Tuesday, October 10, 2017

Police Brutality Continues: No More Batons Now It’s Iron Bars

OCTOBER 11, 2017

Photographic evidence shows that police yesterday used iron bars to attack the anti-SAITM protesters who were protesting at the Kollupitiya Junction.

At least 14 protestors have been injured and admitted to the National Hospital, Colombo.

Meanwhile the National Police Commission has launched an investigation into an assault committed by an Assistant Superintendent of Police on a detained protester during the riots that broke out in Hambantota last week. Secretary of the NPC Ariyadasa Cooray told media that discussions will be held today with regards to the alleged assault.

Photo courtesy Pubudu Jagoda:

'Sil Redi Case' : Ignoring the crux and focusing on sediments

2015 Presidential Election

Oct 10, 2017

An in-depth examination of the history of elections in Sri Lanka, will reveal clearly that the abuse of state authority and the resources of the government has been a phenomenal feature during the rule of both the United National Party and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. Presidential Election of 2015, indeed, was the one election, at which such abuses rose to unfathomable heights. Material handouts commencing from a calendar to a sewing machine and many a welfare projects were seen in operation during the period of this election. In addition, a considerable volume of officers of the government, from the bottom-most cadre to the highest level, were compelled to get involved directly or indirectly and willingly or unwillingly in the political manoeuvring of the election.

During the Presidential Election 2015, the most shameful act that caused a devastating public outburst was the distribution of 'Sil Redi'. Reports, objections and complaints about this activity started flooding in to the Elections Department (currently the Commission). The matter was taken up unitedly by PAFFREL, CAFFE, CMEV, TISL with the Election Commission. Unstoppable TISL published a series of newspaper advertisements requesting the Buddhist monks to reject the 'Sil Redi' offered to their temples, and most of them complied with the request, while those temples which had already accepted bundles of 'Sil Redi' promptly refrained from distributing them among the devotees until the election was over. That was purely because even those Buddhist monks realized that it was a gross violation of the election law.

Since such activity dangerously confronted the free and fair process of an election, PAFFREL filed a fundamental rights petition in the Supreme Court in April 2015 (SC (FR) 76/15), through which the following three concessions were anticipated:

1. Directing the Attorney General to take legal action against Mr. Lalith Weeratunga and the others involved in the abuse of state authority and the resources of the government during the time of the Presidential Election.

2. Directing the Auditor General to assess the loss to the government due to the said act.

3. Implementing procedures to prevent recurrence of such activities.

While our case was in progress, the Attorney General and the Auditor General agreed to accede to our requests made with regard to the two of them, and as we were informed that legal action against the parties concerned had already been instituted, we decided to withdraw our case. Accordingly, in response to the case filed by the Attorney General in the Supreme Court, a landmark judgment has already been delivered. This, undoubtedly, could be classified as the most admirable judgment of our time in regards to violation of election laws. However, it is deplorable that certain sections of our society are engaged in an effort to extenuate the value of that historic judgment by ignominiously undermining it with a religious garb. Hence, this intervention by PAFFREL.

What were the important issues raised through the judgment during the judiciary process?

1. The fact that Mr Lalith Weeratunga, being the Secretary to the President, was well aware that the Presidential Election was to be held in January 2015, and therefore, if he acted in good faith, he could have distributed 'Sil Redi' before or after the election.

2. Mr. Lalith Weeratunga, being one of the most senior public servants, should have been well aware that an act of any distribution, such as the 'Sil Redi', should not and could not be carried out during an election period.

3. The fact, that the circular of the Election Commissioner relating to the use of state property had been issued on November 22nd, 2014, while the holding of the Presidential Election was declared on November 20th 2014.

4. While having that circular in front of him on his table, on December 05th, 2014, he had obtained Rupees Six Hundred Million belonging to the T.R.C., without the approval of its Governing Board, of which he was the Chairman.

5. When T.R.C. had allocated only Rupees Hundred Million to Social Care Account for that year, and when all such funds had been exhausted, urgently procuring Rupees Six Hundred Million without the Governing Board approval.

In this regard, the Judge had raised the following questions.

1. What necessitated the need to urgently distribute 'Sil Redi', procuring such funds by contravening the rules, and ignoring the circular of the Elections Commissioner?

2. Whether the Buddhists of Sri Lanka observe Sil during a month of January, when 'Sil Redi' were distributed, or in the months of Wesak and Poson?

3. Whether any instances have been recorded when Buddhists of Sri Lanka were not able to observe Sil due to non-availability of 'Sil Redi'?

4. Under such circumstances, what was the necessity to have distributed 'Sil Redi' within the first week of January itself?

5. What were the reasons to have secured those funds with such urgency for a purpose, which had no relevancy to the funds of the T.R.C.?

6. Mr. Lalith Weeratunga was unable to furnish any feasible answer to those issues.

Were these 'Sil Redi' distributed according to a policy of the government?

Although the defense tried to convince the courts that the Sil Redi project was implemented as a project under a policy of the government, the analysis of the Judge queries the urgency for the implementation of such a government project, even if it is covered by a government policy, while ignoring the circular of the Elections commissioner, and without waiting until the funds were voted for the subsequent year, and having obtained funds that were non-existent in the CSR account of the T.R.C. in a matter of a day, and having credited such funds to the account of the Secretary to the President on the very same day, and then to have purchased Sil Redi on that very day.

If the distribution of Sil Redi was done outside the election period, and if the funds were utilized after being approved to the President's Fund, nobody would have gone to courts against Mr, Lalith Weeratunga.

In Sri Lanka, where the majority are Buddhists, is it wrong to distribute Sil Redi?

