Sunday, October 1, 2017

‘If the South cannot provide protection, food and water to the refugees , send them to the North , we shall look after’ –Sivajilingam

(Lanka-e-News - 01.Oct.2017, 6.00PM) If the people of South haven’t the capacity to provide protection ,food and water to the refugees from Rohingya who have arrived in Sri Lanka , they shall be immediately sent to the North , Northern provincial council member M.K. Sivajilingam said .

Not only the present refugees even in the future , if refugees do come to this country for any reason , the residents of the north are capable of looking after them , the P.C. member asserted.

Sivajilingam pointed out for some reason when a group is in desperation and destitution , to show discrimination on grounds of race and religion, and act wickedly towards them is most unjust and unfair. If only the people of the South had acted according to true Buddhist tenets , they could have come to the rescue of those refugees , he noted.

During the North East war , most countries where there were no Tamil people or Hindu priests , provided not only protection but even every facilities to the Tamil refugees . Those countries even gave them citizenship , Sivajilingam pinpointed.

Hence , when any group comes into this country from another as refugees , they must be provided relief on humanitarian grounds , he further emphatically stated.

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by (2017-10-01 12:38:29)

Analysis of SL’s drop in global competitiveness ranking

Monday, 2 October 2017

‘Sri Lanka cannot become a hub by building infrastructure alone, liberal trade and investment policies are key” – Dr. Saman Kelegama
From the first email sent in 1971 to the celebration of 10 years of the iPhone today, we all live in the fourth industrial revolution. Many nations need to compete with different sets of strengths and sophistication.

Analysis of SL’s drop in global competitiveness ranking.docx by Thavam Ratna on Scribd

Enslavement and abuse of children, right under our nose

(Left) Sandun being taken to hospital and Children playing at ‘Diyatha Uyana,’ Battaramulla to celebrate World Children’s Day. Pictures by C.K.Wickrema, Galaha Group Correspondent and Shan Rupassara

C.K.Wickrema-Galaha Group Correspondent-Monday, October 2, 2017

At a time when the rest of the world and children in Sri Lanka were merrymaking and celebrating Children’s Day, poor little Sandun (Pictured here on Left) was just glad to have been found and rescued.

The Galaha Police had been tipped-off of a boy who was abused by his brothers in Madakakila, Deltota.

The police eventually traced the house on hearing the screams and cries of Sandun. Sandun who was constantly abused by his two brothers and a sister-in-law was found with logs tied to his feet, broken bones and infected injuries.

It was revealed that his father had passed away and since his mother was overseas, he was under the care of his two brothers. One of his brothers is a 24-year-old father of two. Sandun had studied up to Grade 3 after which he had come to live with his brothers, which is when the abuse began.

Sandun had multiple fractures in both his arms and legs. His brothers who physically abused him had tied logs to his feet, so he wouldn’t move. His injuries had been infected but he was never given any medication.

Such is the situation of some children in Sri Lanka who are far from sight and mind. Let’s strive to make Sri Lanka a safer place for children, not just on Children’s Day but every day.

Riskless Capitalism in the Billionaire Raj

The Sri Lankan establishment is full of stories about the economic success of India. There has also been a push to connect Sri Lanka’s economy to such a “shining India” through further trade liberalisation, particularly the Economic and Technological Cooperation Agreement. In this context, how do we evaluate India’s political economy?

2017-10-02

I have been arguing for some time that the Indian media and academia have a skewed understanding of Sri Lanka. The debacle of Indian intervention in Sri Lanka in the 1980s and the recent geopolitics of India and China’s competing strategic interests in the region, have contributed to most Indian analysis of Sri Lanka, limiting to issues of security. Indeed, there is a dearth of in-depth Indian study and commentary on the political economy of Sri Lanka.
This was not always the case, Jawaharlal Nehru University scholars such as Urmila Phadnis for

example, sought to understand religion and politics in Sri Lanka, and put forward a critical analysis of Indo-Lanka relations in the 1970s and 1980s. However, in recent times, Indian discourse seems to be only concerned about Colombo’s proximity to itself, vis-à-vis to China and the West. Alternatively, the predicament in the war-torn North has provided room for opportunistic political campaigns in Tamil Nadu and sensationalised writings on war-time suffering. A comprehensive perspective of the social, economic and political challenges facing the war-torn population rarely figures in such commentary.
While I have been critical of such Indian discourse, I am also aware that on this side of the Palk Strait, we hardly analyse the political economy of India. Rarely do we discuss the political conflicts and the political changes, be it the conflicts in Kashmir, Chhattisgarh or the North-East, or for that matter the apparent rise of ‘Hindutva’, an ideology of Hindu supremacy, in India. We are even less aware of the tremendous economic changes in India over the last three decades.

Important Research

In this piece, I want to introduce two important research papers published in recent months on the political economy of India. The first paper is: ‘Riskless Capitalism’ in India: Bank Credit and Economic Activity by Azad, Bose and Dasgupta published in the Economic and Political Weekly, 5 August 2017, which analyses the contemporary crisis prone dynamics in the Indian economy. The second paper is: Indian Income Inequality, 1922-2014: From British Raj to Billionaire Raj? by Chancel and Piketty published as Wealth and Income Database Working Paper, July 2017, which addresses the tremendous rise in inequality following liberalisation in India.

