Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, October 14, 2017

Hamas Can Achieve the Right to Work For Palestinians in Lebanon by Reconciling With Fatah and Iran

Previous reconciliations between Hamas and Fatah have failed to materialize.
Image by Pedro Fanega

http://www.salem-news.com/graphics/snheader.jpgOct-13-2017 

(DAMASCUS) - A deal has been agreed to by rival Palestinian factions Hamas and Fatah during this month’s Cairo Reconciliation talks.

They announced that details would be announced later, but despite the agreement, it is doubtful that substantive progress will result. Or that this time the results will differ much from the preceding half-dozen still-born ones over the past decade.

When the talks achievements are enumerated they will likely yet again include only window-dressing with respect to the key issues of control of Hamas’ military wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam or fixing a date for the holding of the crucial Palestinian elections.

Previous announcements of a negotiated reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah, the last ones being in 2014, have always failed to materialize.

Neither side wants to be accused of torpedoing Palestinian reconciliation. Nor will either side give up significant power to the other.

The parties may agree to a partial deal over such matters as control the Gaza Strip side of the border crossings, the future of Hamas’s civil service administrative workers, the Hamas controlled health service and who will control the south Gaza Rafah border crossing between Egypt and Gaza.

However, despite the grim prospects, by ending the decade-old schism of strained relations with Fatah and reconciling also with Iran, Hamas has a historic opportunity to achieve elementary civil rights for Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.

Toward reconciling with Fatah, Hamas has expressed willingness to disband its own administrative committee in charge of the Gaza Strip in favor of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) based in Ramallah and is considering ceding to the PNA the Gaza border crossings Israel and Egypt.

While some Hamas leaders have maintained that the movement’s military force is not up for negotiation, some in Fatah insist on an end to all military manifestations outside the control of the PNA.

In addition, after half a dozen failed attempts, it now appears that all the concerned parties are finally supportive of Palestinian reconciliation including the various countries and their militias that continue destroying Syria and her people.

Hamas is under heavy pressure to reconcile with Fatah given the escalating humanitarian crisis throughout the Gaza strip which has been intensified by the siege imposed by Egypt and Israel as well increasingly from Palestinian public opinion in Gaza calling for a better quality of life by lifting economic pressures.

Gaza based Hamas has a duty, as do all people of good will, to demand that Lebanon’s sectarian political bosses permit Palestinian refugees the right to work and thus to earn a living for their families. Fortunately, given recent events, Hamas now has a unique, even historic opportunity to achieve for their sisters and brothers elementary civil rights.

Hamas is currently in high demand from various interests and has an excellent opportunity to demand a human rights consideration of Iran, Hezbollah, Fatah, and Syria.

One phone call from Tehran or Damascus to Hezbollah’s security zone in south Beirut can, after three decades of excuses, grant Palestinian refugees in Lebanon the most elementary civil rights enjoyed by every refugee on earth-even in occupied Palestine-but not in Lebanon.

Overdue Reconciliation

The concept may appear deceptively simplistic. But this observer who has had the opportunity to work on this fundamental human rights issue the past several years with the Beirut-Washington DC based Palestine Civil Rights Campaign (PCRC) is optimistic it may well be achieved via the following steps briefly discussed below.

For seven decades since the 1948 Nakba, the anti-Palestinian prejudices of a majority of Lebanon’s decision makers have blocked these rights in violation of numerous principles, standards, and rules of international humanitarian law.

This has led to the damage of Lebanon’s economy, social fabric and loss of self and international respect. Some Palestinian leaders in Lebanon and regionally have also failed their people in Lebanon among other ways by refusing pleas from Lebanon’s 12 refugee camps to wage a street-based civil rights struggle to achieve elementary civil rights. Rights that even the occupiers of Palestine grant to those they continue to dominate.

Hamas and Iran Reconciliation as part of the Hamas-Fatah deal?

Sunni Hamas is willing to improve its relations with Shia Iran after a diplomatic gridlock caused by the Syrian crisis resulted in Iran cutting off aid to Hamas in 2012 with the exception of its 45,000 military wings, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades.

Iran wants the al-Qassam Brigades, also known as the Hamas "Foreign Legion" to join its own 100,000 plus Shia Popular Mobilization Brigades (PMU which comprise a significant part of Iran’s own two-year-old regional “Foreign Legion.”

Tehran promises to someday liberate Palestine but today wants Hamas to assist with other regional projects including more than one in the Gulf. Also in Tehran’s geopolitical sites is having Hamas’ use its future increased power in the PLO to marginalize Fatah and dominate the PLO.

