Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, October 14, 2017

DNA study provides insight into how to live longer

Blowing out birthday cakeImage copyright
BBC13 October 2017
Every year spent in education adds an average of 11 months to people's lifespan, say scientists.
The researchers say a person loses two months for every kilogram overweight they are - and seven years for smoking a packet of cigarettes a day.
Unusually, the Edinburgh university team found their answers by analysing differences in people's genetic code or DNA.
Ultimately they think it will reveal new ways of helping us to live longer.
The group used the genetic code of more than 600,000 people who are taking part in a natural, yet massive, experiment.

Clearer picture

If someone smokes, drinks, dropped out of school and is overweight, it can be difficult to identify the impact of one specific unhealthy behaviour.
Instead, the researchers turned to the natural experiment.
Some people carry mutations in their DNA that increase appetite or make them more likely to put on weight, so researchers were able to compare those programmed to eat more with those who were not - irrespective of their wider lifestyles.
Dr Peter Joshi, from the university's Usher Institute, said: "It doesn't mess up the analysis. You can look directly at the effect of weight, in isolation, on lifespan."
Similar sets of mutations have been linked to how long people spend in education and the enjoyment they get from smoking or drinking.
DNA
The instructions for life are encoded in our DNA
The research team also found specific mutations in human DNA that alter lifespan, reported in the journal Nature Communications.
  • Mutations in a gene (a set of instructions in DNA) that is involved in running the immune system could add seven months of life on average
  • People with a mutation that increased levels of bad cholesterol knocked eight months off life expectancy
  • A rare mutation in a gene - APOE - linked to dementia reduced lifespans by 11 months
  • And one that made smoking more appealing cut lives by five months
Dr Joshi says these genetic variants are the "tip of the iceberg". He says around 20% of the variation in lifespans may be inherited, but only 1% of such mutations have yet been found.
However, he said that while genetics does influence lifespan, "you've got even more influence" through the choices you make.
Dr Joshi told the BBC: "We hope to discover novel genes affecting lifespan to give us new information about ageing and construct therapeutic interventions for ageing."
There are also some disease mutations that clearly affect life expectancy, and to devastating effect, such as the Huntington's gene. People with Huntington's often die in their 20s.
However, in order to follow people until the end of their lives, many of the people studied were born before 1940.
Prof David Melzer, from the University of Exeter Medical School, said: "An extra year of education then may have been much more important than it is now."

Friday, October 13, 2017

Hartal shuts down Jaffna in protest over Tamil political prisoners

Home13Oct 2017

A hartal has been declared in Jaffna today, with businesses across the north shut down in protest against the continued detention of Tamil political prisoners.
Restaurants, pharmacies, commercial banks and even many local bus routes were halted for the day. Schools across Jaffna also joined the shutdown.
The move comes as Sri Lanka's armed Special Task Force officers were deployed to Jaffna on Friday, surrounding Tamils protesting outside the Northern governor's office against the ongoing detention of Tamil political prisoners. 

HIDDEN AGENDA REVEALED IN PRE-FABRICATED HOUSE DEAL

Speculation is rife that there is a hidden agenda behind the Rehabilitation and Resettlement Ministry’s proposed plan to award the much debated contract to a French company to install pre-fabricated houses. There is concern that these houses are to be installed at a high cost using low quality pre-fabricated material to resettle conflict affected families in the north and east.   

SRI LANKA: N & E COORDINATING COMMITTEE WANTS UN TO BE A DIRECT PARTNER OF THE TJ PROCESS

Image: a banner calling for more UN involvement in ri Lanka’s TJ process was there to greet Pablo de Greiff in Jaffna. 

Sri Lanka Brief13/10/2017

To Ensure Non-Recurrence UN’s Direct Involvement in the Transitional Justice Initiatives of Sri Lanka is a must, says North East Coordinating Committee in their report to the visiting Pablo de Greiff, the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence. Pablo has met  the war affected people and civil society representatives in North and East areas. The representatives of North East Coordinating Committee a coalition of grass root human rights organizations met the Special Rapporteur and handed over a report to him.

The full report is here as a PDF: NECC – SriLanka – October – 2017 – To UN Special Rapporteur for Transitional Justice – English- Final

Massive purge rocks SLFP



By Norman Palihawadane, Kushan Subasinghe and Ajith Alahakoon-
 

As purging of dissident SLFP leaders from the party is in full swing, incumbent and former Presidents of the party have expressed divergent opinions on the future of the SLFP.

President Maithripala Sirisena, on Thursday, called on his new electoral organisers to reorganise and prepare the party for the next election.

The president, handing over letters of appointment to the new electoral organisers at the President’s House, said the upcoming elections would be held under a new electoral system and the party had rid itself of its weak elements. The party should be reorganised to face the elections and that should be the duty of the newly appointed electoral organisers, the President said.