Both the papers draw upon evidence from extensive research. The first looks into the dynamics of the contemporary Indian economy and hidden characteristics behind its high growth, and the other based on historical data on incomes and wealth spanning close to a century. Such research nevertheless has been condensed into simple but powerful arguments about flawed state policies. The analysis in these papers not only helps those seeking economic changes in India, but also provides crucial lessons for policy makers around the world. The findings are also relevant to people’s movements that are trying to build economic democracy in different countries.

Financing Bubbles

The concept “riskless capitalism” was in fact coined by the former Governor of the Reserve Bank of India (India’s Central Bank) Raguram Rajan in 2014, and it referred to how the public sector banks (PSBs) had to take much of the risk, getting none of the returns in good times and absorbing much of losses in bad times. The Indian state encouraged this model, where private banks and the corporate sector enjoyed “riskless capitalism” at the cost of the public.

Azad et al took that argument further in looking at the Indian economy since liberalisation beginning in the mid-1980s and accelerating after 1991. Their critique of the recent economic boom in India is significant:
“Our findings suggest that while trade and financial opening up may have triggered faster growth almost a decade after the initiation of reforms, a crucial role was played by the state in sustaining the first boom of the 2000s and prolonging the boom beyond the 2007-08 global economic crisis. A credit bubble was generated through the PSBs, complemented by external debt finance, particularly in the infrastructure sector. The bubble eventually burst in 2011-12, resulting in a severe loan crisis engulfing the banking system.”
The state of affairs is not very different in Sri Lanka. In fact, the Rajapaksa regime also propelled such an economic boom, including by encouraging state-owned banks such as the Bank of Ceylon and the National Savings Bank to float massive dollar-denominated corporate bonds above US$ 500 million each. They have to be paid back with extremely high interest rates in 2018, and are likely to be a huge strain on the banking sector. The current government with its thrust for an international financial centre has not necessarily shifted from such a strategy. Rather, they are projecting, with great confidence, Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) as the remedy for all that ails our economy.
According to Azad et al, a strategy of promoting PPPs for infrastructure development was taken forward in the 2000s in India as well. But in reality, much of the credit and the risk that entails such PPPs was borne by the PSBs. In fact, according to one review, 68% of PPP projects were financed by debt, of which 82% of the financing came from PSBs. Thus, a larger share of the PPP projects were ultimately financed by the state. The researchers end their paper with the question: “why is the state choosing to provide subsidies to corporates rather than itself undertaking those investments?”

Inequality

Chancel and Piketty, with their recent paper on inequality in India, building on Piketty’s magnum opus Capital in the 21st Century, have sparked another powerful debate in recent weeks. Their research has illustrated the ups and downs in inequality in India, based on income tax data published from 1922. Given that many of the public debates in India have been on macroeconomic impacts and poverty, this paper brought the question of inequality into sharp focus.
Their findings are very worrying. While income inequality decreased during the late colonial period

coinciding with the Great Depression and World War, and further decreased during the decades after Indian Independence, in recent decades with liberalisation, income inequality has greatly increased and now at the highest level.
Even the share of national income that the middle classes, particularly the middle 40% of the population, and certainly the bottom 50% of the population, has decreased drastically after liberalisation.
Drawing from their paper then, inequality in India just before liberalisation in 1982-83 and the most recent data in 2013-14 illustrates the following. The top 0.01% of population’s share of national income has gone from 0.4% to 3.8%, for the top 0.1% of population from 1.7% to 8.6%, and top 1% of population from 6.2% to 21.7%. On the other hand, the middle 40% of population’s national income share went from 46% to 29.6% and the bottom 50% share went from 23.6% to 14.9%. Clearly, the recent period - that some characterise as “shining India” - has only led to the concentration of national wealth within the elite.

Lessons for Sri Lanka

There is a powerful neo-liberal discourse in Sri Lanka calling for greater integration of our economy with that of India and China, the two major powers in the region. I have in previous columns discussed the implications of trade liberalisation with such powers; both for our economy and our workers, whose bargaining power will decrease. The pertinent question here is whether connecting our small economy to such giant economies might lead to a similar dynamic here, of bubble-induced crises and sharpening inequalities.
At a minimum, the recent evidence from India should prompt us to pursue a different economic trajectory–to one that is not centred on financialisation and liberalisation, but one that ensures greater redistribution of wealth through progressive taxation and a role for the state in meaningful infrastructure and production.
That would be the only way forward if we want to avoid the impact of a crises that transfers the burden on the public, thereby drastically widening the inequalities in our society. It is also high time for us to start paying attention to inequality in Sri Lanka, particularly the economic dynamics leading to rising inequalities since the open economic reforms of 1977. That may also give the state and its policy makers a clue about why there is mass discontent, growing instances of protests and trade union struggles in Sri Lanka.

Do we really need a Foreign Policy?

Foreign Policy is an extension of National Policy and National Interest

by Sarath Wijesinghe-Sep 29, 2017

( September 29, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Foreign policy of a country is a set of rules that seems to outline the behaviour of a particular country and how it interacts/reacts with other countries and international organisations. This is mainly depending on internal/ external political and the global economic and political considerations. Always the head of the state formulates regulates and implements foreign policy which is not static depending on the political and economic climate of the day. Foreign Policy is a pre- requisite for the development and propriety of any nation. It has direct effects and impact on commercial and trade relations among member nations and the world in the fast developing world in the digital age and it is not possible to live in isolation with modern developments on “H i- Tac” and transformation of the world and trade, economic and political realities of member countries struggling to beat each other. Today Commercial Diplomacy is in the top of the agenda and diplomats worldwide representing the countries have been directed to give priority to commerce/trade and business over traditional duties as ambassadors.