Subsequent to the delivery of the judgment in this case, an effort was made by some politicians to popularize the view that, in a country where Buddhism has been given priority by the constitution itself, and where the majority are Buddhists, it has become impossible to distribute even Sil Redi to devotees to observe Sil. This is absolutely a misinterpretation of the basis of the judgment to satisfy their political needs. Anyone, even tomorrow, could offer Sil Redi or anything else of his or her choice to our Buddhist devotees, but with his or her own funds. On the contrary, the basis of this judgment was the abuse of state funds, or in other words the taxes paid by the general public, to the tune of Rupees Six Hundred Million to promote the candidate of one political party, by way of distributing Sil Redi during an election period, ignoring the established election laws. Incidentally, such distribution was carried out accompanied by a message from the candidate concerned. In addition, the distribution was done with the hands of the family members and the relatives of the candidate as well as the political party leaders of each area. Here the question arises whether national policies of a country should be implemented by the relatives and the supporters of the Head of the government?

Does this judgment prevent public servants from making decisions in urgent situations?

Certain people are arguing that the judgment in this case will prevent public servants from making decisions in urgent situations such as floods and landslides. This is a diabolical untruth. Government servants are entitled to make any decision within the rules and also based on financial regulations. They must, also, be able to make decisions even outside such rules, if such decisions are fair and reasonable, and are within the limits that could be proved to be in good faith and justifiable. In this instance, the specific issue raised was the case of that good faith and justifiability. What was the urgency to have bought Sil Redi and distributed them in such great hurry, when the funds were not available for such purpose, without waiting for the provisions of the year to follow, and having procured them from an agency meant for some other functions and having ignored the laid down procedures, besides violating the election laws proclaimed by the Commissioner of Elections. This was the crystal clear point discussed without an answer. Mr. Lalith Weeratunga was unable to find any. I have never heard anyone saying that he is a fraud. In an environment, within which he is recognised as a public servant with an unblemished reputation, what he has done was abusing public funds to the value of Rupees Six Hundred Million to cause the victory of his Master, sacrificing all his limitations, which fact he could not justify in anyway in the eyes of the law of this country.

Is this judgment a challenge or a blessing to public servants?

This judgment will never be a reason to take as a challenge or a shock to any public servant, who is honest, efficient and far-sighted. For such officers, this judgment is nor a blessing either. However, this judgment will remain an ideal tool to refuse orders of the politicians for public servants to act against the rules and the financial regulations governing them, in terms of the current politicization found in all spheres of the society. In the recent past, many public servants have opted to refuse to carry out the non-lawful orders of their Ministers. They are those with a backbone and courageous personality. Secretary should be fearless enough to point out the rights and the wrongs of the decisions made by the Minister. That is what they are there for, equipped with adequate responsibility and authority.

One more point to ponder.

The accused in this case may one day be free. They may even become heroes, socially. They may also hold high positions in a new government. But will they be free in their conscience? Think! Were you genuinely interested in helping the devotees with Sil Redi? Or were you helping the Master in his campaign?

A question has to be posed to the political leaders as well, who are destroying the degree of public veneration and social grace enjoyed by the Buddhist monks. They are dragging the monks to their own political mire, by way of trying to cover the Sil Redi business with a Buddhist garb, projecting it to the Buddhist community as a genuine Sil Redi distribution in a Buddhist country.

In the name of whatever sacred religion you follow, think whether you are doing the right thing. Tap your conscience for that, if you are honest.

The final question is, if the present Head of the government also abuses state funds and starts distributing whatever things or help temples with finances or with other means, are you ready to approve it?

Can anyone assure that political leaders will not do so?

- Rohana Hettiarachchi

Three member Commission muddle hearing bond issue thrusts its tail between its legs again !

By Wimal Dheerasekera

(Lanka-e-News - 10.Oct.2017, 11.00PM) The Presidential Treasury bonds Commission which is day by day deteriorating into nothing more than an irresponsible political mudslinging den once again thrust its tail between the legs in shame.

This happened when the evidence of the chairmen of three banks were being heard on the 5 th. The three chairpersons were : Hemasiri Fernando , Roland Fernando and Ashwin De Silva of Peoples bank , Bank of Ceylon and National Savings Bank respectively .When they were questioned about biddings , all three of them said , ex minister Ravi Karunanayake had instructed them to make low bids , and they acted accordingly.

The first question that should be posed by any intelligent individual sans political affiliations in these circumstances should have been : When minister Kabir Hashim is in overall charge of all the banks , why did they adhere to the instructions of Finance minister Ravi Karunanayake and for what reason ? If the responsible chairmen of banks are to follow the orders of a minister who has nothing to do with them , it is a pertinent question , are they going to abide by instructions issued by minister of women’s affairs Chandrani Bandara to make low bids ? Indeed that must have been the question which ought to have been asked immediately by the Commission from the bank chairmen.

Surprisingly , neither ‘Dopey Livera ’nor the presidents of the Commission have asked that question from the bank chiefs. Because of this lapse , and the Commission accepting their revelation , the following day the media splashed “ because Ravi ordered to make low bids – a huge profit was lost” as headline news.

How could Ravi K. give orders to Institutions that do not come within his purview ? Sadly , nobody asked this vital question. Neither did they ask , alright if by low biddings the state banks incurred losses , isn’t that loss of profit , if any going to turn into a profit to the Central bank when it issues treasury bonds during the next round ?

Some have questioned us why Lanka e news does not report about the Bonds Commission ? Some have even scolded us. Our answer to them is , we do not want to waste our limited reporting space on a comical Commission headed for a tragic end. We have already in our previous articles clearly explained and amplified on this. One reason for our view is , no case can be filed on this ad hoc Commission report.

If this report is to be considered to file a case under the Criminal procedure code , the CID must conduct an investigation , and charges against each accused should be individually filed in court , the judges would point out. Judges expressed such a view in respect of a report of a special Presidential Commission. Accordingly , after the conclusion of this inquiry , the CID has to be sought if a case is to be filed. The main reason for this is , though the Commission is that of the president , what it conducts is an inquiry and not an investigation.