President Sirisena has removed Joint Opposition stalwarts and UPFA MPs Kumara Welgama and Mahindanada Aluthgamage from the posts of electoral organisers of Matugama and Nawalapitiya respectively. He has appointed 50 new electoral organisers including former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, who is the new SLFP organiser for the Attangalla electorate. Former deputy minister of trade Priyangani Abeyweera has been appointed the new SLFP organiser for the Matugama electorate while provincial councillor H. A. Ranasinghe has been appointed as the organiser for Nawalapitiya.

Former State Minister Priyankara Jayaratne has been removed as the Anamaduwa organiser and the vacancy so created has been filled with Wayamba Provincial Councillor Ananda Sarath Kumara by President Sirisena.

An SLFP minister said four other party seniors would be removed from their electoral organiser posts in the coming days. He said former ministers Chamal Rajapaksa, Vidura Wickramanayake, Ranjith de Zoysa and Arundika Fernando would be removed as party organisers. They had been accused of non-cooperation to ensure SLFP’s reorganising programme and supporting the Sri Lanka Podu Jana Peramuna, the senior minister said.

He said Vidura Wickremanayake was not well and Chamal Rajapaksa had informed President that he would never leave the SLFP so their removal had got delayed.

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa speaking to The Island from Japan said he regretted the way the affairs of the party were being handled. The incumbent leadership was sacking all those who did not toe the line of the leadership. The end result would be a weakened party, he said, adding that the UNP would gain from that exercise. "I strengthened the party. I made it the strongest party in the country. Now, it is extremely weak. All SLFP members are disheartened to see the way former leaders are being treated. Most capable leaders have been axed. The grassroots leadership of the party has now been weakened and the UNP will get its benefit," Rajapaksa said.

Former Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage vowed that he would join a new political force and obtain the highest number of votes with the help of true SLFP members in his electorate. "Seven seniors have been removed from the party’s electoral posts. All those seven polled more than 100,000 votes each during the last elections. We have been removed because we do not support the Yahapalana programme. We know the SLFP members in the grassroots and with their support we will come to power and someday form an SLFP government."

Former Minister Kumara Welgama said the SLFP was now dancing to the tune of the UNP. The party leadership had become a prisoner of the UNP and removing all the capable leaders from the organiser posts. "I protected the party for 35 years. But now I am saddened to see the party is being led according to the whims and fancies of the UNP. I was given the electoral organiser’s post by Madam Sirimavo Bandaranaike. Though her son and daughter left the party I remained there. I will do my best to work with the Joint Opposition to save the SLFP."

