BUSTING THE MYTH: EXECUTIVE PRESIDENCY DOES NOT PROTECT MINORITY INTERESTS – JAVID YUSUF

Image courtesy of AsiaNews.

11/11/2017

The debate on the Interim Report of the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly is over and the focus of the parliamentarians shifts, at least during the next month, to the Budget debate. The Constitutional Assembly discussions which were originally scheduled for only three days were extended to five days to enable more parliamentarians to participate in the debate.

While it is encouraging that the people’s representatives were keen to have their say in shaping the constitutional reform process, the officials who would have to figure out what to incorporate in the draft of the Constitution based on the views expressed in the Constitutional Assembly debate will not have an enviable task.

Their task would have been much easier if the parliamentarians had presented their views in line with the process envisaged in the resolution setting up the Constitutional Assembly. The Interim Report of the Steering Committee describes its contents as the “principles and formulations that reflect the deliberations of the Steering Committee” at its 73 meetings.

It also goes on to state that “included in this Interim Report are observations and comments by Members of the Steering Committee on the principles and formulations contained in the Report.” These observations and comments are those set out in the annexures to the report.

In other words, the annexures contain the reservations and or further additions to the discussions in the Steering Committee. It would have made the task of the drafters easier if the parliamentarians expressed their views on the alternative proposals and gave their own alternative suggestions in case they objected to any particular proposal. Unfortunately this did not happen.

A significant subject that was missing in the five day debate in the Constitutional Assembly was the views of the minority parties with regard to the all important issue of the abolition of the Executive Presidency. The perception of the minorities will be a significant factor in the event a referendum is held to decide on a new Constitution.

One is, therefore, compelled to look for the views of the political parties representing the minorities in the observations contained in the annexures to the Steering Committee Report.

The Tamil National Alliance does not comment on the Executive Presidency in its observations and can, therefore, be presumed to agree with the formulation in the Interim Report that “there was general consensus that the Executive Presidency as it exists today be abolished.” This is further buttressed by the TNAs statement in its observations on the Steering Committee Report that “in the interests of reaching an acceptable consensus, the TNA will be willing to consider agreement with the main principles articulated in the interim report if the same are acceptable to the two main parties.”

In what is described as the “Joint Proposal submitted by ACMC, EPDP, SLMC and TPA” under the names of the Leaders of the respective parties — Rishad Bathiudeen, Douglas Devanada, Rauff Hakeem and Mano Ganesan — and contained in the annexures to the Interim Committee Report , the four parties propose the election of the President directly by the People and do not endorse the abolition of the Executive Presidency.

Additionally the ACMC has made a separate observation contained in the annexures to the Interim Report where it specifically states that the Executive Presidency in the present format should not be changed.

It is understood that the SLMC too has made further proposals at the commencement of the Constitutional Assembly debate.

Over the years there has been a myth spread that the Executive Presidency helps the minorities and ensures that the rights of the minorities are protected.

Our experience of the last 40 years of the existence of the Executive Presidency clearly shows that this is furthest from the truth. In fact the minorities have never suffered as much as they have done under the Executive Presidency.

The armed conflict which raged over the North and East saw its genesis after the Executive Presidency came into being and during those three decades the conflict took its toll on the Tamil community. The Muslim community also suffered immensely during the period of the armed conflict even though not directly involved in the armed conflict but did not benefit from any protection from the Office of the Executive Presidency.

During the previous regime since 2012, the Muslim community faced unprecedented harassment and attacks which the Institution of the Executive Presidency could not prevent. However much the Muslims remained patient and attempted to get their grievances addressed because of the powerful nature of the Executive Presidency they did not succeed.

The argument has been put forward that because the entire country functions as one electorate during a Presidential Election, the minorities have the opportunity to participate in electing the Head of State and therefore this helps to ensure the rights of minorities. However Sri Lanka’s experience is that this does not ensure the minorities adequate protection from the time the President is elected until the next Presidential Election.

If the fact that the minorities vote is important for the election of a President is sufficient safeguard for the minorities, President Mahinda Rajapaksa who was seeking a third term would have ensured the Muslims were protected and spared of the agony of targeted attacks during the latter half of his second term.

Additionally the Presidential Elections of 2005 and 2010 proved a President could be elected without the help of minority votes. The enforced boycott of the 2005 Presidential Election by Tamil voters under LTTE directions saw Mahinda Rajapaksa emerge victorious without the benefit of Tamil votes. Mahinda Rajapaksa was re-elected President in 2010 after the armed conflict almost entirely by Sinhala voters.

The fact that Maithripala Sirisena was elected President with the help of minority votes does not invalidate the argument that the Executive Presidency does not help the minorities.
Two independent and respected Constitutional Law experts Dr. Rohan Edirisisnghe and Dr. Asanga Welikala have repeatedly argued that the so-called protection afforded to minorities by the Executive Presidential System was a myth.

Dr. Asanga Welikala in one of his writings captures the argument very well.

He poses the question and answers it himself: “But does the overwhelming support of the minorities for President Sirisena in 2015, without which he would not have won, prove the opposite contention? I do not think so, for the reason that the minority vote came unconditionally to him, and what is more, the common opposition was careful to studiously avoid any reference whatsoever to the demands of the minorities let alone be seen to be promising anything to them, so as to ensure that sufficient numbers of the majority deserted Rajapaksa. All that the minorities are left with after the 2015 presidential election is the goodwill and decency of the new President and his government to treat them with some sort of respect, and when and if possible, to address their political and constitutional problems. Can this be even remotely regarded as an argument that the presidency ensures the protection of minority interests?”

The nature of the Institution of the Executive Presidency is such that after an Executive President is elected he is by the very nature of the Office insulated from the people. That is why President J. R. Jayewardene described the Executive Presidency as a system which is not subject to the whims and fancies of Parliament. Once installed in office it is very difficult for the minorities or their representatives to access an Executive President to have their aspirations addressed.

This is the complete opposite of the Westminster Parliamentary form of Government. Under the Westminster system the minorities have the opportunity of influencing the election of parliamentarians who in turn have ready access to the Prime Minister and Cabinet Ministers both in and out of Parliament. The minorities are able to influence their representatives continuously and not only during election time. These representatives are in turn compelled to take it up with the Prime Minister and Ministers to whom they have much easier access.

This is a system which works well for the minorities because the Prime Minister and the Government through the Parliamentary representatives are compelled to keep their fingers on the pulse of the people including the minorities for their continued existence.

It is not surprising that the Muslim politicians in Parliament (other than those from the UNP) are not in support of the call to abolish the Executive Presidency. All these politicians were comfortably ensconced in power during the Rajapaksa Presidency and during the difficult times faced by the Muslims and had no hand in the preparation of the manifestoes or campaigns in support of President Maithripala Sirisena. All of them pledged their support to Maithripala Sirisena only a few days before the Presidential Election after determining which way the wind was blowing.

(javidyusuf@gmail.com). / Sunday Times

Vedar of the East A Forgotten People

By Sulochana Ramiah Mohan-2017-11-12

They call themselves 'descendants of Kuhani (Kuweni),' consort of Vijaya, and live in a place called Santhosapuram, one of the 30 villages inherited by these Tamil Vedar (Veddahs). But these Vedar of the East are not recognized for their heritage and certainly have little joy in their lives.