Foreign Policies worldwide

Indian foreign policy is somewhat static, stable non-aligned, firm full of patriotism, and selfish towards the nation. In India governments may change but not the foreign policy as the administrative machinery traditionally protects and interests in the interest of the nation. India is extremely successful in managing her foreign policy and the foreign office is manned by committed and patriotic experts. In Sri Lanka always U N P governments tend to be pro – west and SLFP was non-aligned and friendly with all and angry with none. In the United States the President formulates and implements foreign polices – a world power and self- appointed world policeman. In the United Kingdom it is the Prime minister who formulates and implements the foreign policy and EU has a common foreign policy for the member states. In USSR it is the President who is responsible for the foreign policy national security and economic prosperity. Formulation of the foreign policy is the job of the head of the state assisted by able foreign secretaries (UK) and secretaries of state (USA). Foreign policy “Doctrine” is the policy statement on foreign affairs. Nixon’s doctrine on the war of Vietnam, Bushes statement on Middle East with Tony Blair both of whom were responsible to the destruction of Middle East “in the guise of weapons of mass destruction” were the visions and doctrines in place then. Obamas doctrine based on Human Rights was different from his successor who is now entangled with a pseudo war with North Korea. In Sri Lanka it is doubtful who formulates and implements foreign policy today and whether we have a foreign policy or a doctrine at all as the President, Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister do not appear to be consistent with foreign policy statements and pronouncements, including public speeches in Sri Lanka international forums, where speeches considered to be a part of international law binding the parties under international law.

Historical aspects of Sri Lankan foreign policy

Sri Lankan foreign relations with other countries could be traced back to 3rd century BC when King “Devenimpayatissa” who had close friendship with the unseen neighbour, Emperor Asoka who sent his son and daughter as emissaries to introduce Buddhism to Sri Lanka 245 BC which is the commencement of the Sri Lankan culture today based on and benefiting from glorious “Mayurian” Civilization and Buddhism based on nonviolence and loving kindness ( “mettha”) towards the world. Friendships among close friends were equal close and interconnected to friendship culture religion and developments of all countries culturally and economically irrespective the size and the population economically diplomatically beneficial to all parties. There is ample historical evidence of Sri Lanka having diplomatic and personal relations with China, Myanmar, Afghanistan, and Maldives Islands, Thailand, Pakistan -formally known as “Gandara” in “Pali” with most countries mentioned being once Buddhist countries. These are classic examples of our long cherished and correct foreign policy in practice from the time immoral. Friendship with China was historical with cultural religious and commercial bonds bonded through the famous Silk Route.

Foreign Policy is an extension of National Policy and National Interest

Diplomacy is dealing with other states on trade, war, economy, customs, environment, human rights, strategic advantages and many other areas. Today countries give highest priority to economy, trade, investments, and business resulting in an amalgamation of economic and traditional diplomacy in the interaction of any nation’s foreign policy/ politics based on national interest. Economic diplomacy is a form of diplomacy to utilize the full spectrum of economic facts and realities in a state to achieve success in intern goals in foreign policy which is an extension of the national policy and interest of the nation. States today are in the microscopic eye of the embassies stationed in the host country, when the international media transmits news to the world in few seconds with the click of a button. Therefore member states of small nations should be careful in dealing in and out of the territory on international affairs are to be taken carefully within and outside the state by the leaders and the governance to commend respect of the world. Attitudes and conduct on the international brotherhood is carefully scrutinized and the happening in the state today are in the international domain in seconds with disastrous/immediate effects, thereby the undemocratic conduct and the unrest due to want of democracy and break down in law and order in the democratic institutions and human rights have a direct impact on the economy and foreign relations of countries and international organisations such as the World Bank, indirectly controlling the local economy. NGO ‘esm is dominating in Sri Lanka with adverse effects on foreign policy and economy. Postponement of elections and denial of the right of franchise, massive bribery and corruption of the legislature and executive with mega scams (Bond/Highways/corruption by parliamentarians on car permits and bribery etc.) have negative effects on the economy and the foreign relations of our cherished and reputed nation. Persecuting and suppression opponents on political grounds, students, working class steam rolling the weak, nominal, tamed and appointed opposition are not parts of democracy endorsed by the world community and the international organisations deciding the fate of our unstable and dependent/debt economy in the microscopic eye on international relations. It is still not too late for the governance to turn to the right direction!

Current world issues today and our strategy/s and the position/s taken by the Sri “Lanka” , in world affairs on Myanmar” “North Korea” “Syria” and “Middle East”.