Highest Military To Civilian Ratio In Mullative: 1:2, New Report Finds

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A new report challenges government’s demilitarisation process and reveals, Mullative district, with a population of 130,000 has an estimated 60,000 security forces, giving it an extremely high (1:2) force to population ratio.
The report released last week, authored by Adayaalam Centre for Policy Research (ACPR) and People for Equality and Relief in Lanka (PEARL) says; “From a quantitative perspective, the military has an extremely inflated presence in Mullaitivu District. Based on the number of brigades and their constituent troops, this report estimates that at least 60,000 Sri Lankan Army troops are currently stationed in Mullaitivu District; 25% of the approximately 243,000 active military personnel in the whole country. To put this figure in perspective, according to the Mullaitivu District Statistical Handbook in 2014, Mullaitivu District has 130,322, or approximately 0.6 % of the Sri Lankan population. This means there is now at least 1 soldier for every 2 civilians in Mullaitivu District – in effect, a military occupation. This excludes the numbers of Sri Lankan Navy and Air Force troops in the District, which are unable to be calculated with publicly available information.”
We publish below the Executive Summary in full:
Two years after the Sri Lankan government co-sponsored UN Human Rights Council (HRC) Resolution 30/1 and six months after it renewed its commitments in HRC Resolution 34/1, the Sri Lankan government has continued to fail to fulfil its pledges to the Tamil people in Sri Lanka. A key commitment made in the HRC resolutions and a critical component of the conversation around transitional justice is meaningful security sector reform. Despite calls by numerous international bodies and repeated calls by Tamil politicians and communities, the Sri Lankan government has yet to undertake a comprehensive process to demilitarise areas in the North-East. As a result, the North-East remains under a military occupation that represses fundamental freedoms and contributes to on-going ethnic conflict. In Mullaitivu District, where the last phase of the armed conflict was fought, the military’s presence has become even more entrenched over the past two years. This report accompanies an interactive online map produced by the Adayaalam Centre for Policy Research (ACPR) and People for Equality and Relief in Lanka (PEARL), illustrating the extent of militarisation in Mullaitivu District by documenting military structures and installations and Buddhist viharas. This map can be viewed here.
From a quantitative perspective, the military has an extremely inflated presence in Mullaitivu District. Based on the number of brigades and their constituent troops, this report estimates that at least 60,000 Sri Lankan Army troops are currently stationed in Mullaitivu District; 25% of the approximately 243,000 active military personnel in the whole country. To put this figure in perspective, according to the Mullaitivu District Statistical Handbook in 2014, Mullaitivu District has 130,322, or approximately 0.6 % of the Sri Lankan population. This means there is now at least 1 soldier for every 2 civilians in Mullaitivu District – in effect, a military occupation. This excludes the numbers of Sri Lankan Navy and Air Force troops in the District, which are unable to be calculated with publicly available information.
The military’s occupation of land in Mullaitivu District is concomitantly significant. Comparing figures obtained officially from Divisional Secretariat offices through the Right to Information Act, unofficially from government sources, and from local sources it is evident that officially obtained government numbers significantly downplay the actual amount of land occupied by the military. ACPR and PEARL also found that the military’s extensive use of land demarcated as state forests and forest reserves is an under reported facet of the militarisation of the Vanni that requires further study. Hence on a careful analysis of the methodology used by the different actors in making their claims with regard to land occupied by the military and information available on the scale of the military presence, ACPR and PEARL are able to conclude that the claim of 30,000 acres of land being held by the security forces in Mullaitivu is credible. A key step in the demilitarisation process should include a comprehensive and transparent survey of lands occupied by the military in the North-East.
The issues that result from this extensive militarisation are more than just quantitative, however. The militarisation of Tamil regions is concerning for a plethora of reasons explored in this report. The Sri Lankan military stands accused of atrocity crimes against the very population in which it is immersed. Tamils must live next door to—and, in some cases, work for—those who bombed, shelled and brutalised their families and communities, all with impunity. The military’s presence 2 facilitates land grabs and displacement and keeps families in ramshackle ‘temporary’ shelters as it utilises—and even profits from—privately owned Tamil land. This has a clear impact on livelihoods and economic growth in the region, as military-run businesses compete with private businesses on unequal terms. In fact, the military is one of the largest employers in Mullaitivu, ensuring a disturbing dependency of Tamil communities on the military for economic survival. The entrenchment of the military and security forces in Mullaitivu creates a pervasive and constant culture of fear and surveillance. It also further marginalises Tamil women. This report addresses each of these issues in turn.
The government’s security concerns allegedly motivates the military’s overwhelming presence throughout the North-East including in Mullaitivu. However, its encroachment into all facets of civilian life (economic, political, and otherwise) reflects the Sri Lankan state’s more insidious goal: the further breakdown of the island’s Tamil communities. The military has normalised its presence across Tamil areas, making Tamils accept and internalise the military’s presence in their everyday lives. For example, the military manages pre-schools, farms, hotels, and other operations, penetrating numerous aspects of Tamil community life.
The consequences of such omnipresent militarisation are widespread. Tamils must fear for themselves and their children as they encounter security forces on roads, in markets, and in schools while their community development is continuously obstructed. Trust within Tamil communities is inhibited by uncertainty over who may be reporting to the military. The military’s extensive presence inhibits freedom of speech and freedom of thought, since the military’s shadow hovers over all political activities, suppressing engagement in civic fora. It has become so engrained in Tamil society in the North-East that it no longer needs to be visibly seen for its presence to affect the community. The normalisation of the military’s presence in various aspects of life in the North-East has led to Tamils internalising this oppression.
The disproportionate presence of the security forces in the North-East is argued as being essential to prevent another armed insurrection from within the Tamil community against the State. This is a cynical argument which is deployed to normalise militarisation while being oblivious to the shared perception of the Tamil community which regards the Sri Lankan security forces as an occupying force. The perception leads both to internalisation of oppression and fuels further resentment between the majority Sinhalese and Tamils. Only a serious and genuine effort at security sector reform and demilitarisation will lead to sustainable peace and stability. The government should undertake genuine security sector reform to transition its security forces to the post-war environment that has now existed for eight and a half years.

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Politician in a perfect world…

“If you look for perfection, you’ll never be content.” 

 ~Leo Tolstoy, Anna Karenina  

2017-10-14
I woke up late last morning. Usually morning dawns on me quite early. For some the wee hours are the most miserable part of the day, while for others the most exciting and vibrant time before sunset as it is for me. Writing at that time, early hours, of the day is more than a mere pleasure; it’s more than a livelihood and a profession; it’s an obsession, in a very positive sense. I sat down to write this column, as I always do before the dawn of the day, a very strange, unnamed emotion swept across me, enveloping my whole being, an emotion which rarely manifests itself in real and stark terms and charms. In a perfect world where meadows are green and grass looks more like a neatly woven carpet and sheep graze at regular intervals with uncommon precision, which is customarily attributed to consummately organized organisms.  

To control such an emotion without being emotional is the key to successful writing. And that remains my goal. When writing about the past regimes, their varied successes and failures, their idiosyncratic behavioural patterns, their influence on the socio-economic and cultural landscapes of Sri Lanka invariably become interesting and stimulating subjects for the curious writer. Yet that curiosity needs to be tempered with discipline and taste; it needs to be sustainably aggressive yet  equanimitously narrated with calm and composure.  