They live in probably one of the most beautiful parts of the island, the place where the Mahaweli, the greatest of our rivers breaks up into rivulets, Aaru in Tamil, to flow into the Indian Ocean.

But their habitat is being destroyed, their livelihood threatened, and their micro-culture severely endangered.

Ceylon Today visited them last week, here's their story.

Palangudi Makkal
The village of Santhosapuram is about 9km east of Muttur town. There, we encountered a people who call themselves 'Palangudi Makkal' (Aadivasi) or the 'Ancient Ones' whom the media has referred to as the Tamil Veddahs. Like their cousins in the south they eschew the moniker Vedan (Veddah) as they believe non-aboriginal people use it as a derogatory term.

These people say they are descended from the earliest settlers of the island and trace their origins to an immigrant wave from the Indian sub-continent that brought their people – including Kuhani (Kuveni) here.

Short in stature, they are dark and some have surprisingly light coloured eyes. Their language is a pidgin Tamil, which they speak fast, with a musical cadence. For the normal Tamil speaker the terms they use can be confusing. For instance, they call the male child 'Kutty' and female 'Pulle,' while in normal Tamil both terms are used for the girl child.

The region of the Eastern Province these people call home stretches from Muttur to Seruwila through the jungles south of the Koddiyar Bay. These people say they have lived here for two millennia and that the Aadivasis of the South are their descendants.

According to data gathered in 2008 and provided by the Muttur Pradeshiya Sabha, there were 2,775 families of this group in Eechilampatru, Verugal and Muttur occupying 35 villages. They estimate that the population has now nearly doubled.

These people believe that when Prince Vijaya and his cohorts from Bengal landed on the island, there were 43 chieftains who ruled the land and outsiders feared to venture in, as Kuhani and her army were powerful. According to their oral tradition, Kuhani met Prince Vijaya or Vijayavaahu in Ilangaiththurai Muhaththuvaram, which is now called Lanka Patuna in the Seruwila Division, some 20 km from Santhosapuram.

Lost identity
Fifty-three-year-old Sri Selvam of Santhosapuram told us, "We, the Palangudi Makkal are unique and distinct but our traditions, culture, music, language and rituals have been erased due to politics, discrimination and suppression by Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese equally."

But they have realized they lost their identity too long ago to regain it.

They insist that they are not ethnic Tamils although they speak the language, and say the general Tamil community treat them as outcastes. On the rare occasion a member of the Tamil community marries into their community, that person is also treated as an outcast.

Selvam went on to say, "Two years ago we realized the extensive damage done to our community and only sound education can uplift us. We can combat racial and religious discrimination that is forced on us by the other communities."

These are traditional hunters whose main diet is wild bees honey, meat and yams from the forest.
Gods demoted

They worship Lord Murugan – the God of Kataragama – who is worshipped by members of almost every religion in Sri Lanka. They observe rituals such as 'Paaimaraththu Sadangu' and the hunter's festivals such as 'Vettai hiruvilza' for Murugan or Kumarankudi.

But, that important cultural aspect has been hurt as well. They worshipped at an ancient temple atop a rock, which is now called the Lankapatuna Samuddragiri Viharaya. It was their forest, which has been demolished and a Buddhist Viharaya erected there with the assistance of the Security Forces in the area. The idol that was in their temple has been moved to the bottom of the rock.

Culture aside, these Ancient Ones are losing their lifestyle because their forests are disappearing.
Forests taken away

A total of 1,400 acres of forest has been earmarked for projects being channelled through the Board of Investment (BoI) including a coal power project, according to the Land Officer of the Muttur PS.

There has been no progress on the projects, and these people have been deprived of its usage.

Another large block of land in Pattaali Puram has been reportedly reserved for a powerful politician in the area and a resort is to be built there.

The area that is reserved for the Sampur Coal Power Plant, now abandoned, was heavily forested and there are 11 natural pools which contain fish and freshwater prawns.

The loss of forests and new resettlement projects mean that they now have to live with other communities. Selvam laments, "We are now forced to live with other communities. This is how our race is getting wiped off."

They have now realized that they need to organize themselves and have therefore formed the 'Palangudi Makkal Amaippu (Aadivaassi Association)' to resolve and highlight their plights and violation of their rights to the world. They also came to know that an UNESCO-like organization protects cultures and traditions of the tribal communities.
Single Aadivasi

community
Selvam notes that the Aadivasis of the South are being recognized because their language is linked to Sinhala but that isn't the case of the Tamil speaking Vedar.

The Tamil Vedar met the Veddahs of the South through their Association last month. They had exchanged pleasantries and the Vedar have invited the Mahiyangana Veddahs for a gathering that would be held in the near future in the Eastern Province. They want to form a single Aadivasi entity bringing all of Sri Lanka's aboriginal community together. This, according to them, would give them wider recognition.

Selvam who is the Treasurer of the Association, along with other office bearers said that they want the government to grant lower cut-off marks for Grade Five Scholarship, O/L and the A/L examination so that their children could have a sound education and build their future.
War years

Their children have suffered through the last few decades. The LTTE abducted many of them and forced them to fight. Some tribal members joined the LTTE due to poverty. "Most of our people who perished as combatants were from Sampur."

In the regular schools, their children are marginalized and the locals don't like them seated in the same classroom and school has to be conducted separately for them. Selvam talks of one particularly bright girl who passed her O' Levels while attending a school in the Vanni because she was displaced due to the war. This child had to repeat her examination when she returned to the East because her school did not believe she could get such good results. Despite this, she could not get a job and has given up thoughts of a career.

"Other communities are using us for their gains. The Sinhalese destroyed our places of worship and the Tamils used us for political gains. Tamil politicians talk about our plight and raise funds in our name but never mention our race. They only want our votes but never encourage us to get involved in politics so that we can support our community."

Pasubhathipulle Kaalirasa (37) is a housewife with three children. She recalls how she was humiliated by other children in her class when they knew she was a member of the Vedar community.

"They laughed at my name and I felt shy when the teacher too laughed at me." She quit school and began to do menial jobs in the village to educate her children. Her eldest daughter is in Grade 10.

amiesulo@gmail.com

JO ensnared in a Thucydides Trap

Yahapalanaya versus Rajapaksas: The issue is not the Constitution, it is Power

Thucydides (c.460 - c.400 BC)

Kumar David-November 11, 2017, 6:29 pm 

Confrontations are resolved in win-win resolutions or in Thucydides Traps. Win-win, coveted in business negotiations, is when differences are ironed-out such that both parties are satisfied they have won something essential and reach a settlement acceptable to both. Examples from the world of politics are the deal between Scotland and the Britain for investment and profit sharing in North Sea oil, the Mason-Dixon Line settling the border between Maryland, Delaware and Pennsylvania in colonial America in the 1760s, and the short-lived B-C Pact. The delineation of borders in South and Central America in the post-colonial era was a win-win compromise except in a few instances such as Chile’s denial of maritime access to Bolivia.

