Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, September 16, 2017

Democracy is when the needy and not the rich are the rulers


2017-09-15
Today we celebrate the United Nations’ World Democracy Day with this year’s theme being ‘democracy and conflict prevention’.   

This has extra special significance for Sri Lanka where in January 2015 the people elected a new government which said its main aim would be to restore democracy and the rule of law, transparency, accountability and other virtues of a just society.  

There are positives and negatives on the extent to which the National Unity Government has  progressed with the main complaint being the failure to bring to justice former VIP politicians, officials and their associates who allegedly plundered billions of dollars from public funds. According to the UN, this year’s theme focuses on the critical need to strengthen democratic institutions to promote peace and stability. A more integrated approach to foster resilient societies calls for effective and inclusive democratic governance with respect for human rights and the rule of law.
  
The UN says resilient societies are able to mitigate disputes through mediation, dialogue and a reasonable degree of legitimacy of their institutions. Developing effective conflict prevention mechanisms and infrastructures provide a foundation to resolve grievances and sustain peace. Processes, such as peace agreements, elections and constitutional reforms, can help maintain equilibrium among competing interests and reduce fragility and the likelihood of organized violence.   
Strong leadership to support democracy, the UN says strengthen civil society, empowers women and upholds the rule of law -- conditions that preserve stability and peace.  Recognizing the indivisible links between peaceful societies and effective, accountable and inclusive institutions, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development addresses democracy in Sustainable Development Goal 16.  
UN Secretary General, António Guterres in a message says, this day is an opportunity to recommit to a world defined by values enshrined in the United Nations Charter: Peace, justice, respect, human rights, tolerance and solidarity. Yet in many societies around the world, there is a crisis of faith. Globalization and technological progress have lifted many out of poverty, but have also contributed to inequality and instability. There is a growing and deepening divide among people, as well as between the people and the political establishments that exist to represent them.  

In Sri Lanka, since January 2015 significant progress appears to have been made by the National Unity Government headed by President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. The major parties working together is itself a major achievement though there are many disputes and divisions or threats and wheels within deals. The government is regularly and publicly criticised by some ministers but this is widely seen as a healthy sign for democracy. It was unimaginable during the former Rajapaksa regime.   

The most notable achievement was the 19th Constitutional Amendment whereby President Sirisena willingly and voluntarily gave up most of his executive powers while overturning the dictatorial 18th Amendment. The Right to Information Law is another important factor while the RTI Commission is doing an excellent job in ensuring the people’s right to the freedom of information. The right to media freedom and the right to protest have also been restored to a large extent though some groups with vested interests are seen to be often abusing this freedom, as they are threatening to do so even today. President Sirisena has declared that anyone who wishes to, could conduct demonstrations but the National Government will go ahead with its strategic, eco-friendly development plan to build a peaceful, just and all inclusive society.   

In the vital area of reconciliation, a major step will be taken today with the implementation of the Office of Missing Persons Act. The independent OMP is expected to inquire into petitions relating to thousands of people who disappeared and give these families at least the consolation of knowing what has happened or not happened to their loved ones. We hope within the coming months and years we will see effective checks and balances among the four main democratic institutions -- the executive, the legislature, the judiciary and the media. But as philosopher Aristotle says, democracy is when the needy and not the rich people are the rulers and to reach that vision we have a long, long way to go.    