It is to be noted an investigation is imperative to file a criminal case. It is the police that have the resources and methodology for that. This Commission without teeth and only with a tongue , and which cannot take even any action when a witness says “ I cannot come and give evidence “, has deteriorated into a political mudslinging den . In the circumstances , after being fully aware of all this ,Lanka e news does not want to waste its time on making reports about this damp squib , which serves no use or purpose.

In fact the Parliamentary COPE committee conducted a more exhaustive and extensive inquiry into the Treasury bonds issue than the three member Commission of the president . The speaker too forwarded its report to the Attorney General (AG) to file action. It is learnt the AG has also instructed the CID and the Bribery Commission to take action .

Therefore it is very clear Maithripala Sirisena appointed another Commission despite it based on his sole and whole objective to malign and sling mud at selected individuals of the UNP that put him on the pedestal of power , through the media channels of Maharaja and other channels for which he has an affinity .

It is our conviction that the presidential Commission is a waste of time and public funds while not serving the purpose it should, going by the following questions that were posed …

It was questioned whether R.K. refers to Ravi Karunanayake or Roo Kantha?

On another occasion it was questioned whether A.M. refers to Arjun Mahendran or Angelo Matthews ?

Except a three member Commission muddle who else will ask such stupid questions ?

Besides , the Government Auditor General appearing before the Commission is another comical scene : His statement that it should be probed whether there is a sure methodology in SL to ascertain the losses which can result to the government owing to the issue of bonds

If there is no methodology , what should be done is , invite experts and explore what is the sure methodology in accordance with their recommendations instead of indulging in mudslinging . Isn’t that the best solution ? Won’t that be the best way to avert such risks and situations in the future too? Presently isn’t it clear such a positive approach is not being taken?

This raises another question . When the Central banks world wide resort only to the system of issuing bonds to secure funds , then why is this ‘circus’ being staged harping on this bond issue that concerns only 60 % shares, which was carried out through private registered broker companies without following a direct issue of bonds, and when it is also known those brokers make a profit ?

I don’t think there is a more befitting description than ‘raving madness on the loose ‘ for this circus of clowns.

By Wimal Dheerasekera

Translated By Jeff

Connected report
Is president honest ? Witch hunt against Ravi is to retain executive presidency ?

---------------------------
by (2017-10-10 18:12:49)

Accounting for 40 years of market reforms

Wednesday, 11 October 2017

The Government recently released its ‘Vision 2025’ manifesto, aiming to revive the momentum of pro-market reforms. Its timing coincided with the 40th anniversary of Sri Lanka’s embrace of deregulation, trade liberalisation and privatisation, well ahead of the rest of South Asia.

This shift from State control of the economy to marketisation was rationalised as the only alternative to overcome the fiscal and political malaise between 1970 and 1977, when the terms of trade turned against the island’s primary commodity exports and youth unemployment stoked social unrest.

The ‘open economy’ that evolved after 1977 is now firmly entrenched and has become ‘common sense’ in mainstream politics. The current coalition between Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s historically right-wing United National Party (UNP) and President Maithripala Sirisena’s faction of the traditionally left-of-centre Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) is but one expression of a larger consensus on the path to development and its terminus.

However, there is stubborn resistance among politicians, bureaucrats, academics and lobbyists to honest accounting for past performance following structural adjustment reforms, even as the advocates of neo-liberalism dogmatically demand their intensification.

Cure worse than disease

Indeed an overview of key economic indicators illuminates how the cure has been worse than the disease.

Growth in gross domestic product has been unspectacular, averaging 4.8% between 1978 and 2009, in comparison to 3.5% between 1971 and 1976. Some of this initial expansion was from massive inflows of grants and soft loans.

A third world country with impressive outcomes in literacy, longevity and social welfare, achieved in an era of modest growth, national capitalism and social democratic ideology, was now hailing the virtues of high growth, foreign investment and free market capitalism. Western donors and multilateral agencies were eager to reward its Government, even when State practice diverged from rhetoric.

Average household income has risen rapidly but so too has the concentration of wealth. Inequality has deepened: the gini coefficient that was 0.35 in 1973, worsened to 0.48 by 2012/13. The richest 20% of households command 52.9% of income, more than the rest combined; while the poorest 20% muster only 4.5%. The bottom 40% of the population survive on under $ 2.50 per day.

Inflation has often runaway into double digits, whereas before 1970 it was under 3%, as the cost of living spirals and household debt escalates.

Negligible value

Manufactured goods have soared in share of exports from 13.4% in 1977 to 77% in 2016; but are dominated by ready-made apparels, which have negligible local value addition.

Industries that profited from textile and clothing quotas, duty-free inputs, tax holidays, free infrastructure, subsidised services and lax environmental and labour regulations, still depend on imports of raw and semi-finished materials. This impedes linkages in the local economy and gobbles net foreign exchange earnings.

Export-oriented industrialisation is promoted as the cure-all for all ills. Its labour force is mostly of women in low waged and highly exploitative conditions; and where unions are not allowed to organise inside and outside the export processing zones.

Employment in this sector has only reached over 470,000 or under 6% of the labour force. This is the same number as those who leave every two years for foreign employment. Economic reforms have failed to create decent and secure jobs.

Declining agriculture

Agriculture has drastically declined in economic share to 7.1% in 2016 from 35.1% in 1970-71; and in export composition to 22.6% in 2016 from 94.6% in 1970-71. Still it matters in livelihoods, as over 70% of the population is rural and as marginally more are employed in agriculture (27.1%), than in industry (26.4%).