Suggesting among other things that Sunni and Shia can cooperate when it’s in their mutual interests and their religious differences are not manipulated for political purposes.

Hamas spokesperson Badran told the media last week that its relationship with Iran has a long history and, in fact, Hamas never cut ties with Iran.

“It is true that for a while, we have seen some cooling in ties amid the situation in Syria, but we have no disagreements on the Palestinian question.

"Iran has always supported us and for the last two years we have been working on restoring our relations. We decided in Palestine that we would continue to strengthen our relations with Iran.
"For us, it is important,” Badran said.

With respect to Hamas spokesman Husam Badran’s comment last week that Hamas and Iran have no disagreements on the Palestinian Question he does not accurately represent the majority of Hamas members who according to a recent poll very much consider the achievement of the right to work and home ownership in Lebanon to be a pillar of the “Palestinian Question.”

Meanwhile, Palestinians are appealing to Hamas that Iran needs to support giving Palestinians in Lebanon, where Iran has major control, elementary civil rights.

Palestinians in Lebanon can benefit from a Hamas deal with Iran

Iran’s commitment to the right to work for Palestinians in Lebanon waiting for the first opportunity to return to their country is overdue.

The fact is that for more than three decades Iran has not acted on this elementary civil rights issue but rather has reportedly instructed Hezbollah to offer only “Resistance” words but nothing more substantive.

Hezbollah has complied. From time to time Hezbollah does admit during ‘privileged conversations’ that Palestinian civil rights in Lebanon is not part of its political agenda. One reason is sectarian leverage but equally is instruction from Tehran based on the “Iran Model” for this region.

One aspect of which is that Lebanon must remain broken and barring Sunni Palestinians in Lebanon from their civil rights helps advance Iranian interests and influence. Despite annual Al Quds and Ashoura Day rhetoric to the contrary notwithstanding.

Hezbollah, as well as Lebanon’s other sects, is well aware that it would require only 90 minutes of Lebanon’s Parliament time to enact the most elementary civil rights to work and home ownership that virtually every refugee on earth is granted by international humanitarian law.

Except for Lebanon which is the sole UN member state out of 193 that has ignored its international obligations and also its multiple agreements with Washington when it accepts American aid. US law, including the 1960 Foreign Assistance Act and the 1976 US Arms Export Act require that Lebanon grant refugees their elementary civil rights without exception.

These in addition to other US laws applicable to Lebanon’s receipt of foreign assistance require that Lebanon’s government implement these laws. Lebanon continues to flagrantly ignore these humanitarian requirements.

Hamas also patiently continues to negotiate with Iran which as noted below wants to restore full relations with Hamas for several reasons. Not least of which is Iran’s continuing loss of support among the Shia of Lebanon and more so among the Shia of Iraq.

Iran apparently calculates that it needs Sunni Hamas to partially make up its perceived continuing shortfall in Shia manpower and support.

Hamas can offer Tehran during reconciliation talks an historic condition precedent to the restoration of full relations with Tehran. Hamas should request of Iran that that Hezbollah use its political power in Lebanon’s Parliament to quickly enact the elementary civil rights to work and home ownership.

Hamas should propose a 6-month window to achieve this. Failure would severely jeopardize the coveted Hamas-Iran deal and would doubtless increase the growing animosity that Hezbollah is struggling with from a growing number of Palestinians and their supporter’s globally.

Many realize that while playing the Palestinian card and talking the talk, Hezbollah to date Hezbollah has been one of the two main barriers to Palestinians refugees in Lebanon being able to achieve civil rights.

Partially dictated from Iran in order to maintain its regional power template because there is fear that if a large number of Sunni’s, (read Palestinians) can enter the job market they will benefit not just economically but also politically.

Reconciliation doubts remain

This observer is not very optimistic that full ‘reconciliation’ will actually happen yet despite the recent public statements from Fatah and Hamas and Egypt’s committed mediation of the project.

But that does not rule out Hamas employing the current political opportunities that this process offers for gaining Palestinians in Lebanon their three-quarter century overdue elementary civil rights in Lebanon.

The reasons for skepticism about a real Hamas-Fatah deal include more fundamental problems than those briefly noted above.

Hamas’ perhaps too quick move back to the idea of reconciliation was a major reversal for Hamas and was partly dictated by the group’s fears of potential financial collapse and political marginalization following its main donor Qatar being hit with a diplomatic crisis from formerly key allies.

The Fatah-Hamas Palestinian conflict cannot accurately be reduced to being just a “power struggle,” because while it is one significant aspect of the problem there are more major barriers.