The still-unfolding story of the Rajapaksa clan that held the reins over the affairs of this country for more than a decade, from 2005 to 2015, does indeed promise a very exciting and stimulating premise for writing. Albeit the story has not reached a closure, the immediate past presents some fascinating topographies of societal ills, how those ills were caused by some ruthless yet emotional political decisions made by the Rajapaksa & Company and perpetuation of a system and fine-tuning it exclusively for its abuse by the siblings who are the major shareholders of the Company, is yet being narrated by the servile henchmen of the Company. The siblings are facing many a financial scandal; their imprudent and avaricious approach to statecraft has been exposed beyond any past precedent; the trickledown effect of their corrupt way of handling statecraft and total absence of accountability and transparency in that handling are being felt today at every level of the government sector. From politician to the government KKS and driver have been infected with that deadly disease called corruption.  In all their dealings what is most apparent is their naiveté in being emotional in respect of every serious and significant political decision they had taken during their time. What are those political decisions that appeared as normal and regular at the time they were taken, but in the midterm and long-term context, those decisions played a decisive role in the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections held in 2015. One was the ouster of the Chief Justice and replacing her with a Rajapaksa-crony. Two was the unmerciful imprisonment of Sarath Fonseka, the widely acclaimed hero of the war-victory against the LTTE.  

Dethroning the then Chief Justice, Shirani Bandaranayake was purely an emotional outcome to a not-so-complex problem of very elementary kind. Per Wikipedia, following is an anatomy of one emotional political decision and its radical undesired results:  

“Town and Country Planning (Amendment) Bill

The Town and Country Planning (Amendment) Bill was published in The Sri Lanka Gazette on 17 October 2011. The bill allowed the government to declare any land in a municipal, urban development or road development area as a “protected”, “conservation”, “architectural”, “historical” or “sacred” area and to acquire that land. According to the Constitution of Sri Lanka, most land issues are devolved to the provincial councils. The Sri Lankan government introduced the bill in parliament on 8 November 2011. The bill’s constitutionality was challenged by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu in the Supreme Court. The court (Bandaranayake, Chandra Ekanayake and K. Sripavan) met on 21 November 2011 to hear the petition. The court’s determination (S.C. Special Determination No. 03/2011) was conveyed to Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa, another brother of President Rajapaksa, on 2 December 2011 and on 3 December 2011 the Speaker announced the determination to Parliament: the bill was in respect of matters set out in the provincial council list and therefore cannot become law unless it has been referred to every provincial council. The government withdrew the bill from parliament and referred it to the nine provincial councils. The provincial councils expressed concern about the bill and suggested amendments. The bill was opposed by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress and Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal, both members of the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), President Rajapaksa’s party, as well as the opposition United National Party. Faced with opposition, the government abandoned the bill in April 2012.

Divi Neguma Bill

The Divi Neguma Bill was published in The Sri Lanka Gazette on 27 July 2012. The bill established the Department of Divi Neguma Development by amalgamating the Samurdi Authority of Sri Lanka, Southern Development Authority of Sri Lanka and the Udarata Development Authority, and created numerous community organizations, banks and banking societies. The Department of Divi Neguma Development would be controlled by the Ministry of Economic Development headed by President Rajapaksa’s brother Basil Rajapaksa and would carry out development activities. According to the Constitution of Sri Lanka, most development activities are devolved to the provincial councils. The Sri Lankan government introduced the bill in parliament on 10 August 2012. The bill’s constitutionality was consequently challenged by four petitioners on three petitions in the Supreme Court. The court (Bandaranayake, Priyasath Dep and Eva Wanasundera) met on 27 and 28 August 2012 to hear the petitions. Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa announced the Supreme Court’s determinations (S.C. Special Determination No. 01/2012, 02/2012 and 03/2012) to Parliament on 18 September 2012: the bill was in respect of matters set out in the provincial council list and therefore cannot become law unless it has been referred to every provincial council. The UPFA controlled eight of the nine provincial councils and between 25 September 2012 and 3 October 2012 all eight approved the Divi Neguma Bill. The ninth provincial council, Northern, had not been functioning as an elected body since it was established in 2007. The bill was approved by the Northern Province’s Governor G. A. Chandrasiri who had been appointed by President Rajapaksa. 
The still-unfolding story of the Rajapaksa clan, does indeed promise a very exciting and stimulating premise for writing
The bill then returned to Parliament and a further eleven petitions were placed before the Supreme Court challenging the bill’s constitutionality. Amongst these petitions was one filed on 4 October 2012 by opposition MP Mavai Senathirajah challenging the legality of Chandrasiri’s approving the bill. The court (Bandaranayake, N. G. Amaratunga and K. Sripavan) met on 18, 22, and 23 October 2012 to hear the petitions. The Supreme Court’s determinations were passed to the president on 31 October 2012. Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa announced the Supreme Court’s determinations to Parliament on 6 November 2012: clause 8(2) was unconstitutional and needed to be approved by a referendum; twelve other clauses were inconsistent with the constitution and needed to be passed by special majority (two-thirds) of Parliament; the governor of the Northern Province does not have the power to endorse the bill and therefore Parliament needed to pass the bill by special majority”.