There has been limited diversification here too: tea, rubber and coconut predominate, as before 1977. Revenue from tea, plucked mostly by women, has slumped to third-place in export income. In comparison, migrant remittances of mainly women in domestic work in the Middle East amounted to nearly $ 7 billion last year or almost equal to earnings from textiles, tourism and tea combined.

Women’s work is the basis of the monetised and care economy but their labour force participation rate has plateaued at under 36% or less than half that of men.

Food insecurity

Sri Lanka’s main food imports of wheat flour, rice, sugar, milk and milk products and fish and fish products are unchanged. Unsurprisingly demand for food has risen along with population increase and household income.

The rupee is currently trading at Rs. 153 to one US dollar (whereas it was Rs. 8.60 in 1977) but with no corresponding gain in export volumes and earnings. In 2015, income from exports only equalled 55% of the cost of imports, widening further the balance of payments deficit.

Chronic under-investment in food production has intensified dependence on imports and also insecurity as consumers are more exposed to world market price fluctuations. The withdrawal of state support in access to credit, inputs and extension services as well as in direct purchase, storage, transport and distribution has abandoned producers to predatory middlemen, aggravating agrarian distress.

Mounting debt

All regimes have bridged the chasm between income and expenditure with loans. External debt has ballooned to $ 46.6 billion (from under $ 942 million in 1976), diverting resources from public spending to debt-servicing.

Foreign Direct Investment last year was only $ 898 million, whereas foreign loans totalled $ 1.287 billion. This has been the pattern throughout despite generous incentives to private capital and wage repression in the export sector.

Often, Sri Lanka’s disastrous internal war between 1983 and 2009 is blamed for its sluggish economic performance. In fact its economic impact was diffuse, as export production of goods and crops was outside the conflict zone. Rather it was during the southern youth insurrection of 1987-1989 – itself a reaction to conspicuous inequalities post-liberalisation – that the economy took its worst battering until 2001.

Market fundamentalism

The ‘Vision 2025’ promise of “inclusive and equitable growth and development” is deceitful. It recycles the same market fundamentalist ideology that was supposed to answer the worries of the economy. Instead, 40 years later it is apparent, to those who wish to see, that economic fundamentals are frailer and not stronger than before.

Growth is modest and its fruits are reaped by a minority. Inflation has not been kept under control and reached 7.9% in August, eroding the purchasing power of consumers. Industrialisation has failed to take-off and propel local manufacturing that could expand the home market and save on foreign exchange outflows. Agriculture is disregarded as a means to rural wellbeing and food security, but intended only to cultivate what cannot be eaten.

There was, and is, no deluge of inward foreign direct investment to stimulate production and employment. The debt mountain grows without remorse condemning future generations to live fearfully in its shadow. Gender norms that discriminate against women, including in their entry and equitable participation in the labour force, have not been substantially eroded within the ‘open economy’. Indeed, the withdrawal of social welfare provisioning, and the decline of stable employment, has only intensified the burden heaped upon women.

The development model followed by successive regimes since 1977 has failed. Is it not past overdue to find one that works for the many, and not the few?

[The writer is with the Social Scientists’ Association (SSA). A shorter version appeared in The Hindu on 4 October.]

Alleged Bond Scam: Will mandate of PCoI be allowed to lapse without key witnesses?

2017-10-11

Will the mandate of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) into the Alleged Central Bank Bond scam be allowed to lapse without key witnesses being called?

This is arguably one of the largest financial scams to have taken place in the post-independence history of Sri Lanka. For sheer impunity and involvement of powerful politicians in collusion with a section of the corporate sector and regulatory authorities it is hard to beat.

(Whether the muted response of the opposition has anything to do with former Central Bank Governor, Arjuna Mahendran’s stint as Chief Investment Executive at Dubai Emirates NBD Bank could be interesting to know).

Some Key witnesses not yet summoned by (PCoI) to clarify matters
Rosy was not a COPE member after 2015 parliamentary polls
PM hand-picked Arjuna Mahendran, a foreign national to head CBSL
PCoI did a commendable job bringing some alleged scams to light

The Presidential Secretariat attributes the objective of the PCoI to President Sirisena stating: “to give the utmost punishment to those who are guilty of offences”
(http://www.presidentsoffice.gov.lk/?p=3778)

If the people of Sri Lanka are serious about good governance, should they not hold him accountable to this commitment? To be fair by the Presidential Commission, it must be flagged they have done a commendable job to bring some of the machinations of these alleged scams to the notice of the general public. This has whet their appetite to get to the bottom of these scams by identifying the key personnel involved.

Although Dr. Harsha de Silva was summoned by the PCoI in June this year, there has not been much information in the public domain whether he was adequately questioned on ‘footnotes’ saga

At the same time the (PCoI) to use a cricketing parlance has dropped sitters (straightforward catches) which include for example:

1) Failure to ask the Chairman, Bank of Ceylon when he was a witness last week (i) what made the BoC give Perpetual Treasuries Ltd., (PTL) facilities for billions of rupees virtually over the counter just prior to a Bond auction? (ii) why the BoC with a primary dealer license bought Treasury Bonds in the secondary market from PTL? (iii) why the BoC Chairman attended a meeting relating to bidding at the Bond auction said to have been convened by the then Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake when state banks came under the purview of another Minister - Kabir Hashim in circumstances where Karunanayake had no authority over State Banks?

The same holds true to the Chairmen of People’s Bank and NSB in relation to the said meeting.
2) Although it was reported that Dr. Harsha de Silva was summoned by the PCoI in June this year, there has not been much information in the public domain whether he was adequately questioned on his role on the controversial ‘footnotes’ saga in the alleged Treasury Bond scam. He is Deputy Minister, Ministry of National Policies and Economic Affairs where the Prime Minister is the Minister in charge.

‘The Sunday Times’ of October 30, 2016 reports:“As is clear, the thrust of these footnotes is to make clear that Mahendran has not been responsible of any impropriety.