Herodotus and Thucydides were great Greek historians and the latter wrote an account of the 30-year Peloponnesian War that ruined Greek society. Sparta was the hegemonic military power in the 5th Century BC but the influence of Athens was rising. Greatly alarmed, Sparta launched a pre-emptive strike and soon all city-states were embroiled. Thucydides reasoned that the Peloponnesian Wars arose from "the growing power of Athens and the alarm it stirred in Sparta".

A much-mulled topic these days is whether the US has been trapped into a Sparta-style pre-emptive strike dilemma against nuclear armed, ICBM deploying, North Korea. Another concern is does China’s economic dominance and likely military equivalence with America within a generation portend a train crash that neither can avoid? Harvard professor Graham Allison coined the term Thucydides Trap for such scenarios.

JO-Pak and the imperative of

political power

I will use the term JO-Pak for the congregation comprising the Joint Opposition interwoven with the often mutually hostile strands of the Rajapaksa clan (Gota, Namal, Basil and Mrs. R) and the ex-President running on a sometimes parallel, sometimes erratic, track. Notwithstanding its fitful gymnastics the amalgam can be identified as a single entity. I have foisted the moniker JO-Pak upon it.

The next point is crucial. Nobody should fall for the swindle that JO-Pak wants to ensure that the new constitution includes certain important provisions is passed. No! JO-Pak does not care a farthing what the constitution actually says; it will oppose it because of issues of power. It is not what the constitution says or does not say; the crucial question is Power with a capital P. The Sirisena-Ranil administration must be driven out, JO-Pak must make a grab for power. Who cares what’s in the draft; if it says up we say down, if it says left we say right, if it says abc we say xyz. Recall Congressional antics during Obama’s second term. Whatever he proposed, whatever compromises he offered, were unacceptable. The objection was not content; no, the objective was to undermine Obama and oppose anything and everything. The Republicans were making a play for political power.

I am amused by charlatan assertions adorning newspapers and websites that if this-and-that amendments were made, JO-Pak would endorse the constitution. Ranting in the Sinhala media is unabashedly vitriolic and luridly racist ("Rata bedane maga kapadeneva"). And what pray the ‘this-and-that’? No to devolution as it will encourage Tamils to go on a rampage and divide Mother Lanka; the Executive Presidency is a bulwark against a secessionist cancer lurking in every Tamil pore, etc. If you search the written and spoken words of JO-Pak you will be hard pressed to find anything not related to Sinhala-Tamil animosity and imagined secessionist threats. Just as, in the social domain, JO-Pak is bereft of a socio-economic programme, so in the domain of constitution making it has no contribution apart from stirring up communal animus.

The reason is that JO-Pak is driven by a singular motive, political Power. How to bring down the Sirisena-Ranil regime and make a bid for power; this is its Thucydides Trap, the obsession it cannot detach from. This singular overriding fixation has possessed JO-Pak from the start. Year 2015 was all disarray and confusion from January 8 to the August defeat in the general elections. The first foray into toppling the government was an effort to disrupt the Sirisena-Ranil tie-up. Strategy sessions were held (the discussants are well known) and work distributed. "You write like this in English; you meet and influence this segment of the Sirisena-SLFP; you work media, you intervene in parliament". The plan hit a dead-end because Sirisena and Ranil were not hara-kiri prone. The second attempt was to focus on specific issues like the government’s obvious discomfiture at the Geneva processes and the disgraceful bond scam. This backfired because Sirisena took the initiative to defuse tensions and Ranil stepped back and let him go ahead with his stratagems.

A Thucydides Trap is an obsessive manoeuvre from which it is not possible to retreat because at least one party is fixated on the end-game and there is no way back. Defeating the constitution is JO-Pak’s last gasp prior to the 2020 election cycle. Yes, the government’s economic doings are a flop, but JO-Pak, with no programme of its own, is unable to cash in. (A ‘third alternative’ can make headway as I have argued previously, but I cannot divert to a different topic now). Derailing the constitution is JO-Pak’s final fling; it will not change course whatever the draft says. I repeat this because it is the theme of this essay. It is the Thucydides Trap that has ensnared JO-Pak.

A Constitution suspended in time

Quantum physicists are familiar with the notion of suspended uncertainty in probability space (Schrodinger’s cat). Likewise, no one can say for sure whether the draft on which Jayampathi et al have been labouring will reach a final vote and secure the requisite two-thirds. Local Government elections have thrown another spanner in the works. If it clears the two-thirds hurdle, I am confident it will clear the referendum but there is unease that about 10 of the SLFP’s 40-plus pro-Sirisena MPs are in a double game with MR to scuttle the constitution and they are pressuring Sirisena to renege on his pledges. If JO-Pak scares the government into backing out - as the UNP and Vasu compelled Chandrika to dump her laudable if cumbersome draft in 2000 – it would have inflicted a defeat on Sirisena-Ranil serious enough to have repercussions in presidential and parliamentary elections.

The government’s economic botch (What can it achieve in the next two years unless you believe in magic?) will not confer an advantage on JO-Pak because it is programmatically dumb. But deferment or defeat of the constitution may be fatal; Sirisena-Ranil will be objects of ridicule for not keeping their second biggest election pledge next to restoring democracy (for which they are entitled to a good grade). Again and again I underline: JO-Pak cannot permit a two-thirds majority for the constitution. The glory of enacting will be a feather in the yahapalanaya cap and spell populist doom for JO-Pak in the 2020 election cycle. This is JO-Pak’s final fling, and if it loses will be its Waterloo. Bogus offers that if ‘this-and-that’ were conceded JO-Pak will support the constitution is hypocrisy; intentional, unmitigated lies; a trap for Sirisena who will thereafter have his throat cut.

Mahinda Rajapaksa’s election manifesto (reproduced recently in the Colombo Telegraph) undertakes to go beyond 13A on devolution. Communiques after meeting Indian Ministers and his own APC proposals echo promises beyond the current draft. All JO parties, expressly the CP, Vasu’s DLF and Vitarana’s LSSP-minority, are committed to unconditional repeal of an executive presidency. What aliment has now overcome them other than the virus old Thucydides diagnosed? The Dead-Left is more a desperado in a Power-play than a turncoat on principles.

The Referendum

If 2/3rds is secured in parliament, if not the question does not arise, I reiterate the referendum will be won. However, two objections have been raised and I will respond briefly. It has been argued that a constitution carried with huge minority support (say 28% of the national vote) but attracting only a third of Sinhala Buddhists (say one-third of 69%, chosen for easy division by three) secures 51%; but a charter, so overwhelmingly rejected by the nation’s Sinhala-Buddhist majority, will have no political credibility; point taken. But one-third is the minimum Sinhala-Buddhist support needed for ratification. Two-thirds-plus in parliament would mean that perhaps sections of the JO-SLFP and perhaps the CP, DLF and Vitarana-LSSP have said "yes". Add whatever this is, to the UNP, Sirisena-SLFP, JVP and most important, vibrant civil society movements, and Eureka, over half the Sinhala-Buddhist populace is on board. Point was taken, point is now dismissed.