The essence of the Hamah-Fatah Palestinian conflict is that each party has different fundamentals and references, national program, priorities, concepts for the management of Palestine’s national framework and for a decade have not be able even to agree on something so vital and fundamental as a National Charter.

All compounded by self-serving external forces including Israeli, Arab, regional, and international actors seeking their own benefits. Nor have the parties ever been able to agree on essential fundamentals or even on a definition of Palestine.

Fatah, gave up approximately 80% of historic Palestine at Oslo, recognized the legitimacy of Israel and will accept a two-state solution. But Hamas and Jihad leaders refuse to relinquish any part of Palestine and refuse to recognize Israel.

Under the terms of the Oslo Accords Fatah agreed to major obligations concerning the “peace process”, among them being non-recourse to armed resistance, renunciation of violence, and the establishment of a Palestinian Authority (PA), which turned out to be under the hegemony of the Israeli occupation while being subsumed politically, economically and security-wise under Israeli-Western conditions powered by Washington.

As Dr. Mohsen Mohammad Saleh of Beirut’s Zaytouna Centre has written recently, that following Oslo, Fatah had hoped that it would convert this autonomous PA administration to a fully sovereign Palestinian state in just a few years. However, after 24 years, they have found out that they have been managing an authority that serves the purposes of the occupation more than the aspirations of the Palestinian people.”

Hamas will not accept Fatah’s stance and plans that PLO leadership, executive work, security forces, and political relations are the sole responsibility of Fatah.

Hamas’ pursuit of resistance will mean a breach of Fatah-led authority’s commitments, and an obstacle to Fatah’s national political process that is committed to a two-state solution. Consequently Fatah will surely work to dismantle and destroy Hamas’ resistance arguing for a monopoly of power, employing “one authority, one decision maker, one security".

Will Iran cooperate with Hamas in gaining civil rights for Palestinians in Lebanon?

The fact is that for more than three decades Iran has not acted on this elementary civil rights issue but rather has instructed Hezbollah to offer only “Resistance” words but nothing more which it has done.

From time to time Hezbollah does admit during ‘privileged conversations’ that Palestinian civil rights in Lebanon is not part of its political agenda. One reason is sectarian leverage but equally is Hezbollah’s instructions from Tehran based on the “Tehran Model” for this region.

One aspect of which is that Lebanon must remain broken and barring Sunni Palestinians in Lebanon from their civil rights helps advance Iranian interests and influence. Despite typical Al Quds and Ashoura Day rhetoric to the contrary notwithstanding.

Hezbollah, as well as Lebanon’s other sects is well aware that it would require only 90 minutes of Lebanon’s Parliament time to enact the most elementary civil rights to work and home ownership that virtually every refugee on earth is granted by international humanitarian law.

Except for Lebanon which is the sole UN member state out of 193 that has ignored its international obligations and also its multiple agreements with Washington when it accepts American aid.

US law, including the 1960 Foreign Assistance Act and the 1976 US Arms Export Act require that Lebanon grant refugees their elementary civil rights without exception. These in addition to other US laws applicable to Lebanon’s receipt of foreign assistance require that Lebanon’s government implement these laws. Lebanon continues to flagrantly ignore these humanitarian requirements.

Looking toward a decidedly unpredictable intermediate period in the Levant 
geopolitically/strategically, Hamas could achieve something seismic for her people that would impact the future of the region and would advance their Full Return to Palestine.

Much of the local Palestinian leadership has failed badly to advance civil rights for Palestinian refugees in Lebanon and must stand aside for the new generation of younger, bright, energetic, open-minded Palestinian camp dwellers in Lebanon to better their lives.

The only thing holding them back is being barred for purely political reasons from the most elementary civil rights to work and home ownership outside the squalid 12 camps.

If Hamas takes a leading role and applies its political acumen in negotiating with those who can arrange 90 minutes of Lebanon’s Parliaments’ time to enact Palestinian civil rights, it will achieve historic and much needed opportunity for Lebanon’s Palestinians and usher in a shortened timetable for Full Return to Palestine.

Car bombs kill at least 22 in Somalia's capital Mogadishu - police

A general view shows the scene of an explosion in KM4 street in the Hodan district of Mogadishu, Somalia October 14, 2017. REUTERS/Feisal Omar

OCTOBER 14, 2017

MOGADISHU (Reuters) - Two car bombs in separate parts of Somalia’s capital Mogadishu killed at least 22 people on Saturday and injured several others, police said.
 