The UNP is confident that it can, through the documentation Deputy Minister Harsha de Silva has received, prove its case that its man Arjuna Mahendran is not to blame.”

(http://www.sundaytimes.lk/161030/columns/the-dramatic-bond-issue-how-cope-went-beyond-bioscope-215374.html)

Key Witnesses

I am glad to note at the time of penning this piece that ministers Malik Samarawickrama and Kabir Hashim said to have been present at the INITIAL meeting in 2015 on the issuance of Treasury Bonds have been summoned as witnesses by the PCoI. At this time Malik Samarawickrama who did not hold ministerial portfolio was Chairman of the UNP, Minister Kabir Hashim was UNP General Secretary and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe – UNP leader.

This is one of the largest financial scams to have taken place in the post-independence history. For sheer impunity and involvement of powerful politicians in collusion with a section of the corporate sector and regulatory authorities it is hard to beat

The following Key witnesses and others not yet summoned by the (PCoI) must be given the opportunity to clarify matters in the interest of their good name:
1) R. Paskaralingam - Advisor to the Ministry of National Policies and Economic Affairs (Ministry held by PM Wickremesinghe) is said to have been present at the meeting convened by then Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake with Chairmen of State Banks (BoC, PB, NSB) relating to bidding at the Bond auction.
2) Rosy Senanayake, in connection with the allegation at the PCoI that COPE documents relating to PTL CEO Kasun Palisena’s testimony was given to ‘PTL owner’ Arjun Aloysius by “Rosy’s son” identified as “Kanishka Senanayake”.
This has been denied by Ms. Senanayake on the grounds she was not a COPE member after the August 2015 parliamentary elections. Does not the question arise whether in her capacity as ‘Deputy Chief of Staff’ in Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe’s ‘core team’ she would have access to COPE reports? Although requested, she has still not clarified this position.

It was also alleged at the PCoI that Saman Kumara, the then dealer for the EPF at the CBSL had received a personal loan of Rs. 25 million from PABC when Nimal Perera was Chairman

3) Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe (i) who hand-picked Arjuna Mahendran, a foreign national in whom he had the fullest confidence to be Governor – Central Bank of Sri Lanka and who he even endorsed for a second term (ii) the CBSL the issuing agency for Treasury Bonds falling under the purview of the Prime Minister (iii) who was fully confident on the propriety of the issuance of Bonds which he robustly defended in Parliament which is at variance with the other evidence presented before the PCoI .
4) Nimal Perera - former Chairman of Pan Asia Banking Corporation (PABC) said to have made the decision for PABC to act as the intermediary in secondary market transactions between PTL and EPF.
It was also alleged at the PCoI that Saman Kumara, the then dealer for the EPF at the CBSL had received a personal loan of Rs. 25 million from PABC when Nimal Perera was Chairman. It is relevant to ascertain whether this loan and its settlement (if any) took place in the ordinary course of banking practice or whether any special privileges were afforded.
Should this not be of interest to the Central Bank’s ‘Bank Supervision Department’ as well?

The PM who hand-picked Arjuna Mahendran, a foreign national in whom he had the fullest confidence to be Governor – Central Bank of Sri Lanka and who he even endorsed for a second term

(http://www.dailymirror.lk/132603/EPF-officer-who-dealt-with-PTL-interdicted )
5) The Chairmen of state financial institutions - Bank of Ceylon (Ronald Perera), National Savings Bank (Aswin de Silva) and Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation (Hemaka Amarasuriya) in the context of these institutions with primary dealer licenses purchasing Treasury Bonds in the secondary market from PTL.

Conclusion

More crucial than President Sirisena’s objective “to give the utmost punishment to those who are guilty of offences” is quantifying the losses to the people of Sri Lanka and its immediate return.
The sooner this issue is put to rest the better. The country seems obsessed with this alleged scam while placing other instances of alleged corruption also under the Rajapaksa presidency and issues of governance on the back burner.

Namal and five others, remanded till Oct. 16

Raja Waidyasekera-Tissamaharama Group Corr-Wednesday, October 11, 2017

Six persons including Parliamentarians Namal Rajapaksa, D.V.Chanaka and Prasanna Ranaweera were arrested yesterday on several charges including violating a court ruling, damaging public properties, and obstructing the duties of Police officials.

The six suspects were produced before the Hambantota Magistrate last night and remanded until October 16.

They were informed to be present at the Hambantota Police station to obtain a statement in connection with the protest that was held on October 6.

The protest held in Hambantota was against a proposed joint development venture by the government with overseas stakeholders from China and India to develop the Mattala International Airport and the Hambantota Port.

The protest was held in Hambatota on Octomber 6 despite a Restraining Order issued by the Hambantota Magistrate against it.

Police dispersed the protest as the protestors attempted to enter the Indian Consulate by force. Three Provincial Councilors, Upali Kodikara, Sampath Athukorala and Ajith Prasanna are also among those arrested yesterday.

Who is Dr. Champika providing ‘Royal’ comforts to Kudu Duminda in prison?

Kickbacks collected exceed billions of rupees !

(Lanka-e-News - 10.Oct.2017, 11.00PM) Even after the minister of health Rajitha Senaratne fastened the blame on the prison officials and took action against providing ‘Royal comfort’ to prisoners in the prison’s ‘blackened rest house’ (prison hospital) run by some unscrupulous doctors, yet again owing to the lure of filthy lucre amounting to millions , these low bred doctors after diagnosing notorious murderer Duminda Silva as having a serious eye ailment , have allowed him to continue enjoying his ‘Royal comforts and luxuries ‘ in the prison hospital.