The second argument is that in the light of the government’s economic botch (point conceded) there will be abstentions of erstwhile pro-government voters, hence a referendum will be hard to win. This is the bind of those weak in politics as well as arithmetic and algebra. Minorities will overwhelmingly vote "yes", the economic cock-up not withstanding; TNA, other Tamil entities, Mano Ganesan, CWC, Muslim parties and Catholic civil society will ensure that. The silliness of not thinking things through is the assertion that pro-government Sinhala-Buddhists, disillusioned with Ranil’s economic let-down will abstain, but JO carders will march out in droves to vote "no".

Experience worldwide is different. High or low turnout spreads across the political divide when the motive for abstention is one issue (economy in this case) and the referendum is on another (constitution). The differential impact of the economic poor-show on the constitutional plebiscite will not be large; there will be abstentions on both sides but the variance will not decide the outcome.

If two-thirds is secured in parliament the referendum will be won. Therefore, it is a matter of life and death for JO-Pak to avert the former. If this manoeuvre is stumped, it may go bananas and boycott the referendum, or pre-emptively boycott both referendum and parliamentary vote.

Correction: I made a typo on 29 October and wrote that Henry VIII reigned from"1509-1557"; it should read 1509-1547.

Dual citizens among MPs -- If any, they must be jailed: Samarasinghe

2017-11-11

If there are any parliamentarians who are dual citizens, they should not only be barred from Parliament, stripped of their parliamentary privileges and asked to pay compensation but should also be sent to jail, Ports and Shipping Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe said yesterday.

He told the weekly SLFP news briefing that the country's apex court has given a clear ruling on dual citizenship and as such no parliamentarian with dual citizenship has the right to sit in the House anymore.

“The law must be amended to send parliamentarians with dual citizenship to jail in addition to disqualifying them from sitting in Parliament and being stripped of their parliamentary privileges,” the minister said and added he had never obtained dual citizenship as suggested by some media institutions.

Meanwhile, the Peoples Action for Free and Fair Election (PAFFREL) in a letter to Speaker Karu Jayasuriya requested that an affidavit be obtained from every parliamentarian confirming that he or she was not a dual citizen.

PAFFREL Executive Director Rohana Hettiarachchi said in his letter that there was a suspicion among the people that several MPs were dual citizens.

“We checked with the Controller of Emigration and Immigration whether any of the MPs are dual citizens. The Controller informed us that there were no parliamentarians holding a dual citizenship other than the former MP Geetha Kumarasinghe who lost her seat after the recent Supreme Court ruling. But we are not satisfied with that information and we urge the Speaker to urge all 225 parliamentarians to certify that none of them are dual citizens so as to dispel the doubts of the people,” he said. (Sandun A. Jayasekera)

Will President Maithri ask Ranil to quit as PM?

by Gagani Weerakoon-2017-11-12

Clad in a carefully chosen blue and green tie, Finance and Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera entered the Chamber at 3.05p.m. on Thursday (9) to present Budget 2018, which was themed, 'Blue-Green Budget; the Launch of Enterprise Sri Lanka'. "It is 'Blue' because we plan to integrate the full economic potential of ocean related activities in formulating the overall growth strategy. It is 'Green' because we build our economy on an environmentally sustainable development strategy. The 'Enterprise Sri Lanka' will reawaken the entrepreneurial spirit, coming from our ancient forefathers, enabling Sri Lanka to be a vibrant trading hub and encouraging all Sri Lankans to become co-owners of a country enriched," he said.

Even though many expected the Government to come up with an 'election budget', the maiden Budget of Minister Samaraweera had focused mainly on policy implementations.

While many view the Budget 2018 as set of proposals that promises nothing major to anyone, yet implementing taxes for almost everything, there are some carefully drafted policy measures, which any other government would have otherwise not paid much attention to. For instance, it had paid attention to the trap of micro credit entities, where rural people, especially those in the North and the East, fall prey to.

Indebtedness in the rural sector targeted by exploitative microfinance schemes has become a serious issue. The small industries in the Northern Province have also not been able to revive due to both the lack of working capital and equity.

The Government will support, by way of the provision of grants and the introduction of a low interest loan scheme, to facilitate those indebted and to move out the debt trap through co-operative rural banks and the thrift and credit co-operative societies. This will be implemented on a pilot basis in the Northern and the North Central Provinces and Rs 1,000 million has been allocated in this regard.

The Budget 2018 was presented as it completed almost a week to the worst ever petrol crisis the country faced. A group of 19 Joint Opposition (JO) Parliamentarians, led by Kurunegala District MP and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa cycled to Parliament in protest against the crisis created by the petrol shortage.

The JO members, who started the bullock cart and cycle parade from the Polduwa Junction ahead of the Budget 2018, were however blocked by the Welikada Police and Parliament Police personnel at the main entrance at Jayanthipura.

Later, those who were on the bicycles were allowed to enter while the bullock-carts were not permitted.

Minutes before the Minister of Finance walked into the Chamber to present the Budget-2018 proposals, JO Leader MP Dinesh Gunawardena, raising a point of order, requested Speaker Karu Jayasuriya's intervention in ensuring the privileges of the members.

"We are entitled to free access to the Parliament. But today personnel of the Welikada and Parliament Police obstructed us. We want you to investigate this," he added.

Speaker Jayasuriya said that he was already informed about this by Rajapaksa earlier and would call for a full report on the incident.

Taking a dig at the whole incident, Finance Minister Samaraweera, during his budget speech, where he spoke about encouraging the use of green vehicles said "I think the JO clique has already opted to greener transportation. Unfortunately, their security personnel had to cycle back to where the luxury vehicles are parked."

Decisive period ahead

While Budget 2018 plans on launching Enterprise Sri Lanka, which the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna has already dubbed as 'making Sri Lanka a private enterprise' a real political shocker came from President Maithripala Sirisena on 8 November at the Ape Gama premises where the second death anniversary of Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera was held.

While noting there are many things that he cannot come out and say in public, President Sirisena did disclose that some Government members are using the media to attack him because he appointed a Commission to inquire into the Central Bank Bond issue.

Interestingly, Ape Gama at Battaramulla is also the place where President Sirisena- who was functioning at the time as the Health Minister of the President Mahinda Rajapaksa Government, gave the first signal that he will quit the Government.

On 21 November 2014, after handing over appointments to officials in the Health Ministry he said; 'this may be my last state function', amid widespread speculation that he might break ranks with the incumbent regime.

"Time solves a lot of things. This may be my last State function. People give power not to abuse it and make money. It's given to serve the people. This power should never be abused. No one should be drunk with power," he said.
Three years later, President Sirisena chose the same venue to spell out some of his major grievances. This was following Prof. Sarath Wijesooriya, who also played a major role in electing President Sirisena to power with other civil society activists in a hard hitting speech mentioned how after three years they are forced to get disillusioned with the high expectations of a dawning good governance.

"Some in the government blame me for appointing a Commission to inquire into the Central Bank misdeeds. These individuals are making a wrong analysis of me based on that. I am attacked by spending money on certain media institutions and by reserving pages in weekend newspapers. Some in the government are giving money to media entities operating from abroad to attack me. Why is this?... because, I appointed a Commission to look into the Central Bank matter. If Venerable Sobitha Thera was alive he would have approved of what I did. I did not appoint this Commission targeting anyone in the Government or targeting any MP or Minister," he said.