The first explostion - in the city’s K5 Junction area which is lined with government offices, hotels, and restaurants - destroyed several buildings and set dozens of vehicles on fire.

“We know that at least 20 civilians are dead while dozens of others are wounded,” said Abdullahi Nur, a police officer who was in the area.

“The death toll will surely rise. We are still busy transporting casualties,” he said, adding that there were bodies under the rubble.


A general view shows the scene of an explosion in KM4 street in the Hodan district of Mogadishu, Somalia October 14, 2017. REUTERS/Feisal Omar

About two hours later, a second blast took place in the city’s Madina district.

“It was a car bomb. Two civilians were killed, ” Siyad Farah, a police major, told Reuters, adding that a suspect had been caught on suspicion of planting explosives.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility, although the Islamist al Shabaab group has carried out regular attacks

The al Qaeda-allied group is waging an insurgency to topple the weak U.N.-backed government and its African Union allies and impose its own strict interpretation of Islam.

They frequently launch gun, grenade and bomb attacks in Mogadishu and other regions controlled by the federal government, though in recent years the militants have lost most territory under their control to African Union peacekeepers and government troops.
Why Is Ukraine Showing Its Military Wares in the United States?

No automatic alt text available.BY EMILY TAMKIN-OCTOBER 10, 2017

In the market for a robotic ground vehicle made in Ukraine? How about an armored personnel carrier? You’re in luck. For the first time ever, UkrOboronProm, a government-run collection of enterprises from across the Ukrainian defense industry, is showing its products at the Association of the United States Army exposition this week in Washington, D.C..

Why, when Ukraine is asking the United States to provide lethal military equipment, is the company that provides weapons for its own forces touting its arms abroad?

“Considering our experience, we came here to show our expertise and potential — to show that we can be partners,” Roksolana Sheiko, director of communications policy for UkrOboronProm, told Foreign Policy in an interview at AUSA. “We are not politicians … we are ready to develop, to produce, and to supply.”

UkrOboronProm is in Washington to to look for Western partners, according to company representatives. Until 2014, over 50 percent of Ukraine’s military equipment was supplied by Russia.

The annexation of Crimea in 2014 and then the war with Kremlin-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine have removed Russia from the picture. And so, in 2015, Ukraine began mass production of new weapons — and looked to replace Russia by working with, among others, U.S. partners.

Asked about markets outside of Ukraine, Sheiko noted that this was their third major expo in which the Phantom, an unmanned ground vehicle designed for “hybrid warfare,” has been displayed. In the United Arab Emirates last year, she said, the first iteration of the Phantom was hailed as one of the top two innovations by Defence Blog.

UkrOboronProm is happy to sell to any part of the world not under sanctions or other restrictions, Sheiko said. UkrOboronProm has signed a memorandum of understanding with Turkey, jointly manufactures armored vehicles with Thailand, and collaborates with Poland.

There’s one particular market that is of interest: UkrOboronProm sees potential in modernizing equipment used by former Soviet Pact countries, such as Poland. UkrOboronProm is offering to upgrade Soviet-era T-72 tanks with Ukrainian parts.

Asked whether they see a certain irony in replacing Russian parts with Ukrainian equipment, Sheiko insisted such competitive thinking is not a part of the calculus. Besides, they can say their tanks are combat-tested and “proven in actual war.”

Russia could perhaps say the same, but that might require admitting that it supplied T-72 tanks to separatists fighting in Ukraine.