Following Lanka e news report on the 6 th captioned “Expose` -Criminals Duminda Silva , Major Tissa, Vaas and Sarana still enjoying ‘Royal’ comforts in prison – Rule of law is impotent !!” the minister whose attention was drawn to this exposure , has phoned the new chief medical officer Dr. Jagath Malwatte who was appointed to the prison hospital , and found fault with him. Rajitha who roundly berated him had said ‘ now you all have also resumed the same activities of the former group’ . The minister has then via another group of doctors collected the actual data and health condition of these special pampered prisoners , when it was discovered that the ‘special prisoner’ , Arumadura Lorenz Romelo Duminda Silva alias ‘Kudu Dumiya’ who is now in the death row in connection with the murder of Baratha Lakshman and four others is not suffering from any illness whatsoever .

Hereunder is a recap of the recent incidents pertaining to prison ‘s ‘blackened rest house’

After the appointment of the new doctors on the 28 th of September , Kudu Duminda was discharged from prison hospital because he had no sicknesses ,and placed in the prison cell. However after a sister of Duminda arrived at the prison and negotiated an illicit ‘deal’ , that same night on the grounds that Duminda was experiencing breathing difficulties and having a headache was transferred back to prison hospital.

Yet what was prescribed for him was just paracetamol tablets .Duminda who was taking paracetamol tabs for 3 days while eating ‘buriyani ‘ from home and enjoying luxurious comforts in the prison hospital was again discharged from prison hospital and placed in prison cell on Oct .2 nd following a discussion among doctors with regard to Kudu Dumiya.

However , the newly appointed chief medical officer Jagath Malwatte had suddenly arrived and said, Duminda’s eye sight is impaired and written a prescription. But what was prescribed was diclofenac sodium . That is a drug that can be obtained from any pharmacy , and is similar to paracetomol . It is an analgesic for ordinary pains .

Unbelievably , until the 7 th when the minister found fault over these prison hospital rackets , Dumiya was enjoying ‘Royal comforts ‘ in the prison ‘s ‘blackened rest house’ for pampered prisoners , and was only taking the simple drug noted in the previous paragraph, and no other medication.

Strangely , on the 6 th when the routine eye clinic was conducted at the prison hospital , Duminda did not attend the clinic citing the ground the eye ailment is cured.

After the doctors came under heavy fire of the minister on the 7 th, the group of three doctors who examined Duminda decided the latter has no ailments. Based on that Duminda was again discharged from the hospital , and transferred to his cell.

At the same time another doctor had arrived . Her name is Champika , a bosom pal of NirmaliThenuwara a most notorious ex medical chief of the prison hospital . Dr. Champika is a close friend of Duminda’s family too as well as a distant relative.

After the three doctors had confirmed Duminda has no illnesses ,Champika after making a new bed report stated Duminda ‘s eyesight is weak , and he shall be sent to Colombo eye hospital on the 9 th .

Based on that ,Duminda has been admitted in the interim to prison hospital – the blackened rest house .

Bribes to doctors exceedRs. 10 million each !

When Lanka e news probed into why these doctors are tumbling over each other to help Dumindawhile resorting to all the subterfuges , it was discovered each doctor was paid a bribe of over Rs. I million on account of Duminda’s latest eye disease bluff.

Not only one or two new doctors of the prison hospital , even a doctor of the eye hospital has now been roped in , and it is learnt that the Colombo eye hospital doctor is earnestly looking forward to Duminda Silva’s visit . All preparations have now been made to provide indoor treatment at the Colombo eye hospital .

Lanka e news however wishes to assert , these exposures are being made by it not because we have no human feelings and are against medical treatment being provided to patients. On the contrary ,these exposures are being made in the best interests of the country because a most cruel robust convict ( not just a suspect) who committed daylight murder killing ‘Lucky aiya ‘ in the ruthless multiple murder ( four others too died on the spot ) is being provided with all the comforts and luxuries unfairly , unjustly and unlawfully within prison under the pretext that he is suffering from sicknesses with the connivance and collusion of some rascally doctors whose gaze are fixed solely and wholly on filthy lucre.

It seems owing to this corrupt and venal mafia, one health minister is not adequate to root out these pariahs who are showing sympathy to criminals driven by the inordinate love for illicit earnings - over many millions of rupees received by them as kickbacks to help a ruthless murderer who rendered destitute five families on account of the multiple murder crime for which he is convicted and in the death row. Seemingly , one face, two eyes and two hands of the minister are insufficient to drive out these devil incarnates posing as doctors .

It is a pertinent question whether it was only the multi armed deities who could cleanse this Island of these pariahs .

Connected report ..
“Expose` -Criminals DumindaSilva , Major Tissa, Vaas and Sarana still enjoying ‘Royal’comforts in prison – Rule of law is impotent !!”

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by (2017-10-10 18:23:59)

Israel turns bus into torture chamber

Israeli occupation forces arrest a Palestinian worshipper at al-Aqsa mosque on 27 July.ActiveStills

Shahrazad Odeh- 10 October 2017

Jerusalem’s al-Asqa mosque – one of Islam’s holiest sites – received much attention during the summer when Israel blocked Palestinian worshippers from entering it.
Some incidents of Israeli brutality around that period nonetheless went unreported by international media.

Through my work as a lawyer with the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel, I gathered testimony from victims of one such incident.
On 27 July, Israeli police raided the al-Aqsa compound at around 10pm. That was shortly after Israeli authorities had removed the metal detectors and cameras they had placed at the entrance to the compound.

The raid, not the first at al-Aqsa that day, was perceived as police exacting revenge on Palestinians who had successfully resisted the restrictions on access to the mosque with two weeks of civil disobedience.

Moments after calling on everyone to evacuate the mosque, police officers fired rubber bullets at the unarmed worshippers, injuring several. About 120 Palestinians were rounded up, none of whom resisted arrest.

A Palestinian medical team had been providing aid to a worshipper in the mosque before the raid occurred. Members of the team found themselves helping the raid’s victims, including a man who was injured by a sponge-tipped bullet.