Few current issues on the table today for Sri Lanka are the issues on Myanmar, North Korea, harassment of Muslims by the West with deaths of millions in Middle East and Africa including the war in Syria and continuation of the traditional cold war of main two powers and the issues close to us in the SAARC region that has an ripple effect on Sri Lanka. No country can live in isolation and happenings around the globe have direct bearings on any state depending on the power/strength of the economy, leader, foreign policy and strategic and political/economic dimensions of the member nation. In Sri Lanka who takes decisions on economy, governance and especially foreign policy is in doubt. Different versions echoed by leaders in the “highest international forum” and highest international gatherings in Sri Lankan and world over which amounts to a part of international law with no consistency and one word. Indian ocean has transformed to be most strategic, vulnerable and important oceans in the world when Sri Lanka positions strategically on the silk route turning to be one road one belt basis in the mildest of power struggle of the emerging world political/economic/naval powers aiming at small nations with weak unpatriotic leaders with no vision for their country as vultures. Sri Lanka has come to a stage to sell/lease family silver for day to day expenses due to

mismanagement and disapprobation of the state wealth by that in power of all political parties. Issue in Myanmar is akin to the Stateless Indian issue continued on for decades and settled by “Sirima Sharathie” agreement and a time bomb to be settled as a matter of urgency sympathetically and based on international humanitarian norms and practices. Calamity in Myanmar is also created by the British brining “Rongans” for labour to a country (Ares full of natural resources with an attraction of the world powers) sandwiched and threatened with controversial boarders from China, India, Bangladesh, and threatened by and from foreign powers for the natural resources throughout the county including the area in dispute with gas/mineral and many other resources. Historically Buddhists have not shed a single drop of blood for the propagation of Buddhism and if there are excesses’ on ethnic Muslims it is a serious matter to be inquired into in all dimensions and give solutions based on international human rights law and practices. Syria, Iraqi, Afghanistan were stable and rich Islam countries destroyed by the west for oil and expansionism for power. North Korean issue is a threat to world peace and any farther development/ s in the wrong directions are to be vetted. China warns on the complicated Korean issue and the threats of the Korean leader and American President of destroying North Korea sends shock waves to the international community.

Mock Trial in Geneva, and Myanmar refugee crisis in Sri Lanka, are disturbing issues on foreign policy and positive signs of the management of the foreign policy today.

Mock trial in Geneva by a section of the Diaspora with Sri Lankan President as the accused and the other anti Sri Lankan activism, are worrying incidents and should condemned by the world community. The Myanmar refugee crisis and diaspora anti- Sri Lanka activism are in the boiling point are matters for serious consideration but the steps taken to clamp down by Sri Lankan governance on the uprising will make the international community happy. Though Sri Lanka has not signed the 1951Convention of refugees west may try to convince on Sri Lanka to accept these unfortunate militant “Rohyangaya” Refugees based on Art 14 of the UNHCER Convention and moral commitment for sheltering large number of Sri Lankan Refugees in western countries. Fact that 100,000 “Rohyangaya” refugees have fled to Malaysia and many to India shows the gravity of the issue and threat to Sri Lank as a soft target.

Way forward

Sri Lanka is in a crisis situation politically, economically and internationally and this is the time she requires a correct, coherent, stable, and “Sri Lanka friendly foreign policy” and not on a policy based on any “ism” or out-dated and unsuitable foreign ideology or directions form any group or a camp in the world. Are we still nonaligned is in doubt. We have given us our rights away by the “suicidal joint resolution” against our own cherished nation promising sun and moon to an unreliable and partial world body which declining popularity as the failed “League of Nations”- the world body replaced by the United Nations. We had proud and past glory as a responsible powerful and popular member of the UN as the leader of non-aligned nations with first class international civil servants of the calibre of Shirly Amarasinghe, Professor Gunapala Mallasekara and other world renewed Ministers of Foreign Affairs in the calibre of Laxman Kadiragramer, raised the stature of Sri Lanka with the help of the foreign service manned by expert personal of the calibre of Dr Vernan Mendis and other public servants then. Today though standards are downgraded due to the substandard nature of the corrupt politicians of all corrupt political parties, there are committed, educated, knowledgeable Sri Lankans in Sri Lanka and oversees ready to serve the motherland on invitation. It is opportune to get their services at this hour as the Foreign Ministry and the Diplomatic community is not up to the expected slandered/s to rub shoulders with the international brotherhood. We should learn from our neighbour India, Latin America, USA, USSR and Israel who manages the foreign ministries and policy to their progress and the development. It is the leader of the country who formulates directs and manages the foreign policy as a matter of priority and conventions and no others will only carry out orders and instructions of the leader of the Nation in the driving seat. Hon D S Senanayaka and Madam Bandaraneika as two best foreign Ministers ever in Sri Lanka in two different periods managed the foreign policy extremely successfully with no second to any foreign minister ever in Sri Lanka with only basic education but full of patriotism, commitment intelligence and love for the country!

( The writer is a Solicitor/Attorney-at-Law- former Sri Lankan Ambassador to UAE and Israel)

Budgetary consolidation and resolving the country’s debt crisis permanently

Though not mentioned in Vision 2025, the Government has already resorted to asset management by going into a partnership with China Merchant Port Holdings in the case of the underperforming Hambantota Harbour Facility. It generated an immediate cash flow to the Treasury on the one hand and removed the burden to fund its operations from its shoulders, on the other. There are many such capital assets which are presently either non-performing or underperforming thereby becoming a drain on the budget. The list is long, but some potential candidates are the Mattala Airport, Ranminitenna TV Village and Diyagama International Sports Stadium

The discussion so far

Monday, 2 October 2017

In Parts 1 and 2 of this series (available at: http://www.ft.lk/columns/Vision-2025--Part-1--Need-for-moving-from-a-wish-list-to-a-concrete-plan/4-639757 and http://www.ft.lk/w-a-wijewardena-columns/It-is-an-uphill-task-for-the-Govt--to-attain-the-envisaged-targets/885-640237), it was noted that the Vision 2025 released by the Government recently was in fact the fourth of such visions it has placed before the public within the last two year period.