Photo credit: Sergey Bobok/AFP/Getty Images

Clashes break out south of Kirkuk as tensions rise over disputed Iraqi city


Kurds have been given a Sunday deadline to pull back forces from positions captured in Kirkuk in 2014
Iraqi army tanks parked near a former Kurdish military position on 13 October 2017 in the northern Iraqi town of Taza Khurmatu, near Iraq's oil-rich multi-ethnic province of Kirkuk (AFP)
Alex MacDonald's picture
Alex MacDonald-Saturday 14 October 2017 
Fighting erupted between Kurdish and Arab forces south of Kirkuk on Friday evening as Baghdad called for Kurds to abandoned territory captured in the disputed territory in 2014, according to a Kurdish official.
Clashes between Peshmerga (the military forces of the autonomous region of Iraqi Kurdistan) and the Shia-dominated Popular Mobilisation Units (PMUs) were on-going in early hours of Saturday in the town of Tuz Khurmatu, a Shia-majority town 89km south of Kirkuk.
"Hashd [PMUs] and Peshmerga are exchanging fire, using light weapons and rocket-propelled grenades," said Mohammed Fayaq, spokesman for the Tuz Khurmatu mayor, according to Iraq Oil Report.
"It's not a conventional urban war, but there has been shooting since about 8 o'clock this evening."
At least eight people have been injured, according to an official at a local hospital. Fayaq said the fighting began after the PMUs attacked the headquarters of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) in the town, which is ethnically composed of Kurds, Arabs and Turkmen.
The deadline set for the Peshmerga to return to their pre-June 6, 2014 positions will expire during the night
Kurdish official
A Kurdish official told Iraq Oil Report that the fighting on the Kurdish side came largely from volunteers and that Peshmerga were not involved.
"Peshmerga are not fighting in Tuz, only Kurdish volunteers are responding to Turkmen militias," said Bakr Othman, a local government official.
"There is no Kurdish leader or political party that can control these volunteers."
Local sources said that a ceasefire had been agreed on Saturday morning.
The skirmishes come as tensions continue to mount around Kirkuk, the multi-ethnic city that was captured by Peshmerga during the Islamic State advance in 2014.
Although the city is not part of the constitutionally recognised Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), Kurds view Kirkuk as their cultural capital and included it in the remit of the controversial 25 September independence referendum.
On Saturday, a senior Kurdish official said that Baghdad had set a pre-dawn Sunday deadline for Peshmerga to abandon their positions in Kirkuk and hand over control of key local institutions.
Iraqi army forces stand guard at a former Kurdish military position, bearing a defaced Kurdish flag, on October 13, 2017 in the northern Iraqi town of Taza Khurmatu, near Iraq's oil-rich multi-ethnic province of Kirkuk (AFP)
"The deadline set for the peshmerga to return to their pre-June 6, 2014 positions will expire during the night," the Kurdish official told AFP, asking not to be identified.
Asked at what time, he said 2am on Sunday.
Hadi al-Amiri, the commander of the Shia Badr Organization, also said in a statement on Friday that "Peshmerga forces have to withdraw from the areas that were under Iraqi security forces' control until June 9, 2014."
KRG officials have been warning of troop manoeuvres by Baghdad-aligned forces since Thursday and claim that an operation is being prepared to retake Kirkuk.
Although Iraq's Joint Operations Command spokesperson told Middle East Eye that reports of such an operation were "not true," around 6,000 additional Peshmerga fighters were sent to reinforce positions around Kirkuk as the KRG reacted with alarm to the reports.
PMU and Iraqi army forces took control of the towns of Taza Khurmatu and Bashir, south of Kirkuk, on Thursday after PUK-linked Peshmerga withdrew from the town.
The Kurdistan Regional Security Council said that the Iraqi army and the PMUs had been deploying tanks and heavy artillery to the two towns.
"These forces are approximately three kilometres from peshmerga frontline positions," it said.
"Intelligence shows intention to take over nearby oil fields, airport and military base."
Footage sent to Middle East Eye from a Kurdish official showed a build-up of military vehicles in the town of Bashir:
The Kurds control three major oil fields in Kirkuk province which account for a significant share of the regional government's oil revenues.
They export an average of 600,000 barrels of oil per day under their own auspices, of which 250,000 bpd come from the Kirkuk fields.
On Friday, residents in Kirkuk city queued at petrol stations with jerry cans to fill up while other civilians took up arms and deployed on the streets.
One of them, Khasro Abdallah, vowed "to defend Kirkuk to the death," according to AFP.
Major fighting in the province would likely bring in a number of outside actors mainly from foreign Kurdish organisations.
The Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), an Iranian-Kurdish militia that has thousands of fighters largely stationed near Kirkuk, has warned it would fight to keep Kirkuk out of the hands of Baghdad, which they see as controlled by their arch-nemesis Iran.
"We see Iran supporting the Hashd al-Shaabi and other militias in Iraq to stab against Kurds - we Peshmerga are ready to sacrifice everything until the last blood to stop Kirkuk going under the hand of the Hashd al-Shaabi," said PAK commander Erdelan Hosrevi, speaking to MEE in September.
The largely Turkey-based Kurdistan Workers' Party also has forces and proxies in Iraq, although it has previously said it would "not take sides in nationalistic and sectarian conflicts, or power/oil sharing conflicts".
US Defence Secretary Jim Mattis said on Friday that Washington was working to reduce tensions between Iraqi federal and Kurdish forces, urging them to remain focused on the war against IS.
"We are trying to tone everything down and to figure out how we go forward without losing sight of the enemy, and at the same time recognising that we have got to find a way to move forward," he told reporters.
"Everybody stay focused on defeating ISIS. We can't turn on each other right now. We don't want to go to a shooting situation," he added, using an alternative acronym for IS.
Iraqi federal forces and the peshmerga have both been key allies of the US-led coalition in its fight against IS.
But with large-scale operations against IS in Iraq moving closer to their conclusion, political disputes that were overshadowed by the war against the militants are increasingly returning to the fore.
Additional reporting by AFP