One of the medical team testified that a senior Israeli police officer known as Shlomi “walked towards us and told his troops: ‘They’re not paramedics, they are all liars, take their vests and fuck them up.’”

The police stripped the medical staff of their uniforms, clumped them together with the worshippers and forced them into a corner with their hands raised in the air.

The police then forced all the detainees to the ground. Many were beaten by police wearing padded gloves and wielding batons.

Shackled

The detainees had their hands tied behind their backs with plastic cables. Shackled and helpless, the detainees were forced to sit on their knees, with some being ordered to bow their heads between their legs.

“They pointed at me, I walked over towards them, a police woman grabbed me by my hands, while another police officer kicked me from behind, and I fell to the ground,” one detainee said.

“They held my hands behind my back and one of them jumped above me, stepped on my hip, pulled my hands further back, and handcuffed me. I told him, ‘It’s very tight, I’m only a human.’ The officer said, ‘Is this tight?’ and tightened the plastic cuffs until I bled.”

The detainees were split into two groups and forced to walk barefoot out of the mosque to the Moroccan Gate – an entrance to Jerusalem’s Old City.

Some were forced to walk with their heads facing down; others were forced to bow at a 90 degree angle while walking. At the gate, some were forced onto their knees again while others were given a full body search.
All this took place as Israeli onlookers mocked, filmed and photographed the detainees.

The first group of detainees was transferred onto police vehicles. The second group, about 100 detainees, was forced onto a low floor bus run by the Israeli public transport firm Egged.

Once they were loaded onto the bus, the detainees were forced to sit with their hands behind their backs. One young man said that there was an initial sense of relief “that I was finally seated on a chair, because my feet were killing me from the beating, being stepped on by police officers, and walking barefoot during the arrest. I wasn’t able to move, my feet were swollen.”

The young man quickly added that he was “wrong to feel at ease.” He was promptly told to bow his head between his knees.

“My back was cracking”

While in that position, police officers threw another detainee on his back and those of the three detainees placed beside him. Another three detainees were then piled on top of them, forming a kind of human pyramid.

“They threw a heavy person on the four of us,” the man said. “I felt my back was cracking.”
Other detainees were made to open their legs so that two detainees could be placed on each leg. In some cases, a further detainee was placed lying the floor between fellow detainees’ legs and facing their genitals.

The remainder of the detainees was forced to sit on the floor of the bus’ corridor.

The level of police aggression was such that detainees feared for their lives.

“I saw death in their [the police’s] eyes,” said one young man.

“I don’t get scared easily,” said another man, aged 22. “But that night, I was sure they came to kill us, all of us. I was so afraid that I almost urinated in my pants.”

Testimonies of these young men and some others formed the basis of a complaint made by the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel on behalf of 10 Palestinians placed on that bus. The complaint was filed with Israel’s police investigation unit in late August.

The bus carrying the detainees was brought to the Russian Compound, an interrogation center synonymous with torture.

Assault

Some detainees alleged further police violence against them at the center. A teenage boy, who was visibly in pain, was among those assaulted there.

Most of the detainees were released from the Russian Compound after an hour or so. Others, though, were not released until the following day.

Each member of the group held until the next day was shackled to another man throughout his detention. They had to accompany each other even when using the toilets.

The men who were shackled together had to sleep on the floor.

One of the detainees was struck in the head by police during the raid. Even though he was visibly bleeding, he was not provided with any medical attention until after his detention – when he was brought away in an ambulance.

The detainees with whom I spoke all reported of swelling in the wrists and of bleeding as a result of the tight restraints placed on them.

This incident was not the first time that Israel has commandeered public transport vehicles for military or policing operations.

In 1992, Israel used Egged buses to deport more than 400 Palestinians – blindfolded – from the occupied West Bank and Gaza to southern Lebanon.

The misuse of buses by Israel’s forces of occupation is symptomatic of a bigger issue. Since its establishment, Israel has deliberately seized public or civilian property and transformed it into closed military zones. Designating large tracts of the West Bank in that way has allowed Israel to expand its settlements.

Israel refuses to separate military and civilian life. The Israeli army runs bases and offices in universities; soldiers carry weapons on public transport.

By penetrating into almost every aspect of Palestinian life, Israel has been able to raid places of worship with impunity. Buses have been turned into prison cells.

Sharazad Odeh is a Palestinian human rights lawyer and a researcher on law and gender. She works as a staff attorney with Kayan Feminist Organization and holds various research roles at Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Kenya: Raila Odinga withdraws from election rerun

Raila Odinga’s legal challenge led the supreme court to nullify the 8 August election won by Uhuru Kenyatta. Photograph: Simon Maina/AFP/Getty Images

Jason BurkeAfrica correspondent-Tuesday 10 October 2017

Opposition leader makes surprise announcement prior to new supreme court-ordered presidential vote
Kenya’s opposition has said it will boycott a presidential election rerun that is due in less than two weeks, throwing the east African state into a full-blown political crisis.

The new poll was ordered by the country’s supreme court after the opposition challenged the results of elections in August, which gave the incumbent, Uhuru Kenyatta, a second presidential term by nine percentage points.

Raila Odinga, the leader of the National Super Alliance (NASA), told reporters in Nairobi on Tuesday that there was no prospect of a credible election and that he was therefore forced to withdraw from the new poll, set for 26 October.

Odinga’s move comes after a series of opposition protests were aimed at forcing the government into concessions. On Monday, police dispersed an opposition demonstration in Nairobi with teargas.

“We are now looking at a period of prolonged crisis … a very ugly standoff, which will see increasing protests from the opposition that are likely to be met by a brutal response from the police,” said Murithi Mutiga, an analyst with the International Crisis Group in Nairobi.