Either the Rajapaksa & Company was not alerted to the deficiencies if their respective bills by the Attorney General’s (AG’s) Department or they deliberately disregarded the advice, if such advice was sought, rendered by the AG’s Department and went ahead and became entrapped in the web of statecraft. Their solution for this ungainly situation was the impeachment of the Chief justice- a wickedly planned out and unmercifully yet shoddily exercised execution of the leading occupant of the seat of the country’s Judiciary. Whoever was found short in strategizing, the one who suffered insufferable indignity and humiliation was Shirani Bandaranayake who once was the hand-picked Chief Justice of the Rajapaksa government. Emotion played a pivotal role and the Rajapaksas had to pay incalculably for the crime of emotional judgment.  

The second of such warped judgments was sending Sarath Fonseka to prison and the humiliation hurled on him by a sordid and sinister attempt to paint a great soldier and patriot as a traitor. About Sarath Fonseka, I’m sure that our Tamil brethren would like to indulge in their usual mud-slinging without a shade of evidence, as a soldier involved in genocide. Such drastic words as genocide, human rights violations and racist, specifically used against Sarath Fonseka by the Tamil Diaspora did not hold any water and that was illustrated in the votes he received in the North in the 2009 Presidential Elections. More than 75% of the Northern Tamils voted for Sarath Fonseka. No Tamil would have voted for a person who had committed genocide against his own community. 

Politicians in a perfect world would not have committed these elementary blunders. We are not living in a perfect world, nor are we pretending to do so. His meadows are not green and his path is curvy and winding with steep valleys and unreachable summits.  
The writer can be contacted at vishwamithra1984@gmail.com

Labour shortage in key sectors: Govt. needs to be flexible


logoFriday, 13 October 2017

According to Ruchir Sharma, the author of ‘The Rise and Fall of Nations’, among the ten most important things to look at to see whether a country is rising or falling is its talent pool, i.e. is the manpower pool growing?

Annually, the World Economic Forum ranks countries on the Global Competitiveness Index — a decent gauge of which nations are best positioned to squeeze efficiency out of their businesses and attract companies and investment from overseas. But if you look beyond the index and examine what countries are actually doing to earn their rankings, the bigger takeaway is that the quality of workforce skills is inextricably linked to economic development.

To a great extent, Sri Lanka has yet to reach its full potential in the new knowledge-service based economy. To do that, we must continue to recognise the importance of building upon existing industries that offer potential for future economic growth.

Tourism, for example can create 300,000 new jobs by 2020. The sector holds tremendous promise but the lack of skills and manpower will be an impediment to the growth of the industry. Then the construction industry needs over 600,000 jobs to do the Rs. 65 billion worth of construction work by 2020. The same is true of the technology sector with 100,000 jobs. These sectors cannot find the people. We need to selectively open our doors to skilled labour until we build our bench strength.

The other challenge we have is if we are to succeed as an emerging economy, Sri Lanka must achieve a balance between a manufacturing-based economy and one driven by knowledge, services, ideas, information and technology. The importance of this pivotal change cannot be overstated.

Compared to other countries, our current level of competitiveness is relatively low. But the opportunities before us are limited only by our imagination and our willingness to transform our vision into reality. The task at hand therefore for our policymakers is very challenging but doable. What are required are the political will and the execution.

Transforming our economy

Much of the burden of transforming our economy will fall squarely upon the shoulders of our leaders and our education system. Specifically, this transformation will require our schools, colleges and universities to provide expertise, experience and leadership in these four key areas:

1. Workforce development, arming graduates with the knowledge necessary for today’s knowledge- and service-driven economy

2. Strategic partnerships between higher education and industry that will lead to private sector expansion

3. Generation and transfer of ideas and technologies from research to commercial applications

4. Building communities and enhancing quality of skills to attract and retain business and industry

Our schools, colleges, universities and workplaces have the talent and creativity but lack the expertise necessary to make a profound difference in some of the critical areas. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the Government and the private sector to make sure they create the opportunities the country needs to realise its full potential.

Urgency

Sri Lanka is fortunate to have leaders both in the Government and private sector who recognise the importance of investing in education. But Sri Lanka isn’t the only state in the region to realise that investment in education holds the key to economic growth.

The knowledge-based workforce development will require an innovative strategy that approaches the issues of incumbent workers, higher education as an integrated system. In keeping with their integrated approach, we need to promote market-based skills from the earliest stages. The priorities therefore should be:

1. Immediately identify the skills requirement to deliver the 2025 Vision to enhance the skill level of the current workforce.

2. Support higher education programs that will lead to more graduates with degrees in technology, engineering, sciences and hospitality programs.

3. Increase the number of students prepared to enter the science, services and technology fields, as well as the number of teachers who are proficient in delivery.