President Sirisena also said that the people of this country know the situation regarding the Central Bank incident.

"At that time there was strong public opinion against the incident. There was a huge outcry irrespective of politics that there was a grave fraud that had taken place and asking for action to be taken on it and asking me to appoint a Presidential Commission. I did it."

The Central Bank incident happened just three months after forming the government. Those responsible for this should be held responsible, he noted.

"The idea of a Common Candidate was among all of us since the first Presidential Election held in 1982. But no one was able to field a Common Candidate ever until 2015.

"It was because of the leadership and dedication of Ven. Sobitha Thera that the Common Candidate was able to win the Presidential Poll in 2015, bringing victory not only to him but to the concept as well. If and when we work for a Unity Government we all must be determined to dedicate ourselves to social justice, rule of the law and good governance. We also must not hesitate to punish any who are engaged in wrongdoings. No one can protest when action is taken against wrongdoers.

Unfortunately, that is my main problem. My problem is action is not taken to punish wrongdoers. All members of the Cabinet are aware of what I have spoken in the Cabinet on these issues," he added.

However, President Sirisena's unexpected grouse seems to have provoked many in the UNP. While adding that he (Sirisena) never mentioned anything of the sort when they met him about two weeks ago, a group of UNP backbenchers are planning to seek an immediate appointment with the President to 'get things sorted out'.

We need to know who these members of the government are who are responsible for throwing a spanner in the works, he hinted.

Informed sources said that President Sirisena has also indicated that he is contemplating requesting Prime Minister Wickremesinghe to step down from his post before facing the Presidential Commission of Inquiry.

According to them, the President would make the request in a bid to save the long prevailing 'Mr Clean' image of the Prime Minister and to set a precedent.

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, who has already forwarded an affidavit providing answers to a questionnaire sent by the Commission, is expected to appear before the Commission on 20 November or a closer date.

The recent 'cold relations' developing between the President and the Prime Minister has however alerted many moderate politicians in Government and some reportedly have actually sought the intervention of former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, who is currently abroad.

According to sources, if President Sirisena is serious about his decision and yet would continue with the Unity Government, Finance Minister Samaraweera is having a good chance of being appointed as the Prime Minister. This however, will not be entertained by many SLFP seniors.

Meanwhile, a one-on-one meeting between President Sirisena and former President Rajapaksa has been scheduled to be held soon. The meeting has been scheduled as a result of continued dialogue between senior politicians from both camps reaching certain common ground on some issues. The two leaders will presumably not talk about working together for future
elections.

Government juggling from constitution to budget to SAITM, people getting furiouser and furiouser

Rajan Philips-November 11, 2017, 8:03 pm 

It has been a long week in politics. Even as the babel of a debate on the constitution in and out of parliament was getting nowhere near its end, it was time for the Finance Minister to deliver his first, his government’s fourth and apparently the country’s 72nd budget to a weary parliament. And wearier still for those MPs who cycled for the occasion in their sartorial best, led by Mahinda Rajapaksa with his security alongside on foot and holding up traffic all around the bicycle parade. There may not have been too much traffic anyway with everyone’s tank running empty, courtesy of a government-made fuel drought. Fewer and fewer people are happy with the government’s goings on. Rather, more and more people are getting furiouser and furiouser with its misdoings.

The government may have managed to please at least some people by announcing the closure of SAITM, but SAITM was, or still is, just the symptom of a national educational epidemic that medical doctors (medical pedagogues are a different species) are hardly the people to be entrusted with curing. On a positive note for the government, all of its ministers, despite the UNP/SLFP backbiting, seemed pleased with Mangala Samarweera’s maiden effort and his self-described "clean, lean and green budget." It certainly was a refreshing short breeze after the three windbag budgets that came and went before it. And, lest it be forgotten, Mr. Samaraweera is a man of both parties, if not for all seasons.

The budget will pass easily, even getting a two-thirds majority in parliament. The big political question is whether the government can muster the two-thirds majority required for constitutional reform, let alone going for and winning a national referendum. The true taste or test of the budget will be well beyond the portals of parliament. And its success or failure will have a serious bearing on the prospects of constitutional reform. The government obviously faces a much stronger opposition on the constitutional front than, hardly any for that matter, on the economic front. The opposition to the constitution is more voluble among the critics outside the parliament than it is within the Joint Opposition inside the parliament. Any setback on the economic front will be a cudgel to the critics of constitutional reform to beat up on the government. Imagine the government risking a referendum with petrol stations standing empty, no coconuts for cooking, and the parents of government medical students going on fasting leaving the parents of private medical students watch their investment go down with SAITM.

Yet, the government seems confident, even cocky, that it will win the argument of numbers on the constitution regardless of the number of arguments that its critics are spewing out daily in the media. That most of these arguments don’t hold any water is beside the point, because they fill the vacuum with rubbish when no one from the government side bothers to respond to them. A case in point is the legal pettifogging and political nonsense – not to mention the outright lie that the late AJ Wilson drafted the 1978 Constitution for JR Jayewardene, that the former Minister of Justice marshalled into a three-part article in a likely fit of post-portfolio pathos. Someone in the government should have responded to it – not for its mostly indefensible content or the long tail of degrees pinned at the end, but for the sake of the position, as Minister of Justice, that Wijeydasa Rajapakshe held in the cabinet until he was shown the door recently.

It may be the government is too arrogant to bother about criticisms, serious or spurious, because it is cocky about winning the argument of numbers – i.e. getting two-thirds majority in parliament and 50%+ in a referendum. Indeed, the LSSP drafters of the reform proposals have been criticised for being arrogant, just like the old-LSSP but without the intellect of the old-LSSP. Old timers may recall that it was government miscalculation that, despite the best tactical signalling by Dr. Colvin R de Silva from the opposition benches, led to the momentous parliamentary defeat of the first Coalition government in 1964. Now the shoe is on the other foot, you might think, but it is not so because in the current situation of rampant political promiscuity the old party labels – UNP, SLFP or whatever – do not carry the same old meaning.

The two parties are cohabiting in the government, but there is no structure or well defined purpose to their relationship. There may not be an effective opposition in parliament, but there are ministers and their opponents in the same cabinet. They want to fight one another in the local elections but they, at least the UNP, expect to campaign together in a referendum. What is more, the SLFP in government is looking at the possibility of joining the SLFP in opposition to fight the local elections as a ‘united front.’ That will upset the UNP’s calculations not only for the local elections, but also for the referendum on the constitution. The only area of unity for now among government ministers is that the economy must do well for the sake of all them no matter in which wagon they find themselves in this or that election. So the economic question for the political survival, individually and collectively, of those in the government is simply: what prospects does the budget have for the economy?

The budget and its prospects

The budget’s success or failure will depend not so much on the budget proposals themselves, as on how the government as a whole uses the budget framework to sensibly navigate the national economy in global circumstances that are reasonably promising at least in the short term. The great uncertainty is the weather and how Sri Lanka is poised to manage the alternating shocks of drought and flood disasters. The main source for risk is the government’s stubborn persistence with mega infrastructure projects regardless of their technical complexities, negative externalities, opportunity costs and the lack of institutional infrastructure to ensure project delivery on time and on budget. As for the specifics of the budget, I will limit myself to a few broad-brush policy questions.