A War Hero Betrayed

Hilmy Ahamed
logoField Marshal Sarath Fonseka has charged that his successor, General Jagath Jayasuriya committed war crimes during the ethnic war. The Joint Opposition (JO) of Mahinda Rajapaksa has got yet another platform slogan to hype their anti-government campaign due to Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka. The Patriots” of the Rajapaksa bandwagon are forgetting that Sarath Fonseka, the decorated war hero was the commander of the Army in May 2009 when the Sri Lankan armed forces wiped out the brutal terrorist force, the Liberation Tigers of Thamil Eelam (LTTE). Later, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka over estimated his popularity and blundered by attempting to challenge Mahinda Rajapaksa to the Presidency, which landed him in jumpers at the Welikada prison. Overnight, the war hero and savior of the Sinhala race became a traitor in the eyes of the Rajapaksa cohorts.
Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka has said the RIGHT thing at the WRONG place many times and has faced the wrath of the rulers. His loose tongue landed him in trouble during the white flag controversy due to an interview with Fredrica Jansz, the Editor of the Sunday Leader. He probably spoke the truth about the brutal killing of surrendering LTTE cadres, but the mood of Sri Lankans after the euphoria of the war victory was not to hear the truth.   
Sri Lanka has a battled hardened, professional and disciplined armed force that defeated one of the most feared and ruthless terrorist organizations in the world, the LTTE. Sri Lanka is probably the only country that wiped out terrorism through a military option.
The two faces of Yahapalanaya, President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe continue to contradict each other. The Prime Minister and the United National Party are reaching out to the international community and investors by committing to international conventions and traditional diplomacy. President Maithripala Sirisena on the other hand blundered and played to the gallery to counter the JO onslaught, declaring that he would protect every soldier against any charges of war crimes irrespective of their conduct during the Eelam wars. President Sirisena probably forgets that he is a leader of a democratic nation with international obligations. There is no question that soldiers who fought the hard battle against the Tamil tigers should be protected, but any rouge elements within the forces should be investigated and charged not by any international body, but court martialed by the Sri Lankan military itself, thereby clearing the good name of the security forces. The President could have said, any rogue elements if any would be severely dealt by a local mechanism.
The Sri Lankan military victory had widespread allegations by the International Community and Tamils in Sri Lanka as well as the Diaspora that the government security forces committed extensive war crimes during the 30-year-old ethnic war between the Sri Lankan armed forces and the Liberation Tigers of Thamil Eelam (LTTE). These allegations probably should be leveled against both sides, as there have been gross violations of human rights and rules of war by rouge elements on both sides. The LTTE has been declared a terrorist organization by the Sri Lankan government as well as the International Community and are listed as such by many countries in the West.
In May 2009, at the end of the war, Sarath Fonseka was declared the “Man of the Match”. Field Marshall Sarath Fonseka was the decorated war hero and his Commander in Chief; President Mahinda Rajapaksa invited him to cut the victory cake.

The credit for the war victory no doubt should go to the tri forces. President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s political commitment and Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s logistic support cannot be underestimated. Even though Sri Lanka had its battle hardened military, the nail that sealed the coffin of Velupillai Pirapaharan was the political will of the government that asked the interfering foreign governments to “go to hell”.

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Had there been no other option, Lalith could have quit over move to distribute sil redi -former AG

Recalls how Indrani Sugathadasa resigned in Dec 2011


Mayadunne

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by Shamindra Ferdinando- 

Former Auditor General S.C. Mayadunne has said that the proposed National Audit Bill (NAB) could come to the rescue of top public officials under political pressure to carry out directives contrary to existing financial rules and regulations.

They could turn down such directives such as the utilization of TRC (Telecommunication Regulatory Commission) funds to provide sil redi in the run up to the January 2015 presidential polls, Mayadunne said.

Having asserted that former Presidential Secretary Lalith Weeratunga, who functioned as the Chairman, TRC and its Director General Anura Palpita wouldn’t have been in trouble today, if they adhered to the law, Mayadunne, who emphasized the urgent need to introduce the NAB without further delay, was responding to Bandula Jayasekera on Sirasa Pathikada that dealt with urgent requirements to have stronger safeguards to tackle waste, corruption and irregularities in the wake of the Colombo HC ruling in the sil redi case.

Mayadunne accused the ruling UNP-SLFP coalition of purposely delaying the passage of the NAB, one of the key electoral promises that was to be implemented during President Maithripala Sirisena’s much touted 100-day programme. President Sirisena has delayed its implementation by over two years.

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s administration held the proposed NAB for over a decade much to the disappointment of the Attorney General’s Department.

Responding to another query from Jayasekera, Mayadunne said top officials could turn down illegal directives citing tougher laws, adding that the proposed NAB would enhance protection to public servants.