Budgetary consolidation and resolving the country.docx by Thavam on Scribd

Fate unknown of 100 three- wheelers taken by Shiranthi to H’tota!

Oct 01, 2017

One hundred three-wheelers given through Japanese financial assistance to the Fisheries Corporation following the 2004 tsunami, had been taken away by former first lady Shiranthi Rajapaksa for distribution to political cronies in Hambantota.

Corporation sources say JVP’s Chandrasena Wijesinghe, the fisheries minister of the then probationary government, kept these three-wheelers undstributed until that regime collapsed.

After Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected president in 2005, fisheries minister of his admnistration Felix Perera fixed the three-wheelers with freezer facilities at a cost of nearly Rs. 200,000 each. Following a written request by Shiranthi to Perera, those facilties were dismantled and the vehicles taken to Hambantota.

When asked by the newspaper, the ex-fisheries minister confirmed it, saying she took the three-wheelers saying they would be distributed to those in Hambantota who lost their three-wheelers to the tsunami.

Shantha Abeysiri Gunawardena - Sathhanda

Billions of rupees misappropriated by Rajapakse’s relative Washington Ambassador Jaliya -proved with evidence !

Names of Maj. Gen. Sooriyabandara and Brigadier Ravipriya implicated !!

(Lanka-e-News - 01.Oct.2017, 6.10PM) During the nefarious decade when the corrupt cruel Medamulana Rajapakses were keeping the country and the nation trampled under their despotic boots , a relative of Rajapakse by the name of Jaliya Wickremasuriya who was in America as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to that country had collected colossal sums of monies illegally under the ‘Presidential initiatives (special)’, based on reports reaching Lanka e news backed by cogent and copious evidence.

These illegal payments have been fraudulently collected under various names sans supporting payment . More shocking ! Even the signatures of the recipients have not been not recorded..!

Hereunder are some examples :

After the end of the war in 2009, during the period between August to December , over Rs. 12, 611,186.00 , using the name of major General Sooriyabandara had been collected within the 5 months , yet there is no signature of the latter to confirm that.

In 2010 , between March and August , a sum of over Rs. 15 ,079,125.00 had been collected during the period of 6 months using the name of Brigadier Ravipriya without his signature confirming it.

All these payments had been misappropriated under the ‘president’s initiative (special)’. Whether Soriyabandaras and Ravipriyas collected these payments ? or didn’t they ? came under a cloud of doubts after Samantha Sooriyabandara was chased out by the Rajapakses on the grounds that he was pro Fonseka in order to take revenge .

Sooriyabandara a war hero who was hurt and distressed left for Australia where he died eventually. Except Lanka e news and Sarath Fonseka who was jailed , not a son of a b…tch who is shouting on behalf of the war heroes now uttered a word at that time.

In the circumstances strong and reasonable doubts have proliferated that Jaliya the relative of Machiavellian mendacious ex president Rajapakse robbed these funds. ( If even a relative of Sooriyabandara or Ravipriya will give us a clarification in this regard , we shall publish that)

A sum of approximately Rs.24, 156,126.00 had been collected under this fund between 2012 and 2013 citing medical facilities to meet hospital bills . D.M. Jayarathne who was the prime minister during that period received medical treatment in the US , but there are no vouchers to indicate those payments were in that regard. It is not known whether this Rajapakse ‘s relative Jaliya the ace crook ‘sold’ even D.M. Jayaratne under this dubious ‘President’s initiative special’

Believe it or not , even phone call bills of mobile telephones have been collected under this jiggery pokery ‘President’s initiative special’. By clicking on the image below details of these dubious payments and collections can be viewed after magnification.

Copy of the relevant Document in English revealing details is hereunder…….

Payments made under Presidential Initiatives (Special) by the Embassy of Sri Lanka in Washington DC during the tenure of Ambassador Jaliya Wickramasuriya.

(1) The Presidential Secretariat had provided the allocations to the Embassy in Washington DC for the payment on Presidential initiatives (special) through the Embassy of Sri Lanka in Washington DC. Under the Presidential initiatives (special), Mission had released various payments on in completed payment vouchers. Most of the payments had been released to the names of persons without giving the details of the services obtained by the Mission in return. A copy of the letter No: FM/FI/157/209 dated 08 December 2009 issued to the Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs by the Presidential Secretariat providing allocation for the above is attached for reference as Annex 1.

(2) The scope of the Presidential special initiatives is not cleared and some payments related to the covering of medical expenses of the former Prime Minister D.M. Jayaratne had been made under the Presidential special initiatives. A copy of the Embassy cheque No. 16469 dated September 18, 2012 issued by the Embassy releasing the payment of US$ 50,000.00 to the John Hopkins Hospital is attached as Annex 2.

(3) The details of the payments made by the Mission under Presidential Initiatives (special) are attached as Annex 3.

(4) Most of the payment vouchers are in - complete. It had just mentioned that “payable to special initiative program expenses”. There is no clarity on these payments as to who is the real recipient or the specific services obtained by the Mission. Few copies of such payment vouchers are attached as Annex 4.

(5) Unsettled Advance Payments

Mission had made some payments under the Presidential Initiatives (special) without obtaining proper allocations from the Presidential Secretariat. Those payments are still remained in Mission’s accounts as unsettled advance payments. There is no clarity on these payments and the stipulated financial regulations had not been followed in releasing the payments. The details of unsettled payments are attached as Annex 5.