The budget understandably is aligned to the targets set by the government’s Vision 2025 economic plan that was released some time ago. They include a 5% growth rate, $5,000.00 per capita income, one million new jobs, $5 billion FDI inflow, and $20 billion exports – a target that doubles the present status. While it is not reasonable to expect the budget to include a detailed blue print for expanding exports, it is not unreasonable to expect the government to have some idea as to what will make up the targeted export expansion. How much from the agricultural sector – in addition to the traditional and shrinking components of tea, rubber and coconut? How much in industry and in what areas – food and agriculture, consumer goods, manufacture, electronic goods and services etc.? What will be the provincial shares of the state expenditures in basic infrastructure development?

The budget is silent on the controversial trade initiatives that the government has been vigorously pursuing but seems to be opening new ground in promising to repeal or amend quite a list of longstanding legislations, including the Paddy Lands Act, Agricultural Lands Act, the Rent Act and the Shop and Office Employees Act. Targeting these time honoured legislations could stir up multiple hornet’s nests from rural farmers to urban renters to mercantile employees. The government has been complaining about the lack of land for opening up industrial and agricultural export zones. But as Nimal Sanderatne pointed out in his weekly Economic Column last Sunday, it is the government that is the biggest landowner in the country and the alienation of state lands for productive use is apparently tied up in regulations and commission requirements. If that is the bottleneck to making land available, why target a land tenure reform system that was introduced sixty years ago? And the same goes for rent regulations in the housing sector and the working conditions of mercantile employees.

Assembling and alienating land for wooing foreign investors is fraught with many problems, not only environmental externalities but also social dislocations. Many governments have gone down this path and have had to pay a huge political price in elections without reaping much of the anticipated economic benefits. Even Jyoti Basu’s Communist (CPM) government in West Bengal tried this and it became one of the factors that led to the CPM’s defeat after decades in power. The railway lands are up for grabs everywhere, not just in Sri Lanka, and all governments rush them to the market for quick revenue, without much thought as to the consequences of redevelopment. The agents of land alienation carry the same playbook from country to country, but the Sri Lankan government coming late to this global game must at least study the experiences elsewhere before getting rid of family silver for gambling money.

If political smartness is also part of budget making, the government must seriously evaluate its proposals for their voter effects – both numerically and territorially. The urban-rural divide, and the relative levels of investment in the Western Province (Megapolis) and the rest of the country, are critical to being not only politically smart, but also equitably distributive. The budget allocates Rs 17 billion for rural infrastructure including housing and another Rs 4 billion for repairing rural roads damaged by floods. By comparison, Rs 24 billion is earmarked for urban renewal projects – all of them centred for the Colombo hub. Where is the proportionality here – in terms of potential voter satisfaction, even if not in terms of economic equity? Buried in the details is the allocation for providing ancillary infrastructure to the Port City. Ancillary – is a euphemism here; public money is being used to provide all live services to the Port City. What seems to be missing among the details is any allocation for minding the garbage mounds in Colombo and elsewhere.

There is allocation for flood mitigation measures in Colombo and its suburbs including the Weras Ganga project, but no apparent allocation for flood mitigation in the Ratnapura area for which plans and studies have been on the drawing board from the 1960s. Good luck, when it is time for the Sabaragamuwa provincial election. But even Colombo and the Kotte parliament are in danger of being inundated in the next downpour according to the sensational announcement on Thursday, in parliament, by Minister Champika Ranawaka. According to the Minister, the dams at Ambatale and Nagalagam Street, built by British colonialists a hundred years ago, are in danger of being breached. The state of these bunds is an old story, but what are the emergency plans? The Minister just indicated that he had informed the Speaker about the danger to parliament. So, is it time for an Executive Speaker?

In fairness to the Finance Minister, he is promising the farmers a Rs 3 billion insurance scheme, partnered by farmers and the government, to provide Rs 40,000 per acre of land impacted by flood or drought. Will this be available to farmers affected by drought for over one year now? The budget also breaks new ground in promoting electrical vehicles at the expense fossil fuel vehicles. But the promise to phase out fossil fuel vehicles by 2040 requires a comprehensive assessment of not just the transportation sector but even the energy sector. Another proposal is for establishing State Medical Schools in the universities in Wayamba, Sabaragamuwa and Moratuwa. Is this the just sop to the SAITIM Cerberus, or is there more to it?

On the subject of education, the former Minister of Finance, Ravi Karunanayake, made an interesting intervention during the debate on the constitutional proposals. He was highly critical of the proliferation of international schools and the damage done by them. This, in fact, is more than interesting coming forty years after a UNP government at the pinnacle of its powers opened the public educational system literally to robber barons from within and without. It did the same with the public transport system. It was not only economic liberalization that the then UNP government brought in but also the worst manifestation of mendicant capitalism. The shortcoming of socialism is that it has no substitute for the market in providing private goods, and the folly of capitalism is in letting the market mess up the realm of public goods.

Govt. takes tough road with Budget: Eran

• Defends sweeping changes in proposals, says proposals pose more challenges for Govt. than private sector  
• Says efforts were made to provide level playing field and consistency 
• Acknowledges many proposed legislative changes may prove hard but to focus on Customs first 
• Concerns raised on VAT on apartment sales, new bank tax on cash transactions      

By Uditha Jayasinghe -Saturday, 11 November 2017

State Minister of Finance Eran Wickramaratne yesterday staunchly defended the latest Budget, which proposed sweeping changes, insisting the Government was being brave by taking the tough road and pushing for liberalisation even at potential political cost because it assured consistency.

Responding to questions at the KPMG Post-Budget forum on Friday, Wickramaratne emphasised that incremental change, despite being attempted by previous Governments, had gotten Sri Lanka nowhere. He argued that the many legal and policy changes proposed in Budget 2018 placed bigger challenges on the Government’s political survival than the private sector and the fresh proposals had done their best to assure consistency in policy making.   

“You still have a chance to ensure consistency. Make sure we remain in office,” he quipped provoking laughter from the audience. “I think we have done something to bring some level of stability. By bringing in these laws, we are taking away uncertainty and we are moving into a rule based system. There is no discretionary power; so everyone is treated the same.”

“We have given a Budget that focuses on tomorrow, not today.”

The world is shifting and tax income comes from border institutions such as Customs, and as free trade increased around the world, the importance of border taxes will go down, he said pointing out that as societies get wealthier, movement would be towards property taxes and capital gains taxes. 

“We are a middle income country. How do we get to the higher end of the spectrum? For long we have been categorised as a South Asian country - and we will remain so geographically and culturally - but economically, I think we are in the wrong categorisation, because our ambitions are much bigger. So we want to look at managing our economy in terms of liberalisation. We are looking at liability, public finance management, demutualisation, a new Audit bill, securitisation, pensions and a Public Enterprise Act.”