Having briefly discussed the circumstances under which Lalith Weeratunga’s wife, Indrani Sugathadasa, the then head of the Securities and Exchange Commission had quit in Dec 2011 under controversial circumstances, Mayadunne said that she obviously took that decision as she felt she could not serve in that capacity. Mrs Sugathadasa told the media at that time in view of the unfolding circumstances and to uphold her principles, ethics, integrity and professionalism she quit the top post.

Mayadunne, who had been on the JVP National List at the last parliamentary polls though being overlooked by the Marxist party, said that as the Chief Accounting Officer of the TRC, Weeratunga could have pointed out the illegality of the proposed transaction. Alleging that President Rajapaksa could have been given dead rope by someone or those who had been close to him at that time, Mayadunne said that the former leader should have quit if he didn’t have any other option.

Mayadunne called the Rs 600 mn transaction misappropriation of TRC funds.

Contrary to the Joint Opposition’s claim that the HC ruling would bring the entire public service under pressure and officials declined to carry out legitimate directives, Mayadunne said that judicial action certainly strengthened the public service. The sil redi ruling would be a deterrent to those planning to engage in such enterprises in the future, Mayadunne said.

Declaring that the parliament exercised control over financial matters, Mayadunne underscored the pivotal importance of implementing the law to the letter regardless of repercussions.

Jayasekera strongly disputed Mayadunne’s assertion that the voting public were responsible for corrupt politicians entering parliament.

Mayadunne alleged that those who had been in the Opposition, now in power as well as those dreaming of capturing political power resented tougher laws, such as the proposed NAB.

The retired Auditor General asserted that had the NAB been in place bond scams of Feb 2015 and March 2016 and misappropriation of TRC funds way back in 2014 wouldn’t have happened. Mayadunne declared that Weeratunga’s predicament was due to him not following the laws in place.

Subsequently, Mayadunne told The Island that two influential groups were strongly opposed to the empowering of the Auditor General through the passage of the NAB. According to him, corrupt politicians, both in and outside parliament had thwarted the NAB and succeeded in diluting it to such an extent the whole exercise was meaningless. Mayadunne said an influential section of public servants, too, had opposed the proposed Bill as they felt they wouldn’t be able to override the AG.

He said the law abiding politicians and officials would welcome tougher laws as they could take cover behind it. But, those who had been opposed to the NAB were hell bent on taking advantage of the national economy.

The outspoken official said the parliament was accountable for what was happening in the public sector. The parliament couldn’t absolve itself of the responsibility for massive waste, corruption and irregularities, Mayadunne said, urging political parties and officials to introduce the original NAB without further delay. Tougher action was required to address corruption issues, he said that the Sil Redi judgment couldn’t be ignored by political parties whatever their differences over other matters.

LAW OF CRIMINAL PROCEDURE



By Chandra Tilake Edirisuriya-2017-09-15

Attorney-General v. Dheen (1961) 61 CLW 74 is a helpful case. The prosecution case was that the accused, who was a proctor, had been entrusted by one G with a sum of Rs 340.09 on 18 December 1951 to be paid before 14 January 1952 to the credit of an action in the Court of Requests of Galle. The money had not been deposited in Court, but when a complaint was made by G to the Law Society, the accused had, before any inquiry was held, paid the money back to G. The charge against the accused was in the following terms: "That you did at Galle on 18 December 1951, you being entrusted with property, to wit, a sum of Rs 340.09 in your capacity as agent, did commit criminal breach of trust in respect of the said property and that you have thereby committed an offence punishable under Section 392 of the Penal Code."

At the trial, it was contended on behalf of the accused that that charge meant that the offence was committed on 18 December 1951, but that there was no evidence to prove the commission of an offence on that day. Upholding this contention, the Magistrate discharged the accused.