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by (2017-10-01 13:06:26)

Six suspects including Dan Priyasad remanded till October 9

Monday, October 2, 2017

Six suspects who were arrested by police in connection with a mob attack on a group of Rohingya refugees who were seeking shelter at a United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) safe house in Mount Lavinia on Tuesday (26), have been remanded until October 9 by the Mount Lavinia Magistrate.

The latest suspects arrested include Liyanage Abeyrathne and Suresh Priyasad alias Dan who goes by the moniker Dan Priyasad. Prior to his arrest Dan Priyasad had posted on this social media page saying that Police had visited his home to arrest him but he was in hiding.

Police have also arrested a 24-year-old woman, who has been identified as Kalyani Podi Menike, a resident of Ratmalana for taking part in the attack. The others who are in remand custody include Janitha Niroshana Deepagey, Nawalage Don Chinthaka Sanjeewa and Nanayakkara Godakanda Kankanamlage Gayan Madushanka Senevirathne.

Thirty-one Rohingya refugees, mostly women and children who were seeking shelter in a UNHCR safe house in Mount Lavinia came under an attack by a mob who stoned the shelter prompting the refugees to leave the premises. The refugees who were detained in April this year by the Navy are presently seeking shelter at the Boosa Detention Camp in Galle to ensure their security following this incident.

An order has also been issued by a court in Galle preventing any form of protests around the Boosa detention camp. The order was issued after threats by some groups who wanted to stage a protest against the Rohingya refugees being given protection at the camp.

TWO MONKS SUMMONED TO CCD

Ven. Akmeemana Dayarathana and Ven.Arambepola Rathanasara have been asked to appear before Colombo Crimes Division (CCD) today in connection with the Rohingya refugee incident in Mount Lavinia.

The two monks were among a crowd who behaved violently during a protest in front of a (UNHCR) safe house for Rohingya refugees, the Police said.

Punishment delayed is punishment denied

by Rajeewa Jayaweera-September 30, 2017, 7:27 pm

The appended visual says it all. It depicts former Secretary to President Lalith Weeratunga and former Director General of Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (TRC) Anusha Pelpita being led away after their conviction for misuse of state funds amounting to LKR 600 mil belonging to TRC and aiding and abetting the same in spending it. Each of them were sentenced to three years rigorous imprisonment (RI) for all the charges besides each being fined LKR 2 million and ordered to pay the TRC LKR 50 million.

The duo, suited, booted and handcuffed to each other, unlike other convicts, did not opt to cover their faces when being led away after sentencing but walked away with smiles on their faces, usually the hallmark of shameless politicians and their minions who are assured of little or no time in jail, regardless of the verdict. There were no signs of contrition or remorse. They insisted right to the end, they had done nothing wrong. Not being politicians, the duo did not hold up their manacled hands displaying V signs.

Weeratunga, during his long years of public service, especially since commencement of his association with Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2004, is reputed of being a down to earth, approachable and helpful person, accessible to all. It has earned him volumes of capital in goodwill from many, especially in the political arena and bureaucracy, which now seem to be working for him. Immediate transfer to Prison Hospital without even the completion of formalities for convicts and the sympathetic consideration of health and age when considering their bail applications are not considerations available to average citizens.

Both convicts have appealed to the Appeal Court. The Attorney General did not oppose their bail applications. Both have been granted bail. Therefore, both prison sentences and fines will be held in abeyance. In the event of a second conviction in the Appeal Court, it will automatically result in a further appeal to the Supreme Court. All this is bound to drag on for several years.

In the aftermath of the tsunami in 2004, Presidential Secretariat Circular No PA/272 dated December 29, 2004 directed all Secretaries: "On the direction of the President, a special bank account has been opened at the headquarters branch of People’s Bank to accept cash donations for relief operations that are now in progress. You are kindly requested to bring this information to the notice of all your staff of your ministry / institution, and any other institutions coming under your ministry and the general public who wish to make donations in cash for this very worthy cause. In the circumstances, you are kindly advised not to open any separate individual bank accounts to collect funds for relief operations." Despite the executive order, two days later on December 31, 2004, Weeratunga opened an official account in the name of ‘Prime Minister’s Punarjeewana Fund’ account No. 014100170136270 at the People’s Bank. The signatories to this account were Weeratunga, Additional Secretary Gamini Senarath, Senior Assistant Secretary Sunil Hewapathirana and Accountant S. Subasinghe. In 2005, investigative journalist Sonali Samarasinghe unearthed the transfer of Rs 82 mil from the ‘Punarjeewana Fund’ to a private account in the name of ‘Helping Hambantota’ maintained at the Rajagiriya branch of the Standard Chartered Bank A/C No. 01-1237322-01. Weeratunga, as Secretary to Prime Minister and therefore Chief Accounting Officer of the Prime Minister’s office was fully aware and involved in the opening and operation of ‘Prime Minister’s Punarjeewana Fund’ in violation of a presidential directive and the transfer Rs 82 mil to a private account. Even though the CID wanted to initiate an investigation, in a case of judicial misadventure (surgeons making mistakes are referred as surgical misadventure, judges making mistakes may be referred as judicial misadventure!), the matter was dropped and Weeratunga and his boss escaped investigation. Similar to the Sil Redi saga, Weeratunga did not use any of the Rs 82 mil for his personal use. Other similarities too are unmistakable.

Due to intervention of former President CBK, funds had to be returned to the state.

What is not known are details of similar acts of abuse / misappropriation of state resources which may have taken place between the Saving Hambantota and Sil Redi episodes.