China: Xi’s vision and legacy are at stake


The deals done at this high-stakes meeting will have long-term international implications, as President Xi Jinping consolidates his power against a backdrop of China’s growing assertiveness on the world stage.


by Emil Jeyaratnam and Sunanda Creagh
( October 14, 2017, Boston, Sri Lanka Guardian) Next week, the Communist Party of China will commence its 19th National Party Congress, where its leadership and policy agenda for the next five years will be announced.
The deals done at this high-stakes meeting will have long-term international implications, as President Xi Jinping consolidates his power against a backdrop of China’s growing assertiveness on the world stage.
The party has close to 90 million members, making it the world’s largest ruling party, and is run by a Central Committee of around 200 members. But this committee only meets once a year, and most of the actual governing is done by its two smaller executive bodies: the Political Bureau (Politburo) and the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC).
The make-up of all three political bodies will change at the party congress. But what is most important is who is elected onto the Politburo Standing Committee, which is China’s highest body.
It is almost certain that Xi will be confirmed as general secretary for his second five-year term and retain his position on the PSC, but not much else is known.
The process is highly secretive. And with five of the seven current members of the PSC due to retire, there is a lot of uncertainty and speculation as to who will step onto the stage with Xi as the new members of the PSC.
The Conversation asked Ryan Manuel, AsiaGlobal Fellow at the University of Hong Kong, to help explain this opaque event and its implications for China and the rest of the world.

The ConversationSpecial thanks to UTS postgraduate.futures for assisting with the production of the video.
Emil Jeyaratnam, Multimedia Editor, The Conversation and Sunanda Creagh, Editor, The Conversation
This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Caitlan Coleman and Joshua Boyle are free. Their mysterious story is raising new questions.


In this image from video released by Taliban Media in December 2016, Caitlan Coleman speaks while her husband Joshua Boyle holds their two children. (Taliban Media via AP)

 
Pakistani officials have described the mission to free an American woman, her Canadian husband and their three children as a harrowing operation and a rare bit of positive news in the troubled relationship between their country and the United States.

Pakistani soldiers, acting on American intelligence, appear to have opened fire Wednesday at the tires of a car carrying Caitlan Coleman, 31, her husband, Joshua Boyle, 34, and their three children not long after it crossed the border from Afghanistan into Pakistan’s tribal areas.

A senior Trump administration official, shortly after the family’s release, compared their ordeal to “living in a hole for five years.”

But, as with so many aspects of the murky and often confusing U.S.-Pakistan relationship, the family’s dramatic rescue has raised as many questions as it has answered. On Friday night, Coleman, Boyle and their children arrived in Toronto after the family, at the husband’s insistence, had refused to get on a plane for the United States.

Boyle’s father told the New York Times that his son did not want to stop at Bagram air base in Afghanistan, where Americans have been accused of abusing detainees.


A Taliban-linked faction has freed American Caitlan Coleman and her Canadian husband, Joshua Boyle, who were abducted more than five years ago in Afghanistan and had three children in captivity. (Joyce Lee/The Washington Post)

In a statement to the Associated Press, Boyle said, “God has given me and my family unparalleled resilience and determination.”

The family’s refusal to travel to the United States led some former U.S. officials to speculate about the couple’s motives in journeying to Afghanistan five years earlier and suggest that they may be trying to avoid tough questions from U.S. intelligence officials. Other U.S. officials played down that explanation.

“The administration made very clear that if they wanted to come back to the United States there would be no problems,” said a U.S. official who is familiar with the case and was speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss dealings with the family.

Shortly after marrying in 2011, Coleman and Boyle visited Central America and then headed off to Russia and Central Asia. Coleman was pregnant with their first child in 2012 when they decided to go hiking in Wardak province, a dangerous region south of Kabul that is dominated by feuding militant groups.

The couple’s decision to visit Wardak and Boyle’s unusual personal history set off widespread speculation inside the U.S. intelligence community about his motives. Before he wed Coleman, Boyle had married and divorced the oldest sister of Omar Khadr, a Canadian who was arrested by U.S. forces in Afghanistan in 2002 and was alleged to have ties to al-Qaeda.