The Government also wants to repeal appropriation legislation that was brought under the previous administration. Land restrictions, the Rent Act, bankruptcy laws will also be amended. In the next six months, the Finance Ministry will look at institutions under the Ministry such as Customs and amending related legislation including replacing the 150-year-old Customs Ordinance.

“We want to build an economy that is environmentally friendly. The Government’s policy is to be technology neutral, however, with only initial support like supporting the Transport Board to go green. Taxes on vehicles have been switched to engine capacity because the leakage in the previous system was a significant loss of public money. But this resulted in a social justice issue because more luxury vehicles would have become cheaper.  Therefore we balanced it with a tax.”

He defended three-wheelers and insisted they had contributed to the economy but acknowledged that they would be regulated through an authority as an industry. Carbon tax is not aimed at revenue generation but more towards protecting the environment. Maximising returns from the Indian Ocean is also the focus of the Government.

“As with any Budget, we have had constraints but within those constraints we have tried to create an enabling environment. The trend is clear: Successive Budgets have subsidised agriculture heavily, but after 70 years of Independence, it is contributing 7% of the GDP but has taken up 28% of the labour. So socially and politically it is a very important part of the population. However, economically and financially, much needs to be done.”

Wickramaratne defended policy changes by the Government to change previous subsidies to direct cash transfers, thereby reducing corruption and eliminating the middlemen. The Government would continue to support the sector, particularly through the farmer contributory crop insurance scheme, and in the future any policies would follow the principle of having farmers, kick-in part of the cost so that it can be sustainable.

“If the country is to go forward, we have to create entrepreneurship. The recent examples have been in ICT. I want to pay tribute to the sector for becoming so relevant to the economy in such a short time. We want to build on this kind of entrepreneurship model, but the cost is high because of our labour laws; so we need reforms in that area. We will give priority to women entrepreneurs.” Budget proposals will also support diversifying exports as only about 5% of Sri Lanka’s basket is exported by small and medium companies. The latter will be connected to supply chains, given mentoring and capital access. “It’s about helping to connect.”

“The Budget has in one stroke done away with 1,200 para-tariffs. I think it will take us some time to see the implications of that, and if we are serious about a competitive economy, that is where we need to go. There will be winners and losers in doing such things; so we will have a trade investment package for those companies.”

Touching on education, the Minister noted that SAITM was an ideological battle, but the Government would focus on the need to educate all children and would not take away from parents the freedom to decide how they would like that to happen.     

Central Bank Deputy Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe giving a brief summary of the Budget was praiseworthy of it placing less pressure on the Central Bank and its ability to make consistent monetary policy. He was also upbeat of efforts to improve exports and investment that would reduce the trade deficit and improve the debt repayment capacity of the Government.

“As an economist and not as a Central Banker, I may say that introducing VAT on apartments might be negative as Sri Lanka should be encouraged to increase its density as the infrastructure investment and other costs would reduce. This may impact the long term development drive in Sri Lanka,” he said after being requested by the organisers to fill in for Finance Ministry advisor and prominent economist Dr. Razeen Sally.       

Ceylon Chamber of Commerce Chairman Rajendra Theagarajah while praising the Budget overall voiced concern over the Government’s move to tax cash transactions of banks for a period of three years pointing out that such a measure would make it even more challenging for banks to meet their Basel III capital requirements and other regulations.        

Sri Lankan government focuses on reconciliation in 2018 budget allocating Rs. 12.75 billion
Sat, Nov 11, 2017, 11:37 pm SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.


Nov 11, Colombo: Sri Lanka's budget for next year presented by the Minister of Finance Mangala Samaraweera has focused on the post-war reconciliation proposing a number of measures to develop the war-ravaged North and East and uplift the lives of the people in those area.

Presenting the budget in parliament on Thursday, Minister Samaraweera said if Sri Lanka is to achieve its goal of becoming an advanced economy, it is essential that we build our future plans on a strong foundation of democracy and reconciliation.

"We must ensure that the tragedies of the past we had to face as a nation, does not ever recur again," he stressed.

The Minister said Reconciliation and national unity, based on the diversity of the island, is a must, if Sri Lanka is to achieve the vision 2025 and become a country enriched and the Government will continue its efforts with greater vigor and commitment to bring the people of all communities of the country together.

He emphasized that in order to bring peace and win the hearts of the people in the war-torn North and East, their livelihoods must be improved and the benefits of economic development must reach them.
The government in its budget for 2018 proposed a number of measures to develop the economy in the region and address the issues of the people seeking to allocate Rs. 12.75 billion to implement them.
Following are the measures proposed:

•Rs. 1.4 billion for the Office on Missing Persons (OMP), which was approved by the House, to fully commence its operations from 2018

•Rs. 750 million for the construction of 50,000 brick and mortar type houses on an initiative of the President in addition to the allocations already provided to other Ministries

•Rs. 2 billion to support programs and activities in rural irrigation development including drip irrigation, rain water harvesting, and integrated village development

•Rs. 2.75 billion to strengthen reconciliation focused livelihood development, economic empowerment and social infrastructure development including the construction of a special home for differently abled women in the North.

•Rs. 2.5 billion to for infrastructure development and housing for the Muslims in the North forcibly displaced by LTTE in the '90s and to expedite the resettlement processes which include the rehabilitation of the Mannar town area and to continue the township development program at Silawathurai.

•Rs. 1 billion to support by way of provision of grants and the introduction of a low interest loan scheme to facilitate those indebted and to move out the debt trap through Co-operative Rural Banks and the Thrift and Credit Co-operative Societies

•Rs. 1 billion to support, by way of grants, selected small industries throughout the Northern Province by empowering the vast network of Producer Cooperatives in the Province.

• Rs. 200 million to strengthen the implementation of the Official Language Policy through the National Language Development program and the National Co-existence program.

•Rs. 150 million to develop Mylitty harbor as a fishery harbor enabling mainly, the traditional dwellers of the land, affected by the war to get back to their traditional livelihoods and also to establish cool rooms and storage facilities to enable the fisherman to store their fish.

•Rs. 100 million to bear 50% of the electricity cost of the companies that will be established in the Achchuveli Industrial Zone for a period of 2 years and to upgrade the facilities

•Rs. 100 million to establish a modern economic center in Jaffna connected to the Dambulla dedicated Economic Center and to Colombo, creating an economic triangle

•Rs. 40 million to establish two food processing centers in Delft Island and Kilinochchi, specializing in Sap based produce such as Palm Juggery, Palmyra fruits and Tuber processing, respectively.
•Rs. 30 million to support and improve services of ITN�s Vasantham TV channel.

•Rs. 25 million to support the "Ammachchi" concept where women affected by the war are facilitated to engage in small trader businesses

•Rs. 25 million to assist 12,600 rehabilitated ex-combatants them to obtain NVQ certification in keeping with their skills to make them eligible for employment


•Rs. 250 million to support private entities that recruit at least 5 ex- combatants who will be provided with a salary subsidy of 50% of the salary per person subject to an upper limit of Rs 10,000 per person per month for period of 12 months.

