. However, the Maithri faction has rejected the idea. They are most likely to contest the upcoming polls on its own.
A considerable number in the JO want to join with the president, but Basil and some others have opposed it. He is being accused of trying to destroy the party. They are of the view that Basil and others are trying to create trouble by making unnecessary demands. Therefore, they have come to understand the futility of their attempts at uniting the two sides, and have agreed to ally with the president. Some of them are to receive ministerial portfolios.
Most of them have been accused over fraud and corruption committed during the Rajapaksa regime. Their real reason for the crossover is to escape those charges. They will strengthen the hands of the president after being impressed by the democratic and populist programme of the Yahapaalana government, following the footsteps of a group of UNP MPs that did the same thing during the previous regime.

18 years imprisonment for killer of Sri Lankan President’s brother


01/12/2017
A Sri Lankan court has sentenced the accused in the murder of Sri Lankan President’s brother in 2015 to 18 years of rigorous imprisonment, the Colombo Page reported
Polonnaruwa High Court Judge Nimal Ranaweera on Thursday sentenced the accused Haputhanthrige Don Ishan Lakmal, who has been found guilty of killing President Maithripala Sirisena’s brother Pallewatte Gamaralalage Priyantha Sirisena, to 18 years of rigorous imprisonment.
The court also directed the accused, a resident of Hathara Ela in New Town, Polonnaruwa to pay Rs 1 million as compensation to the family of Priyantha Sirisena and a fine of Rs. 20,000.
The accused will be sentenced to another two years of rigorous imprisonment in case of his failure to pay compensation and six months in prison if he does not pay the fine.
The Attorney General had filed the case against the accused of attacking Priyantha Sirisena with an axe on 26 March 2015 resulting in his death.
The accused had attacked Priyantha, 42, with an axe on the back of his head. Priyantha Sirisena succumbed to his injuries a day later while being treated at the intensive care unit at Colombo National Hospital.
The accused later surrendered to the police. On interrogation by the police, the suspect has said that he was angry at the deceased for yelling at his parents using foul language.

Sujeewa to be remanded on a frame-up for criticizing president ; P.M. on Maithri – Mahinda dubious alliance !


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 28.Nov.2017, 5.45PM)  Following criticisms leveled against the incumbent  president by UNP deputy minister Sujeewa Senasinghe at a media briefing convened by the latter  , the faction with the president had hatched a conspiracy to remand Sujeewa on a frame up , based on reports reaching Lanka e news inside information division.
The conspiratorial plan is to accuse Sujeewa Senasinghe of implication in the preparation of  a fake  deed , and entrap him on charges of forgery .

To achieve this dastardly  end ,Asela Kumara a quondam   friend of Sujeewa but now an enemy  had been enlisted . 
The second row UNP ers who participated in television debates and shouted hoarse until their throats ran dry to propel and put Maithripala Sirisena  on the pedestal of president  , are now sadly pushed to an awkward position  to repudiate  the same president’s phone call exchange mudslinging. Among them Sujeewa Senasinghe was in the frontline as the minister making justifiable  criticisms against the president .
The president who was provoked  nevertheless  threatened, ‘ by criticizing  me , you are going to  cry after tearing the paper and hurling those on yourself. ’ It is apparent , through fake documents and by filing bogus charges,  Senasinghe is going to be made to ‘cry’ borrowing president’s own word. President’s parasites and hangers on who are in plenty clustered around the president  , and   hatching  conspiracies while adding fuel to the fire have of course exploited the situation to brag ‘ until Sujeewa is put  behind bars and his black coat is removed , Sirisena will not look back .’

It is well to recall Lanka e news reported just yesterday that there is a conspiracy to arrest UNP leaders. 
Meanwhile, when the UNP parliamentary group met on the 27 th  at 4.00 p.m. , the Prime Minister (P.M) approved of the retaliatory remarks of Sujeewa Senasinghe . He  pointed out  Sujeewa had reasonable grounds  to give answers to the president , while adding  those  comments were made within   Sri Kotha , and had not used any other venue to do that . 
The P.M. however resented black bands being worn   by some UNP backbenchers including Kavinda Jayawardena. The P.M.told them , in the future when such actions are to be taken , the permission of the party shall be obtained. 
P.M. also  expressed his views at the group meeting In regard to the Maithri faction  demeaning itself and going on bended knees to join with the Rajapakse group . Minister Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka who articulated his opinion  first , said  as a democratic party the SLFP has a right to enter into an agreement with any group.
The P.M. counter  explained , while the SLFP Maithri group has signed an agreement to concur in  the consensual government ‘s good governance policies and programs , it would be an issue if it is to enter into an alliance with Rajapakses whose policies and programs are diametrically opposite .Of course if the Rajapakse group comes after accepting  the good governance policies , it will be alright , whereas if they don’t , the Maithri group’s moves will be an issue, P.M. pinpointed.
In any event , under the circumstances , the Maithri group  is in a thicket of difficulties as they are  stymied in their attempt  to join with the Rajapakses , and the current situation is favorable to the UNP ,the  P.M. highlighted.  No matter what, the local government elections will definitely be held in January 2019 , and all have to work with commitment to ensure the victory of the UNP , the P.M.  exhorted.  
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by     (2017-11-28 12:20:57)

Customer service in public sector organisations


logoThursday, 30 November 2017

Healthy customer service is important for any public or private sector organisation. However, there is a subtle difference here.