4. Jointly identify the skills needed to support the thrust areas and develop three-year manpower plans for each sector.

Capital formation

An increase in the amount of pre-seed, seed and institutional venture capital available to emerging businesses, particularly those in the education, technology and bioscience sectors, needs to be seen. We also need to develop programs and incentives to increase the depth of management expertise and attract Sri Lankan talent from overseas to strengthen our nation’s capability.

Conclusion

Today Sri Lanka finds itself in a new economic climate with a new set of rules and a critical need for well-guided investment in higher education and vocational education. We now compete in a global economy that is driven by knowledge, information, ideas and technology. The new Government realises the value of capitalising on our existing strengths.

However, as we look to the future, we must explore opportunities and ideas to become more competitive. More than ever before, building people capacity and a talent pool holds the key to our long-term economic success, a key weakness in our current disjointed education and policy framework.  Despite a reduction of unemployment rates, a skills mismatch remains between employers’ critical, in-demand skills and the availability of those skills in workers. This is certainly a threat to our competitiveness.

(The writer is a HR thought leader).

‘Gammanpila’ breaks world records in fraud and corruption! Purchases properties worth over Rs.780 million! Wife too in Australia (Video)


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 13.Oct.2017, 8.00PM)  
Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila is  breaking   world records in cheating and swindling! He  has purchased a large number of properties to the tune of SL  Rs. 781,538,385.97 ! (based on present market value of properties ) out of his illicit earnings. These properties have been purchased in the name of a company ‘Saman and Abaya Pvt. Co.’  registered (registration No. 13/2 /14 ABN 168039147) in Australia . He has committed this colossal  racket (one out of the many of his) jointly with two doctor friends Saman Aluthbaduge and Abeykoon Gunaratne residing at No.  3,Austral Court Wheelers  Hill Vic. 3150 . 
This was revealed by lawyer Namal Rajapakse (not the crooked synthetic lawyer of the Ali Baba thieves den) on 29 th September to the Police special investigation unit (SIU) , along with evidence. 
In response to this shocking revelation , Gammanpila the notorious fraudster cum  liar from whose mouth a lie never fails to drop each time he opens his cavernous mouth said , that was a false complaint  , and he will file action claiming compensation from lawyer Rajapakse.  Gammanpila addressing a media briefing also said, he would file a case claiming compensation against the private television channel which telecast that complaint .
Namal Rajapakse following the  comments  , convened a  media briefing on the 12 th at the Library and documentation services board auditorium. Rajapakse at the media briefing disclosed , Gammanpila had invested a huge sum of money in the property purchases in Australia through the two doctors , and justifiable suspicions have arisen as to how these monies were earned in such a short time.  Rajapakse also revealed he  has documents regarding these properties which were purchased , and all information in writing of the registrations done  at the Australian land registration office are in his custody . These details were furnished when the complaint was lodged by him ,  ,Rajapakse added.  
Besides, Dinesha the  wife  of Gammanpila who is wanted by courts is now in Australia and  residing in the house of one of the doctors  .Gammanpila has stationed her and by now Gammanplia’s wife and two children are citizens of Australia , Rajapakse further revealed.  
World record breaking fraudster Gammanpila after these stark revelations is  panic stricken , and there is no truth in the denials made by  Gammanpila, Rajapkse noted.  Earlier on Gammanpila disclosed he would be filing cases against Rajapakse for exposing the  frauds and corruption of Gammanpila , but the latter  has done nothing , Rajapakse  pinpointed.  
There are two cases being heard already in courts  against Gammanpila on charges of misappropriation of many millions of rupees  and properties belonging to an Australian national .Gammanpila had sold the properties  of the Australian national   by preparing fake documents . All these bear further testimony to the massive frauds and corruption committed by record breaking fraudster  Gammanpila , Rajapakse observed. 
The assets which belonged to Brian Shaddick , Australian National …
Metal Recycling Colombo Ltd. establishment
Ceylon Tea Gardens establishment
Triple S establishment , and several others 
All these enterprises have been sold fraudulently by Gammanpila , and monies collected illicitly , Rajapakse highlighted. 
In addition , Gammanpila together with his crony Sydney Jayasinghe a businessman got the approval fraudulently on  2014-03 -08 from Pavithra Wanniarachi when she was the power and energy minister, for the two solar power projects namely,  Anrorchi Buruthakande and Irish Buruthakande which were considered as failed projects by the  Technology evaluation committee . Subsequently, with that fraudulent approval  obtained those were sold   to Livera Holdings , England for US dollars 7 million on 2014-09-24 , and the sale proceeds were  collected illegally  , based on information that has come to light, Rajapakse revealed.  
Rajapakse elaborating further said ,  via his complaint he has insisted that an exhaustive formal investigation be conducted into the colossal frauds of Gammanpila because the public are  harboring justifiable suspicions as to how Gammanpila amassed so much wealth and bought  properties aforementioned. In the complaint he had also  urged to take appropriate legal action following investigations to get these colossal amounts of monies smuggled out as well as those earned by fraudulent means abroad   back into our country.
Meanwhile there are reports that during the period of the equally corrupt and criminal government of Medamulana mendacious Machiavellian Rajapakses , Gammanpila citing various reasons has been making frequent tours to Australia which is borne testimony to by his passport endorsements. Besides, if the bank accounts and the past records of the  two doctors are scrutinized it can be  determined from which sources these funds have come in , Rajapakse  went on to point out . 
In the photograph is the house whose address Namal Rajapakse disclosed.
Namal’s video footage is hereunder 
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by     (2017-10-13 14:33:25)