Among the reforms Odinga had demanded were the replacement of suppliers of equipment used to transmit election results and the replacement of electoral officials the opposition claimed were complicit in electoral fraud.

The threatened boycott risks serious consequences for east Africa’s biggest economy, which has already been hit by the ongoing political turmoil, and will also raise fears of violence. More than 30 people died in protests after the August poll, many shot by police.

At a press conference on Tuesday, Odinga said his party had “come to the conclusion that there is no intention on the part of the [electoral commission] to undertake any changes to its operations and personnel to ensure that the illegalities and irregularities that led to the invalidation of 8 August do not happen again.”

“All indications are that the election scheduled for 26 October will be worse than the previous one,” the 72-year-old politician said.

The August poll was annulled by judges concerned by procedural failures and a lack of transparency, which they said rendered the result invalid.

Odinga, who has been defeated in two previous runs for president, called on supporters to protest on Wednesday, using the slogan “no reform, no elections”.

A series of election observers and western officials called on the losers in the August polls to accept defeat, and said they had found no evidence of “centralised manipulation”.

But opposition officials described the election results as a fraud and claimed that Odinga was the legitimate winner.

Odinga claimed the electronic voting results were hacked and manipulated in favour of the incumbent. Judges voted 4-2 to cancel the polls.

It was the first time a court had overturned the results of a presidential election in Africa and surprised many observers.

However, the fallout could be damaging to Kenya, which has a history of disputed elections and political violence.

Odinga’s claims of rigging after defeat in 2007 elections prompted rioting and retaliation by security forces, which tipped the country into its worst crisis for decades. About 1,200 people were killed in the campaign of ethnic violence that followed. He also claimed the 2013 poll was rigged.

Kenyatta, 55, expressed regret about the court’s judgment, but said he respected it, calling for “peace, peace, peace” in a televised address shortly after the decision was announced.

Rhetoric on both sides has hardened in recent weeks, however.

NASA officials told the Guardian the opposition could prevent any vote going ahead by blockading polling stations.

“The atmosphere is very febrile and polarised. The political elite had an opportunity to entrench Kenyan democracy but have been extremely irresponsible in taking hardline positions that make a compromise, however necessary, a dim prospect,” said Mutiga.

Some observers see the ongoing political battles as the final acts of a dynastic rivalry between the families of Kenyatta and Odinga that has lasted more than half a century.

The candidates’ fathers, Jomo Kenyatta and Jaramogi Odinga, having been allies in the struggle for independence from Britain, later became bitter rivals.

Kenyatta is from the Kikuyu, Kenya’s largest ethnic community, and Odinga from the Luo, which has long felt marginalised. Though many other factors influence voting patterns, ethnicity is still a key determinant of political loyalty in Kenya.

Trump proposes ‘IQ tests’ faceoff with Tillerson after secretary of state calls him a ‘moron’

Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, right, listens as President Trump speaks at a luncheon during the U.N. General Assembly on Sept. 21 in New York. (Evan Vucci/AP)

By Philip Rucker October 10 at 2:56 PM

President Trump proposed an “IQ tests” faceoff with Secretary of State Rex Tillerson after the nation's top diplomat reportedly called the president a “moron” and disparaged his grasp of foreign policy.

In an interview with Forbes magazine published Tuesday, Trump fired a shot at Tillerson over the “moron” revelation, first reported by NBC News and confirmed by several other news organizations, including The Washington Post.

“I think it's fake news,” Trump said, “but if he did that, I guess we'll have to compare IQ tests. And I can tell you who is going to win.”

Trump met for lunch Tuesday with Tillerson and Defense Secretary Jim Mattis in the president's private dining room at the White House. Shortly before the lunch, a reporter asked Trump whether he had undercut Tillerson with his comments to Forbes.

“No, I didn't undercut anybody. I don't believe in undercutting people,” Trump said during a brief media appearance in the Oval Office, as he sat beside former secretary of state Henry Kissinger during a meeting to discuss foreign affairs.

When a reporter asked Trump whether he has confidence in Tillerson as his secretary of state, the president replied, “Yes.”

White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders later said that Trump's “IQ tests” comment to Forbes was “a joke and nothing more than that.”

“The president certainly never implied that the secretary of state was not incredibly intelligent,” Sanders said in Tuesday afternoon's news briefing. She added that Trump has "100 percent confidence” in Tillerson, characterized their lunch as “a great visit” and admonished reporters for taking the president's comment so seriously. “Maybe you guys should get a sense of humor and try it sometime,” Sanders said.

Trump's “IQ tests” challenge is the latest evidence of what White House officials have described as a breach of trust between the president and the secretary of state.

[‘Death spiral’: Tillerson makes nice but may not last long with Trump]

Reporters asked Trump over the weekend about his relationship with Tillerson.

“We have a very good relationship,” Trump said Saturday. “We disagree on a couple of things. Sometimes I'd like him to be a little bit tougher. But other than that, we have a very good relationship.”

President Trump said Oct. 7 that he has a good relationship with Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. Trump also said his White House Chief of Staff John Kelly is "one of the best people" he has ever worked with. (Reuters)

In the Forbes interview, for the magazine's cover story under the headline “Inside Trump's Head,” the president teases upcoming economic-development legislation “nobody knows about” that would penalize companies that move operations overseas, and offer incentives for those that stay in the United States.

Trump previewed what he called “an economic-development bill, which I think will be fantastic. Which nobody knows about. Which you are hearing about for the first time.” The president said the policy is “both a carrot and a stick.”

Trump also told Forbes that he has purposefully not filled many jobs throughout the federal government, including at the State Department, where many of the top positions remain vacant.
“I'm generally not going to make a lot of the appointments that would normally be — because you don't need them,” Trump said. “I mean, you look at some of these agencies, how massive they are, and it's totally unnecessary. They have hundreds of thousands of people.”