The private sector organisations’ fate is decided on how they treat the customers as their customers have alternative avenues to fulfil their needs. On the contrary, the public sector customers have a limited or no alternatives. Hence, the public sector organisations pay less attention to the aspect of the customer satisfaction.

A few years back, this writer went to a public sector organisation in Colombo to get a travel-related document. The way he was treated and the vulgar language the staff member in the customer counter used as a response to a polite query made in very simple English cannot even be described or published on this column. It was a sheer shock to the writer as well as to his Sri Lankan colleagues in Australia who listened how the incident was unfolded.

This columnist had previously dealt with the corresponding Australian public sector organisation which issues travel documents and it had been a matter of just filling a simple form, handing it over to the nearest local post office with the supporting documents and making the correct payment. The travel document would arrive home by post within the specified period. Handing over the form was just a five minutes job to the courteous officer.

By the way, the writer did not expect miracles in Sri Lanka and spent his time for the crime. He was not even bothered to lodge a complaint to any senior staff member at the time of the incident. In Sri Lanka, arguing with a public official is a suicidal mission. If one follows that path, suddenly he or she would find more documentary needs and face more hurdles. As a former senior public sector employee, the writer knew this hard truth. Hence, he got the document and left the office as quickly as possible.

However, after reaching Australia, a written complaint was made to the head of the organisation, but, as expected, there was hardly even an acknowledgement of the compliant, let alone getting it investigated. Again, the writer was mature enough not to waste his time on chasing personal justice for an issue that the innocent people in Sri Lanka, encounter, daily basis.

The more pertinent need is to understand why the officer behaved that way. He might have been under stress due to a personal or an organisation situation and he might not have been working there willingly. Also, his behaviour might have been a reflection of his upbringing from his childhood.

The other explanation might be that he did not have the basic knowledge in English language so that he reacted angrily. However, the lack of English knowledge can be ruled out as all the official documentations were finally issued in English language and the staff should have had the rudimentary English proficiency to do so.

As the last possible reason, maybe that this staff member was prejudicial by judging the customers by the colour, race, outward appearance or the attire. He might have been encouraged to behave that way by the toxic organisational work culture.

By the way, none of the aforementioned reasons are acceptable to justify his behaviour in a civilised society. This incident may be a collateral damage due to the ‘feeding all with same spoon” control mechanism in place to manage the ubiquitous, undisciplined customers. The above thought-provoking scenarios prompted the writer to look at this issue holistically.

Social norms and values

In the civilised world, there are social norms, law and order and values that should be upheld, no matter who you are or what you are. In a small island country which is yet to be developed economically (who knows when?) with an immature, blindfolded political patronage and with a society having their own priorities and worries over the social obligations, disciplined behaviour is not valued highly in society in the grand scheme of things.

The public are not mentally and physically calm enough even to stay in a line without pushing each other. The encroachment of other’s personal space is tolerated openly. The stronger and the powerful fellows uproot the weaker from the societal positions unashamedly. However, Sri Lankans, in general, are easy going and peace-loving people. When a Sri Lankan person is treated well, the reciprocal response is also in the same vein, but, if treated badly, the reaction is equally bad as well, irrespective of the education and the intelligence level of the quarrelling parties. This is where Sri Lankans are different.

In developed countries, when an ignorant or undisciplined person behaves badly, an intelligent and educated person keeps the natural aggressive reaction on hold and walks away from the situation, as one’s own safety and personal reputation is more valuable than the gain from the aggressive reaction. However, in Sri Lanka, even the educated Government officials and powerful politicians in office often behave and react aggressively and treat public or the customers like dirt, literally.

Popular myth

In the private sector, there is a popular adage “the customer is always right”. However, it is only a half truth. The actual fact is that the customer thinks he/she is right. Hence, the client must start the dealings with the customer positively, giving the customer the benefit of this assumption, but at the end of the dealing both parties would realise whether the initial assumption was right or wrong.

The responsibility of running a smooth and delicate customer-client interaction primarily rests with the client. The client must educate the customer along the way and manage the customer demand to ensure the both parties realise the benefit. It is called the ‘benefit realisation of providing a service’. Just reacting to the customer demands blindly is no longer an option. Transforming of the customer’s mind is an essential part of this process.