Audio: Deputy Minister Gankanda At It Again – Abuses A Woman In Raw Filth

NOVEMBER 9, 2017

Notorious Deputy Minister for Disaster Management Dunesh Gankanda’s violent behaviour continued, as this time he went on to verbally abuse a woman in absolute raw filth.
In an audio recorded clip going viral on social media, the Deputy Minister Gankanda is heard verbally abusing a lady in a language totally unbecoming of a law maker.
Play the audio below to listen:

“Dunesh”

Audio Player

Use Up/Down Arrow keys to increase or decrease volume.

1. “Dunesh”

2:09

The lady caller asks him “Hi Dunesh Aiya (big brother) good morning, you sent me filthy messages no? ”

Deputy Minister Gankanda then goes on to abuse the woman by saying “Chula, I will sort out issues with my woman. Don’t do fucking things you cunt. You cunt, you sort out your issues and I will sort out issues with my woman. Why the fuck are you trying to creep under my garment (mage redda asse)? Just because you have a fucking problem with your ass. You sort out your issues with Damith”

 

The woman named Chula in the audio then says “Aiya, I never spoke to you in filthy words, we are nice people, lets try to talk about this matter in a nice way. ok? ”

The Deputy Minister Gankanda then goes on to say very sarcastically “yes, yes, we are all nice people”

The woman then says “I will make a complain about the way your talking, that’s not very nice”.
Disregarding the woman Chula’s threat in making a complaint of his abuse, the Deputy Minister Gankanda goes on to berate her further saying “Fuck you bitch, who the fuck are you to call me and explain to me about your fucking life?”

 

“It is extremely sad that the UNP has not taken any action against their own law maker’s violent behaviour. This is not the first time the Deputy Minister Gankanda has displayed his behaviour in this manner. It is a pity that the Deputy Minister for Disaster Management is a disaster himself, I wonder what women in his constituency who voted for him have to say about his behaviour,” a social media commentator went on to say.

Deputy Minister Gankanda’s history of violence was first exposed when he racially abused his step son, calling him a “Demala Pakaya”, in translation meaning “Tamil Dick”.

A subsequent complaint was filed at the Police Children and Women’s Bureau regarding the verbal and racial abuse made against his under aged step son and step daughter.

His dangerous and violent behaviour especially when under the influence of alcohol, was earlier exposed where he is recorded to have assaulted his aunt, one member of the Ministerial Security Division, one of his own body guards and one female maid servant.

Next in May 2012, he went into hiding and subsequently surrendered to the Colpetty Police, after he bit the nose of a Tamil businessman named Diwakran at the famous Museum night club at Galle Face Hotel.

Further on just after he became the Deputy Minister of Urban Development, Water Supply and Drainage Board, April 30th 2015, he went on to mar his wife Kushani’s birthday celebrations at the Waters Edge, when he assaulted two invited guests Sumedha Gamlath and his wife.

Read More

Agricultural Ministry: Rs.4.9mn as electricity charges for vacant building: Nalinda

2017-11-11

Exposing another instance of blatant waste and corruption, JVP MP Nalinda Jayatissa yesterday revealed that the still-to-be-occupied Agricultural Ministry building in Rajagiriya had incurred Rs.4.9 million as electricity tariffs for just thirteen months.

He said but in contrast the Agricultural Ministry had paid Rs.13.9 million as electricity charges for the building it currently occupied.

In the absence of the Agricultural Minister, the Chief Government Whip Gayantha Karunathilaka responded saying that Rs.4.9 million was spent on electricity because some repair work was being done to convert the building into an office space.

Mr. Jayatissa then said it was the duty of the owners of the building to complete all the modifications and the repairs to the building before handing it over to the government. (Ajith Siriwardana and Yohan Perera)

Rohingya kids fill void of parents

By Sam JAHAN-2017-11-12

Tahera Begum walks a mile alone at dawn to collect firewood for her ill parents and four siblings, an enormous burden for a 10-year-old thrust to the head of her family in the world's largest refugee settlement. "I do it because no one else in my family can. Both my parents are sick. They cannot move without assistance," the Rohingya girl told AFP while chopping vegetables in her family's tarpaulin shanty in Bangladesh.

An estimated 1,400 children are sole providers for their families in crowded refugee camps along the Bangladesh border, where more than 600,000 Rohingya Muslims have sought sanctuary from violence in Myanmar since August.

Charities fear they are especially vulnerable to illness and emotional stress from shouldering such responsibility, or exploitation as they struggle to provide for their families in the overstretched tent cities.

"This may lead them to child labour and explicit sex work. These families may also experience a spike in child marriages, which is very concerning," said Save the Children International spokesman Rik Goverde.

For Tahera, who was caring for her infirm parents even before they made the difficult journey from Myanmar, the day starts at sunrise with a long trek into the forest to gather firewood for cooking.
It's an arduous slog carrying the heavy load back to the family tent, a plastic sheet strung across a bamboo frame on a crowded hillside in Balukhali.

But she barely rests before embarking on her second early-morning chore – jostling with other refugees to fill an urn at the single water pump in her corner of the camps.

Later in the day, Tahera carries what's left of the lumber to the local market to trade for basic supplies.

The refugee influx over the past two months has sent prices skyrocketing, so the little girl must barter hard alongside adults for food and other bare essentials to feed her family and earn money for medicine.

"All my siblings are younger than me. Being the eldest, I am just doing my part," she said.
Childhoods lost

The sight of children carting water jugs, queueing at relief stations or dragging sacks of grain the size of their own bodies is not uncommon in the Rohingya camps.

More than half of the 607,000 new arrivals are children, and aid groups say they are bearing the brunt of Asia's worst refugee crisis in decades.

A full 7.5 per cent of the children crammed into one of the camps in Cox's Bazar district are at risk of dying from severe acute malnutrition, the United Nations warned last week. Meanwhile an estimated 40,000 children have crossed the border completely alone, their parents killed or displaced by violence in Myanmar the United Nations has likened to ethnic cleansing.

To survive such horror only to become sole provider for a family is "something that no child in the world should ever experience", said UNICEF Bangladesh's spokesman Sakil Faizullah.

Schools and safe zones run by aid groups offer some respite from horrific memories and the grim reality of life in the camps, where many children are forced to care for sick or injured parents and traumatised siblings.

In these child-friendly spaces, youngsters can draw, sing and play in a classroom-like setting away from the misery awaiting them back in their shanties.

Tahera's younger sister occasionally drags her along to a UNICEF kid's zone, where she gazes longingly at the picture books available.

But she can never linger long, with her bed-ridden parents and younger siblings relying on her for survival.

"I love the comic book pages. But I don't get the chance to go there everyday," Tahera said, preparing a simple meal in the family's dimly-lit hut.

Bangladeshi charity worker Baby Barua was shocked to learn from Tahera's younger sister that she was feeding and caring for a family of seven on her own.

"She's only a kid. She shouldn't be doing all these (tasks) by herself. This is equivalent to child labour," Barua said.

Charities are considering cash assistance to lighten the load for young breadwinners, but the need is huge and the scale of the crisis is overwhelming already stretched aid organisations.

Despite the magnitude of the task ahead of them, aid workers say the youngest victims of the crisis must not be forgotten.

"They've already lost their childhood and it's our responsibility to make sure that they don't lose their future," UNICEF's Faizullah told AFP. (AFP)