What need be stated is this whole saga is bigger than the age and health of two former senior public servants. Firstly, other than the nodding ponies and dumb patriots, many ordinary citizens are eagerly awaiting to see at least a few perpetrators of corruption during previous regime (and present regime) behind bars. It is an election promise of the good governance government. These two stalwarts walking away, free at least for the moment is a grave disappointment for many. It will further erode the already depleted faith in rule of law among the nation’s citizenry. Secondly, it weakens the warning resulting from the verdict and sentence passed by the High Court, to all public servants, to be mindful of what could befall upon them when carrying out illegal directives from their political bosses.

A regular contributor to the media had stated "He (Weeratunga) has been imprisoned and heavily fined for a victimless crime" and gone on to compare the issue with that of the five Cambridge spies Burgess, Maclean, Philby, Cairncross and Blunt. What the writer has overlooked is why did Burgess and McLean in 1951 and Philby in 1963 flee Britain to rot away in Moscow for the rest of their lives if the establishment would have left them alone? Chances are they would have been hung at the end of a rope in the Tower of London. Cairncross who confessed in 1951 was dismissed from MI6 but avoided prosecution for some inexplicable reason. Blunt turned crown witness in 1964 in return for immunity. His comparison of Weeratunga with former civil servants such as Godfrey Gunatilleke, Neville Jayaweera, Tissa Devendra and Susil Sirivardhana to say the least, is a travesty.

A former civil servant had advocated mercy in view of Weeratunga’s previous service record. This writer begs to differ. Every financial transaction of Weeeratunga’s, right from the ‘Saving Hambantota’ episode narrated earlier should be investigated prior to coming to such a conclusion. Secretary to the President is the head of the public service and expected to conduct himself in an exemplary manner, for emulation by his juniors. Unfortunately, Weeratunga has conducted himself differently and defecated on the image of the public service, a finer point overlooked by many of Weeratunga’s defenders. Would the erudite former civil servant recommend new comers to the public service, emulation of the former top public servant Lalith Weeratunga?

Never before has the need been felt for a Criminal Justice Commission similar to CJC 2 set up in 1970s to punish those responsible for fraud, corruption and misuse of funds, expeditiously. The judiciary, after decades, is showing signs of asserting its independence and authority and should be up to the task.

"Justice delayed is justice denied" is a legal maxim meaning that if legal redress is available for a party that has suffered some injury, but is not forthcoming in a timely fashion, it is effectively the same as having no redress at all.

Punishment delayed is punishment denied may be understood as, if guilt of an accused party has been established beyond reasonable doubt, but punishment is not forthcoming in a timely fashion, it is effectively the same as no punishment at all.

Bribery probe against Sujeewa Senasinghe

Oct 01, 2017

Former deputy minister of justice, lawyer Sujeewa Senasinghe is facing a probe by the Bribery Commission over the filling of a marshy land, Katakalagaha Owita, at Malabe in Kaduwela.

He is accused of having misused a Supreme Court ruling and political powers to fake documents to grant legal recognition to the said land filling, disregarding the recommendations of the agrarian commissioner, faking stamp on the plan of the land. etc.

Senasinghe had bought the land from another person, who received his money only after making regular requests to him. Senasinghe filed a case (FR no 181/2013) in the Supreme Court seeking an order to fill the land and noting it was not a paddy land. The verdict was delivered on 27.07.2017.

The ruling notes the land was not suitable for paddy farming, but it gives no permission to fill the land. On a request by Senasinghe, the agriarian development commissioner too, confirmed that. But, disregarding both, he filled the marshy land. Normally, permission from several state institutions has to be obtained for a landfilling. Area resident L.A.D.M. Indraseela complained against the him on 28 December 2015. The investigation started on 04 September 2017, with a statement being recorded from him. He explained to the commission that no action has been taken despite complaints to Nawagamuwa police.

He also alleged the state minister had used state resources to fill the land, and that he had used faked documents and stamps.

Daya Nettasinghe - Sathhanda

The global and the local

by Sanjana Hattotuwa-September 30, 2017, 7:22 pm

My work outside of Sri Lanka is influenced deeply by what I do in the country, and reciprocally, what I do beyond our borders informs how I respond to challenges within it. Over the past three weeks, the intensity of travel and work prevented me from submitting a column. In part, it was because of how far away I was the country. To a larger degree though, it was because I was involved in shaping projects that responded to the same kind of socio-political dynamics we endure, and fight against, in Sri Lanka.

In Macedonia, Albania, Bosnia in Herzegovina, Kosovo and Serbia, a region to which I’ve travelled twice this year, the socio-political dynamics are uncannily similar to Sri Lanka. The transitional justice agenda, post-genocide and post-war, is at varying stages. In some countries, memorialisation – both as a political construct and resulting urban architectural features - forgets the manner in which atrocities were committed by troops and state sponsored militia, and instead focuses on the loss of life as a consequence of enemy offensives and actions. In other countries, there is no memorialisation – a conscious decision to forget, and move on.

The economic disparity, coupled with enduring effects of war – youth under-employment, unemployment, urban poverty – results in society that is on edge, unable to move forward, unwilling to face the past, splintering from within. On the other hand, every country in this region sees a high use of smartphones and the relatively cheap availability of broadband. So, while unemployment is sky rocketing, youth reload data (with money taken or borrowed from parents and grandparents) to engage with each other, and what they understand as politics, mediated through thumb and palm, in parks, alleyways, sofas, souks, beds, buses and other places. You can see the disconnect from public and family life, and the immersion in an alternative reality governed by the algorithms of a news feed, the narcissism of likes, and the on-demand anonymity of online engagement.