Government organisations are at the other end of this scale. Government officials think “We are always right because we are the specifiers and we are the State-appointed monopolists”. It is true that the Government organisations provide unique services complying with strict rules and regulations (2Rs). However, without violating 2Rs and also without just negatively responding to the non-compliant customer with answers like “can’t” and “no”, the Government officials can educate customers and help them to find answers to their needs, through well-planned communication and consultation processes and standard operating procedures.

Government regulators are only correct on justifying the need of rules and regulations, but often they fail to do the right thing, the right way. That is the failure of the effectiveness and the efficiency of the application of 2Rs.

Getting ready to serve

The public sector is there to remain, no matter how many service provisions are delegated to the private sector through the privatisation. Public servants generally pretend that it is the Government that pays their salaries. The reality is that public servants have jobs because of people. Public servants’ salaries and benefits are paid by taxes, rates and other revenue collected from the people. So officials have to serve the pay masters, the public, by providing public services and spend public money responsibly for the benefit of society. The public must be served fairly, efficiently and equitably.

Unfortunately, in Sri Lanka, Government officials behave implying that the public has to put up with whatever the quality they deliver, on their terms. In front of the Government officials, the Sri Lankan public are forced to act like beggars with a bowl, pleading for help. People’s right to be served fairly and equitably is denied blatantly. It is interesting to know which Sri Lankan Government organisation will dare conduct an independent survey on “customer satisfaction” and publish the results.

This writer serves in the Australian Local Government. His employer publishes an annual report outlining how rate payer funds are spent. In that report, there is a pictogram depicting how a hundred dollars is spent on specific service areas. That simple picture leaves a very important imprint in rate payers’ mind to which areas the council puts its attention. Also, the results of an annual public survey is published, showing the perceptions of the public which performance areas are important for them and how the city council performs in each of these significant area as perceived by the public.

The council, at the same time, runs programs on educating public about the rationale behind council decision making process and how the council manages unlimited public demands through limited resources for the benefit of wider cross section of the public, instead of paying attention to narrow areas or influential individuals. It is a well-oiled public demand management and consultation process.

Organisation culture

Good customer service cannot be generated in isolation. It is an integral part of an overall organisation culture. Organisation culture is about behaviours. It is about the shared values, norms and expectations. It is about how people approach their work and interact with each other within the organisation. There is no magician who could offer this to an organisation. It has to be developed within the organisation by the people who serve the organisation, big and small.

There is an interesting alternative definition for the organisation culture. It says that the culture is how people believe they should behave to fit and survive in the organisation. This means a wrong culture would be continued and enriched by the employees knowingly and intentionally for personal gains.

Sub-cultures

Time to time organisation leaders call for instilling different sub-cultures. This is simply to react to an issue within a particular service area. As an example, some call for developing risk culture, customer service culture or innovative culture etc. This is a reaction rather than a response.

All these elements are a part of organisation culture which needs equal attention and it could be called the culture of excellence. It is the promotion of doing the best the activities you are supposed to do. Good risk management, good customer service, excellent innovations are the end products rather than activities.

Sick organisations

It is easy to identify a chronically sick organisation. When you step into the premises, you could see the alarming signs. Usually, the building is dilapidated and the surrounds are poorly maintained. The premises is cluttered with rubbish and is overgrown. The entrance is uninviting, literally warning people “enter with own risk”.

The outward impressions of staff suggest that they have either over-worked or are tired or are indifferent to the job demands. Office desks are unorganised and heaps of files and other items are piled up on and behind desks, indicating how primitive the systems and processes and also how unstable the state of minds of the staff. Usually, it is hard to find a smile on the faces of the staff and the body language suggests that they are there just to mark the time and leave the office at the end of the day.

While listening to the customer, the staff usually talk among themselves on another subject, implying that the customer’s need is a secondary priority job. Within a sick organisation, the employee morale is so low and usually the attention is confined to their own unit or division, not the entire organisation. Innovative thinking is not encouraged by the management and the staff repeatedly say “I am doing just my job”. Usually, reoccurring conflicts are swept under the carpet and the team work only erupts at a crisis situation that affects staff’s livelihood.

How many Sri Lankan public sector organisations have the aforementioned terminal tumorous symptoms?

The need

Public sector leaders should pay their attention to the ways in which the organisation holistically performs to achieve its mission, vision and overarching strategy. It needs an organisation structure which has been formed according to sound organisational design principles, a mechanism to appoint right people for right positions, a methodology to develop and implement organisational systems which would operate synchronised manner, a strategy to manage people by encouraging them to perform to their full potential, and a performance plan to enrich and uphold organisational norms and values.

To develop this great organisational culture, the leaders should behave as true leaders and also role models. If this could be done, both the public and the organisation would be equally benefitted. The writer knows that dreaming costs nothing.

(Eng. Janaka Seneviratne is a Chartered Professional Engineer and a Fellow of both the Institution of Engineers, Sri Lanka and Engineers Australia. His mission is to share his 30 years of local and overseas experience to make, at the very least, a minute improvement to the Sri Lankan public sector. He is contactable via senevir15@gmail.com.)