The Attorney-General appealed against this order. In appeal, it was submitted on behalf of the Attorney-General that the charge did not mean that the offence was committed on 18 December 1951, but it was committed in respect of money which was entrusted to the accused on that date. It was further argued (a) that the averments in the charge, taken together, were reasonably sufficient to give the accused notice or the matter with which he was charged; (b) that it was not necessary that the charge should particularize the time of the offence; (c) that even if the Magistrate thought that the time should have been stated, he should have amended the charge to supply the omission; and (d) that the Magistrate should have convicted the accused, as he had held both that the money had been entrusted to the accused on 18 December 1951 and that the accused had misappropriated it.

Prosecution failed to prove charge

Gunasekera J. held (1) that the charge meant that the offence was committed on 18 December 1951, and that the prosecution had failed to prove this charge; (2) that there was no omission in the statement of the particulars of the offence that had to be supplied by an amendment; and (3) that, as the accused was not tied on a charge of having committed an offence at any other time than on 18 December 1951, it was not open to the Magistrate to find that the accused misappropriated the money.

In the course of his judgment Gunasekera J said: "In order to defend himself against the charge that he was called upon to answer, it was sufficient for the accused to show that there was no evidence that he misappropriated any money on the day in question. It was not necessary for him to give or adduce evidence contradicting or explaining other items of incriminating conduct imputed to him by the prosecution, such as was imputed in the evidence that he claimed to have deposited the money to the credit of the civil case. Nor was it necessary for him to adduce evidence in support of his explanation of his omission to deposit it.

Under these circumstances an inference that he misappropriated the money at some other time, though he may not have done so at the time in question, cannot be drawn from the fact that he has not chosen to refute any particular allegation. In my opinion there was no sufficient ground for the Magistrate's finding that the accused misappropriated the money."

The facts of Rohana v. Senaratne (1967) 61 NLR 370 are scarcely distinguishable from those of Attorney-General v. Dheen. In Rohana's case Tennekoon J. endorsed and applied the judgment in Attorney General v Dheen. In Rohana v. Senartne, Tennekoon J made the following comment on the previous case: "It was obviously the view of Gunasekera J that, in a case where a date of offence is alleged in a charge relating to temporary misappropriation, the accused is under no duty, and that it would be irrelevant for him to show, that he had not misappropriated the money on a subsequent date or that he had properly applied it on such subsequent date."

Temporary misappropriation

The principle now established for our law is that "In a charge involving what is sometimes referred to as 'temporary misappropriation,' the specification of a named date or 'a date unknown' between two terminal dates, is that kind of particular relating to the matter with which the accused is charged, which is almost invariably material, for the reason that the defence is virtually being told that evidence of honest dealing with the property after the alleged date of the offence is irrelevant and need not therefore be produced at the trial."

This proposition, it is submitted, is not at variance with the reasoning by Swan J in Panditakoralage v. Selvaranayagam (1954) 56 NLR 143. This case cannot be regarded as dealing with a situation which is in pari materia, as Panditakoralage's case had no bearing on misappropriation of property, in any form, but related to a charge of possessing ganja, says Prof. G.L. Peiris in his landmark thesis 'Law of Criminal Procedure in Sri Lanka.

On the special facts of the case, Swan J held that the accused had not been misled by the reference in the charge to the date of the offence as 'on or about 28 March 1954,' when the evidence disclosed that the ganja was actually found in the accused's possession on 29 March 1954.

However, in Pandithakoralage v. Selvaranayagam, Swan J, purporting to follow English authority, i.e. the decision in Severo Dossi 13 Cr App Rep 158, per Lord Atkin, laid down the principle that "A date specified in a charge has never been considered a material matter unless time was of the essence of the offence."

This is an obscure formulation of the principle applicable, comments Prof. Peiris.

Error could have misled accused

In Rohana v. Senaratne Tennekoon J observed that "The question for the Court is not the vague test of whether the error could have misled the accused." Furthermore, it was stated: "It must be a matter of special note that prejudice to the accused is the essence of the test under our law, while that element of time being the essence of the test under our law, while the test of time being the essence of the alleged offence does not bring that element to the forefront."

The feature of the test which received emphasis was its concrete and pragmatic character, says Prof. Peiris.