Youth here feel connected, but almost exclusively inhabit, online and over social media, bubbles – peers, friends, colleagues and others who are echo chambers, reinforcing group-think, focussing on gossip and entertainment, and through these vectors, mainstream politics. This is fertile terrain for the subversion and corruption of impressionable minds by everyone from populist politicians, right-wing Christian clergy, conspiracy theorists and mullahs who are in fact thinly veiled militants. Unsurprisingly then, one finds rumour, misinformation, disinformation (essentially, propaganda and gossip to varying degrees wrapped as serious news and content) colouring the worldview, engagement and emotions of a young demographic.

As a counterpoint, a conference organised by the Junior Chamber International in Kuching, Malaysia offered a chance to interact with several hundred participants– all working in private industry - from over 100 countries, and under the age of 40. Speaking at and facilitating two workshops, several leitmotifs emerged. Those with economic means are worried about the unresponsive nature of mainstream politics in their respective countries. Counter-intuitively, this critique goes deeper than the nature of government. It wasn’t just the participants from countries with a known democratic deficit who complained that, as they saw it, mainstream politics didn’t reflect to any meaningful degree or sustained manner, their hopes and aspirations. Young professionals from the West – from mature democracies - also complained that government was increasingly alienating them.

This manifested itself through a very low interest in franchise ("nothing really changes") to anger ("we bring in the money, they waste it with corruption and bureaucracy"). Participants from around the world found in common that the language they spoke – of innovation, an interest in changing the status quo, new ways of working, new kinds of jobs and value creation, an interest in migrant and mobile working, travel, a low interest in savings when young, but a healthy interest in financial independence – where opportunities and challenges governments, and business as usual, simply didn’t embrace.

In Myanmar, I was working with several civil society organisations from across the country when the violence that has now gripped global headlines first broke out. Snippets, competing narratives and the first images of the violence in the Rakhine came by way of WhatsApp messages and Facebook Messenger, followed by email. This was several days before serious mainstream media coverage of the issue in the country. It took much longer for the world to react to what was going on. This information ecosystem is ripe for disinformation and rumour, which when engineered and disseminated broadly, serves to do two things primarily – get people to react to information that is clearly intended to incite hatred and violence against another religion or community, or devalue the veracity of information over these channels in general.

The first is what most choose to focus on. The second is more pernicious, because very often, those who suffer the brunt of violence only have the phones they carry around with them to document the violence. When this valuable footage that bears witness to atrocities on the ground is also mistrusted, it serves to undermine the urgency of a political and whole of government response to quell the violence, and empathy. Similar tactics were employed in Sri Lanka three years ago, when interestingly, old images of Rohingya from the Rakhine were distributed over instant messaging platforms and Twitter purporting to be from Aluthgama, taken during the anti-Muslim riots.

Most recently in San Francisco, I led some conversations around opportunities and challenges around the use of technology in humanitarian aid, and more generally, in the strengthening of human rights. Leitmotifs that emerged were interesting. The existing world order – including international humanitarian law which governs war – currently has no clue, capacity or competency to deal with threats that are the result of targeted offensives launched against critical infrastructure and vulnerable populations over the Internet. These are not embryonic or emergent. The field of offensive cyber-operations, and reciprocally, cyber-defence, is already mature even though governing norms, legal frameworks and definitions simply haven’t kept up with the heady pace of technological change.

It’s now possible for a just a few dollars to slow down or crash a friend’s PC whilst playing a tournament online; or for a very different order of strategic advantage, disrupt or seriously harm an entire country’s banking, medical services or power grid. In Sri Lanka, the very same authorities who can’t even secure the President’s website from successful hacking attempts of a teenager are those that promise us benefits of an electronic national identity card system, where biometric and personal data, to a very invasive degree, will be stored online. It is a ticking time-bomb that, entirely independent of the known malevolence of our government, can hold entire swathes of the population hostage and render them, almost instantaneously, destitute, through identity theft of an order we haven’t seen, aren’t prepared for and simply won’t know what to do when it happens.

All this suggest a couple of things, globally evident and locally relevant. The aspirations of the young need to be reflected in government. Government itself needs to be younger, more responsive and more innovative. Propaganda is pervasive, and it is often more effective than verified news at shaping the public narrative and official responses. Vital witness testimony, despite the promise of the internet to give everyone a voice, remains hidden, especially from mainstream media. Extremism online is a problem, and use the same platforms to spread fear, violence and harm as hundreds of millions use to document and discuss their cappuccino’s perfect froth. This makes technology companies in Silicon Valley – often more powerful than individual governments - important intermediaries in every country their products and services are present in, when combating propaganda, disinformation and the rapid spread of hate. The primary vectors of news and information for youth is now social media, over a smartphone. Refugees and IDPs need and go in search of information and Internet access as much as water and food. Existing international covenants around the rules of war need to be revised to embrace cyber-terrorism.

Sri Lanka is no stranger to any of these challenges. Whereas warts and all, conversations across multiple continents and countries on these issues is anchored to strategic engagement, reform and planning, government officials, politicians and policymakers in Sri Lanka remain set in their ways, largely unwilling and seemingly unable to change. We all stand to lose.