Climate Change is a Threat to Rich and poor Alike

Climate Change is a Threat to Rich and poor Alike

By Achim Steiner, Patricia Espinosa and Robert Glasser-Oct 13, 2017

(To coincide with International Day for Disaster Risk Reduction, 13 October 2017)

From Miami and Puerto Rico to Barbuda and Havana, the devastation of this year’s hurricane season across Latin America and the Caribbean serves as a reminder that the impacts of climate change know no borders.
In recent weeks, Category 5 hurricanes have brought normal life to a standstill for millions in the Caribbean and on the American mainland. Harvey, Irma and Maria have been particularly damaging. The 3.4 million inhabitants of Puerto Rico have been scrambling for basic necessities including food and water, the island of Barbuda has been rendered uninhabitable, and dozens of people are missing or dead on the UNESCO world heritage island of Dominica.
The impact is not confined to this region. The record floods across Bangladesh, India and Nepal have made life miserable for some 40 million people. More than 1,200 people have died and many people have lost their homes, crops have been destroyed, and many workplaces have been inundated. Meanwhile, in Africa, over the last 18 months 20 countries have declared drought emergencies, with major displacement taking place across the Horn region.
For those countries that are least developed the impact of disasters can be severe, stripping away livelihoods and progress on health and education; for developed and middle-income countries the economic losses from infrastructure alone can be massive; for both, these events reiterate the need to act on a changing climate that threatens only more frequent and more severe disasters.
A (shocking) sign of things to come?
The effects of a warmer climate on these recent weather events, both their severity and their frequency, has been revelatory for many, even the overwhelming majority that accept the science is settled on human-caused global warming. 
While the silent catastrophe of 4.2 million people dying prematurely each year from ambient pollution, mostly related to the use of fossil fuels, gets relatively little media attention, the effect of heat-trapping greenhouse gases on extreme weather events is coming into sharper focus.
It could not be otherwise when the impacts of these weather events are so profound. During the last two years over 40 million people, mainly in countries which contribute least to global warming, were forced either permanently or temporarily from their homes by disasters.
There is clear consensus: rising temperatures are increasing the amount of water vapor in the atmosphere, leading to more intense rainfall and flooding in some places, and drought in others. Some areas experience both, as was the case this year in California, where record floods followed years of intense drought.
TOPEX/Poseidon, the first satellite to precisely measure rising sea levels, was launched two weeks before Hurricane Andrew made landfall in Florida 25 years ago. Those measurements have observed a global increase of 3.4 millimeters per year since then; that’s a total of 85 millimeters over 25 years, or 3.34 inches.
Rising and warming seas are contributing to the intensity of tropical storms worldwide. We will continue to live with the abnormal and often unforeseen consequences of existing levels of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, for many, many years to come.
In 2009, Swiss Re published a case study focused on Miami-Dade, Broward and Palm Beach Counties, which envisaged a moderate sea level rise scenario for the 2030s which matches what has already taken place today. If a storm on the scale of Andrew had hit this wealthy corner of the US today, the economic damage would range from US$100 billion to US$300 billion. Now the estimates suggest that the economic losses from Harvey, Irma and Maria could surpass those numbers.
Reduce disaster risk now; tackle climate change in the long-term
Miami is working hard on expanding its flood protection programme; US$ 400 million is earmarked to finance sea pumps, improved roads and seawalls. Yet, this level of expenditure is beyond the reach of most low and middle-income countries that stand to lose large chunks of their GDP every time they are hit by floods and storms.
While the Paris Agreement has set the world on a long-term path towards a low-carbon future, it is a windy path that reflects pragmatism and realities in each individual country. Thus, while carbon emissions are expected to drop as countries meet their self-declared targets, the impacts of climate change may be felt for some time, leaving the world with little choice but to invest, simultaneously, in efforts to adapt to climate change and reduce disaster risk. The benefits of doing so makes economic sense when compared to the cost of rebuilding.
This will require international cooperation on a previously unprecedented scale as we tackle the critical task of making the planet a more resilient place to the lagging effects of greenhouse gas emissions that we will experience for years to come. Restoring the ecological balance between emissions and the natural absorptive capacity of the planet is the long-term goal. It is critical to remember that the long-term reduction of emissions is THE most important risk reduction tactic we have, and we must deliver on that ambition.
The November UN Climate Conference in Bonn presided over by the small island of Fiji, provides an opportunity to not only accelerate emission reductions but to also boost the serious work of ensuring that the management of climate risk is integrated into disaster risk management as a whole. Poverty, rapid urbanization, poor land use, ecosystems decline and other risk factors will amplify the impacts of climate change. Today on International Day for Disaster Reduction, we call for them to be addressed in a holistic way. 
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Achim Steiner is Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme www.undp.org
Patricia Espinosa is Executive Secretary of UN Climate Change www.unfccc.int
Robert Glasser is the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Disaster Risk Reduction and head of the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction www.unisdr.org