In conclusion, it is appropriate to indicate the rationale underlying the rule that "No error in stating either the offence or the particulars required to be stated in the charge and no omission to state the offence or those particulars shall be regarded at any stage of the case as material, unless the accused was misled by such error or omission."

In Zahir v. Cooray (1941) 42 NLR 263 Howard CJ stated: "There is no doubt the words of the section are very comprehensive and are designed to ensure that technicalities shall not impede the due and efficient administration of justice".

Alteration of charges

The Code of Criminal Procedure Act No 15 of 1979 makes the following provision in this regard: on the provision that a Court may alter the charge Section 167 lays down that (1) any Court may alter say indictment or charge at any time before judgment is pronounced or, in the case of trials before the High Court, before the verdict of the jury is returned; (2) every such alteration shall be read and explained to the accused; and (3)the substitution of one charge for another in an indictment or the addition of a new charge to an indictment and, in a Magistrate's Court, the substitution of one charge for another shall be deemed to be an alteration of such charge within the meaning of this Section.
When trial may proceed on altered charge immediately, Section 168 lays down that if the alteration made under Section 167 is such that proceeding immediately with the trial is not likely in the opinion of the Court to prejudice the accused in his defence or the prosecutor in the conduct of the case, the Court may in its discretion after such alteration has been made, proceed with the trial as if the altered indictment or charge had been the original indictment or charge.

On when new trial may be directed or trial adjourned, Section 169 lays down that if the alteration made under Section 167 in such that proceeding immediately with the trial is likely in the opinion of the Court to prejudice the accused or the prosecutor as aforesaid, the Court may either direct a new trial or adjourn the trial for such period as may be necessary.

Stay of proceedings

On the requirement to stay of proceedings if prosecution of offence in altered charge requires previous sanction, Section 170 lays down that if the indictment or charge as altered under Section 167 alleges an offence for the prosecution of which previous sanction is necessary, the case shall not be proceeded with until such sanction is obtained unless sanction has been already obtained for a prosecution on the same facts as those on which the altered indictment or charge is founded.
On the requirement to recall of witnesses when altered, Section 171 lays down that whenever an indictment or charge is altered by the Court after the commencement of the trial the prosecutor and the accused shall be allowed to recall or re-summon and examine with reference to such alteration any witnesses who may have been examined.

On the effect of material error, Section 172 lays down that (1) if the Supreme Court or the Court of Appeal in the exercise of its powers of appeal or revision is of opinion that any person convicted of an offence was misled in his defence by an error in the indictment or charge. It shall direct a new trial to be had upon a charge or indictment framed in whatever manner it thinks fit or makes such other order as the justice of the case may require; and (2) if such Court is of opinion that the facts of the case are such that any valid charge cannot be preferred against the accused in respect of the facts proved or where the circumstances so warrant, it shall quash the conviction.

In illustration it is said A is convicted of an offence under section 193 of the Penal Code upon a charge which omits to state that he knew the evidence which he corruptly used or attempted to use as true or genuine was false or fabricated. If the Court thinks it probable that A had such knowledge and that he was misled in his defence by the omission from the charge of the statement that he had it, it shall direct a new trial upon an amended charge; but if it appears probable from the proceedings that A had no such knowledge it shall quash the conviction.

The rule of the common law of England, as cited by the Criminal Courts Commission, in its Final Report, used to be that "If an indictment was bad on the face of it, or if there was any such insufficiency either in the caption or in the body of an indictment as would make erroneous any judgment whatsoever given on any part thereof, power of quashing indictments in
those circumstances is not often exercised because the Court has wide power of amendment to correct defects in an indictment."

However, it is the practice in England for the Court to quash an indictment on an application made by the accused when it is clear that the indictment has been preferred and signed without jurisdiction, or has a substantial and apparent defect.

The practice in England as provided by the Indictment Act of England, 1915, used to be that an amendment which altered the nature or quality of the offence charged was not usually made, but the Court is now given considerable statutory powers of amendment of an indictment or charge, while the accused's interests are also safeguarded. The Indictments Act was enacted in England in 1915 to do away with "technicalities and redundancies of pleading" in criminal cases, says Prof. G.L. Peiris.