The patriarch of the Khadr family was killed in 2003, along with al-Qaeda and Taliban members, in a shootout with Pakistani security forces near the Afghanistan border. Boyle’s associations with the family led some U.S. intelligence officials to speculate that the visit to Afghanistan may have been part of a larger effort to link up with Taliban-affiliated militants.
“I can’t say that [he was ever al-Qaeda],” said one former U.S. intelligence official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive information. “He was never a fighter on the battlefield. But my belief is that he clearly was interested in getting into it.”

After they were taken captive, Boyle and Coleman appear to have suffered through a harrowing ordeal.

Coleman was pregnant when they were abducted and gave birth in captivity, the AP reported. Upon landing at the Toronto airport late Friday, Boyle told journalists their captors had killed their infant daughter and raped Coleman during the years they were held.

In a video released in December 2016, Coleman described her captivity as a “Kafkaesque nightmare.”

“Just give the offenders something so they and you can save face and we can leave the region permanently,” she said in the video aimed at President Barack Obama.

The successful rescue also set off a flurry of questions about what it might portend for U.S.-Pakistan relations. “The first thing to recognize is that this relationship is as broken as it’s been since 2011,” when U.S. officials launched a clandestine raid into Pakistan to kill Osama bin Laden, said Moeed Yusuf, an associate vice president for the United States Institute of Peace.

The Trump administration’s new strategy in Afghanistan has put a heavy emphasis on military operations to punish the Taliban in Afghanistan and has increased pressure on Pakistan to eliminate enemy sanctuaries there.

Pakistan would prefer a plan that prioritizes peace talks with the Taliban over a military-

focused effort. In the aftermath of the successful mission, President Trump suggested that his tough rhetoric had helped to bring Islamabad into line. But Yusuf and other analysts suggested that the president was misreading Pakistani motives.

“The danger here is that Washington internalizes the message that tough talk with the Pakistanis is working,” Yusuf said. “I am overall pessimistic about the relationship.... If there is one thing that underpins everything, it is a deep mistrust between these two countries.”

Other analysts who follow South Asia were slightly more positive in their assessments and saw potential for cooperation between the two nations.

“The United States and Pakistan have some key areas of aligned interests, including on counterterrorism and counterextremism,” said Daniel Feldman, who was the special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan in the Obama administration. “This demonstrates that there are opportunities to work together in both our nations’ interests.”

At the Coleman household in southeastern Pennsylvania, the focus wasn’t on geopolitics but on the return of a long-missing daughter.

Her family posted a note on their door referring to the “joyful news” and asking for privacy “as we make plans for the future.”

Shaiq Hussain in Islamabad and Greg Miller in Washington contributed to this report.
How do Cambodians feel about Hun Sen’s war on democracy?


By  | 

CAMBODIA’S Prime Minister Hun Sen has been taking drastic action to dismantle any credible opposition and silence dissent in the country, in what is being seen as an unashamed attempt to remain in power come the general election next year.

In recent months, the government has jailed opposition leader Kem Sokha on allegations of treason and threatened other Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) members with arrest. In response to the threats, more than half of CNRP lawmakers have fled abroad fearing for their freedom.

The culmination of Hun Sen’s efforts to eradicate any opponents came last week when the government filed a lawsuit to the Supreme Court demanding the opposition party be dissolved ahead of next year’s crucial national elections – a move that Hun Sen is now touting as a boon for democracy.


On Thursday, discussing a proposal to redistribute the CNRP’s National Assembly seats “when” – not if – the party is dissolved, Hun Sen said, “They talk about the multi-party problem, but I want to confirm that when the one party is dissolved, there will be five parties that will replace it.” He also called Cambodia a “heaven for political parties,” adding the dissolution of CNRP would happen “soon.”

The government has also been running a systematic shutdown of media organisations and NGOs that have been vocal critics of Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).

2017-09-05T024630Z_1578279156_RC146C49A670_RTRMADP_3_CAMBODIA-POLITICS
Mu Sochua, Deputy President of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), listens during an interview with Reuters in Phnom Penh, Cambodia September 4, 2017. Source: Reuters/Samrang Pring

While the crackdown has been severe, it has not come as a surprise to those in the opposition who continue to fight for both their freedom and fair elections. But, given the latest attempts at dissolution, they fear there is now little room for recourse.

“We are literally unable to do much, our officials from top to bottom face a security threat,” Monovithya Kem, CNRP deputy director-general of public affairs and daughter of jailed opposition leader Kem Sokha, told Asian Correspondent.

“We can only urge other stakeholders including the international community and the Cambodian public to stand with us on the side of democracy.”