SRI LANKA POLICE HAS TORTURED A INNOCENT MAN TO DEATH ONCE MORE


Image: Gamini was tortured to death by Divulapitiya police, in WP, Sri Lanka. ( credit: FB)
Image may contain: textSri Lanka Brief

13/10/2017

Mr. Naiwala Appuhamilage Gamini Edwad (50) of Kelepitimulla, Hunumulla, Divulapitiya in the Gampaha District was married and the father of two children, a 12 year old daughter and an 8 year old son. He was a Watchman in the private home of a foreigner.

On 2 October 2017, Gamini was at home with his wife and two children. Two police officers attached to the Divulapitiya Police Station arrived at his house and inquired about Gamini. Gamini came to the front of the house and talked to the Police Officers asking for the reason of their search. The Officers informed him that he was to be arrested and ordered him to follow them. Gamini cordially informed the Officers that he has to take two children to school. He pleaded that the Officers consider him compassionately and provide an alternative solution. However, the Officers were rude to him, cuffed his hands and dragged him to the vehicle parked in front of the house. He was abused with obscene language in front of his wife and children.

He was brought directly to the Divulapitiya Police Station where questioning started. The arresting Officer, later identified as the Inspector of Police (IP) Saman Priyantha, the Officer-in-Charge (OIC) of the Crime Branch of the Police Station was the interrogator. Gamini was questioned about a theft in the house where he was working as a Watchman. He denied any involvement in this theft. The owner of the house was a foreigner. At this point, IP Saman started beating him with fists and kicks. Gamini was pressured to accept the fact that he stole property from his employer’s home. He vehemently denied the accusations. Later he was held over in a cell.

At night Gamini was again questioned by IP Saman and repeatedly pressured to accede to the accusations against him. Gamini refused to accept the accusations. A Police Officer beat Gamini in the face, stomach, legs and arms. A particularly strong strike hit Gamini’s head, causing an injury visible on autopsy. Gamini was hung from the ceiling and beaten and forced to admit the theft. He never accepted it.

On 3 October 2017, Gamini was produced before the Minuwangoda Magistrate Court. The lawyer representing Gamini very clearly explained to the Magistrate that his client had been severely tortured. He requested that he be released on bail considering his physical condition and the necessity of taking medical treatment. The lawyers request was not entertained by the Magistrate and he remanded Gamini until 10 October. Gamini was brought to the Negombo Remand Prison and assigned to Ward No: 2 of the prison.

As his physical condition worsened, Gamini was admitted to the Prison Hospital on the morning of 4 October. The Medical Doctors examined him and immediately transferred him to the Negombo General Hospital. On admission, he was pronounced dead at 10:40 p.m. While several relatives were trying to visit him at the prison they were obstructed and prevented by Prison Authorities from doing so. They stated that Gamini’s condition was serious so that he had to be kept in a restricted room inside the prison. Repeated requests by his relatives to see him were refused.

On 5 October, the Judicial Medical Officer (JMO) of the hospital conducted the post-mortem examination. He informed the relatives and the Authorities that the cause of death was due to shock. Gamini sustained internal hemorrhaging as a result of the damage to his internal organs caused by the severe torture he suffered at the hands of the IP, OIC and other unnamed Police Officers.

The relatives held the position that Gamini was in good physical and mental health when he was arrested. He had no complaints of any ailments before his arrest. Responsible Police Officers have caused the death of their relative by beating him to death.

The Police Media Spokesperson’s communique revealed that an immediate Police Investigation had been conducted under the supervision of the Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Colombo North. As a result of the investigation, the OIC of the Crime Branch of the Divulapitiya Police Station, Saman Priyantha was arrested in the evening of 5 October 2017. The Acting OIC of the Police Station and other Police Constables were transferred to the Paliyagoda Police Station.

No details were produced on the complaint against Gamini that the Police received about a theft. No property had been produced before the Courts said to be stolen by the victim. Neither virtual complainant’s statements, nor any other evidence which revealed that Gamini had been involved in any crime, has not yet been submitted to the Court as evidence by the Police.

Gamini’s relatives maintain that he was extra-judicially killed by the Police. He was tortured to death. This is another example of a severely faulty Policing System in Sri Lanka. It murders innocent suspects under the guise of crime prevention.

(Edited version of a AHRC release).