Given the success of Hun Sen’s campaign to dismantle the opposition, Kem Sokha fears this fledgeling democracy may start to lose faith in the system.

“Unfortunately, if the situation isn’t reversed soon, people will lose faith in the system, and that is dangerous for everyone. For now, people are waiting impatiently,” she said.


But for many Cambodians, it seems it may already be too late.

Voter registration for next year’s election ends on Nov 9, but only about 350,000 people have registered so far out of the expected 1.6 million newly eligible to cast a ballot. 
According to Khmer Times, the Committee for Free and Fair Elections (Comfrel) is concerned about the low turnout, believing it to be linked to the tumultuous political climate – and the Cambodian people themselves seem to echo this sentiment.

Wanting to understand the feelings at the local level, Asian Correspondent spoke to Theoun, a coordinator living in Siem Reap, who believes the people are hugely disillusioned.

“Every Cambodian that I know of has no faith in the system. It is never meant to help the poor, it is a system established for one man to rule all,” he said.
“Every faction of the government is run by nepotism and corruption. It’s so widespread that even the CNRP can’t do anything about it.”
Theoun explains the ruling CPP will never have the support of the poor in the country as they continue to “ignore”, “crush and threaten them with war.” He also has little hope for the establishment of a credible opposition as anyone who voices dissent is overpowered by the CPP like “a pack of lions killing a wounded deer.”

But it may not only be the poor who are dismayed by the political climate. Por Lee, a Cambodian small business owner, believes the upper echelons of society – and even party members – may be tiring of Hun Sen’s behaviour.
2017-09-04T034628Z_2071875015_RC1B7AD20810_RTRMADP_3_CAMBODIA-MEDIA
A vendor prepares a stack of the final issue of The Cambodia Daily newspaper at her store for sale along a street in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, on Sept 4, 2017. Source: Reuters/Samrang Pring

“I believe most Khmers have lost faith in the system including the rich and the powerful in the CPP,” he said. “The reasons why I say that is because many, if not most, have or try very hard to obtain foreign passports.”

“As for the average and the poor in the country, the system has obviously failed them miserably, from healthcare to justice system, from infrastructures to education. Only the top ten per cent reap the benefits.”


Despite the desire for change, without a credible opposition party, people are still understandably reluctant to vote at all in 2018.

Technically, Cambodia has dozens of political parties. But despite the sometimes crowded ballots, according to The Phnom Penh Post, the only two parties that have shown an ability to mobilise large numbers of voters are the CPP and CNRP, which took 48 percent and 44 percent of the popular vote, respectively, in the 2013 national election. The next runner-up, the royalist Funcinpec party, captured just 3.66 percent of the vote, failing to win a single seat after a decades-long slide into irrelevance.

Hun Sen's contortions of the law are designed to keep his opponents & international community on the back foot playing defense.
“I will not vote in next year’s election if the CNRP is to be dissolved,” said Thoeun. “It sounds as I am not doing my part as a good citizen of this country. In reality, I have no one to look up to.

“Those small parties will not make a difference even if I vote for them. They are too busy fighting with one another.”

While representatives of the EU, US and Australia have all stressed the importance of competitive elections, there has been no suggestion on the part of the Prime Minister that he is listening or has any intention of taking instruction from the West.

. Statement on the Cambodian government's attempt to dissolve .

With the credibility of next year’s election rapidly slipping away, is there any way to bring it back from the brink and restore faith in its legitimacy?

“Kem Sokha needs to be released before the end of the voter registration period; local radio stations, along with Cambodia Daily, need to be reinstated; and election-related NGOs such as Comfrel and the Situation Room group need to be able to conduct their work fully,” said Monovithya Kem, when asked what needs to happen to restore free and fair elections.

Given Hun Sen’s aggressive stance and reluctance to relinquish power, this seems unlikely to happen anytime soon. The answer will likely lie outside of the Cambodian borders.


While Hun Sen has been openly critical of the United States – a former ally – and has been positioning himself to align with Beijing, Kem still believes the West holds enough sway over the government to pressure them into compliance.

“The international community has an obligation to ensure free, fair elections in Cambodia, especially the EU, US, Japan and Australia who aid the process,” she said. “Cambodia cannot survive without their endorsements and engagements, far beyond just aid, so they have plenty of leverage over the Cambodian government.”

As for the future of democracy in the country? Theoun believes the key lies in the next generation.

“Democracy lies within the near future,” he said. “The younger generation is more educated and far more rebellious than the old ones. They will put an end to dictatorship.”