Protest in Nintavur over killings of Rohingya Muslims

(Protesters display placards against the persecution of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar during the campaign in Nintavur)
A. B. Abdul Gafoor Ampara District Group Correspondent-Friday, September 15, 2017 - 17:00
The group of people in Nintavur today protested against the attack being carried out on the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar.
The protest march commenced at the Grand Jummah mosque and ended at the Divisional Secretariat at Nintavur.
The Federation for Katheebs handed over a petition to send the relevant authorities to take immediate action against what they term the massacre in Myanmar.
Counting What Counts in Development

Featured image courtesy Puvath.
GROUNDVIEWS on 09/14/2017

NEW YORK – To most people, “development” is best measured by the quantity of change – like gains in average income, life expectancy, or years spent in school. The Human Development Index (HDI), a composite measure of national progress that my office at the United Nations Development Programme oversees, combines all three statistics to rank countries relative to one another.
What many do not realize, however, is that such metrics, while useful, do not tell the entire story of development. In fact, to understand how developed a country is, we must also grasp how people’s lives are affected by progress. And to understand that, we must consider the quality of the change that is being reported.
When statisticians compare countries, they require commensurate data. To compare school attendance, for example, researchers would count the number of registered students in each country, relative to all school-age children (although even this can be a challenge in many developing countries, where record keeping is not always standardized).
But to gauge the relative quality of a country’s education system, researchers would want to determine whether students are actually learning. For those numbers, statisticians would need to test students across a range of subjects, a project that is far more ambitious than simply taking attendance.
Statisticians have always recognized that comparing quantities is far easier than comparing quality. But, because existing measures are all we have, the weaknesses are often overlooked when ranking relative gains or making policies, even though “progress” according to a given indicator is not necessarily genuine. If the world is ever to reach parity in development, we must change how we gauge and catalogue the quality of policy initiatives.
Consider the statistics measured by the HDI – life expectancy, education, and per capita income. Life expectancy statistics suggest that the world is getting healthier, and data show that people are living longer than ever before; since 1990, average life expectancy has increased by around six years. But the increase in quality of life has not been as dramatic. Those extra years are often accompanied by illness and disability – such as dementia, which the World Health Organization now estimates affects 47.5 million people worldwide.
While life expectancy can be calculated based on birth and death records, indices that measure quality of life, like the WHO’s disability-adjusted life year estimates, require considerable amounts of information on a wide range of illnesses and disabilities in every country. And, unfortunately, the difficulty of gathering such data means that many life-quality datasets are incomplete or infrequently compiled.
It’s a similarly mixed picture for education. The world is no doubt making progress in extending access to schools, with more children are enrolled and attending than ever before. But how do we measure the gaps in educational quality? Some 250 million children worldwide do not learn basic skills, even though half of them have spent at least four years in school. It will come as no surprise that in most countries, schools in wealthier neighborhoods typically have better facilities, more qualified teachers, and smaller class sizes. Addressing inequality requires measuring educational outcomes, rather than school enrollment rates.
The OECD’s Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), which relies on tests not directly linked to curricula, is one approach to making cross-country comparisons. The results for 2015 paint a much richer picture of educational performance across participating countries, while highlighting stark disparities. For example, PISA found that “socio-economically disadvantaged students across OECD countries are almost three times more likely than advantaged students not to attain the baseline level of proficiency in science.”
Data on employment – critical for policymakers, as they prepare for the future – tell a similar story. The 2015 Human Development Report recognized that as the world moves toward a knowledge economy, low-skill or marginal workers are at greater risk of losing their jobs, and opportunities for exploitation of informal or unpaid workers increase.
To put this in perspective, consider employment projections for the European Union, which foresee the addition of 16 million new jobs between 2010 and 2020. But over the same period, the number of jobs available for people with the least formal education is anticipated to decline, by around 12 million.
“Not everything that can be counted counts. Not everything that counts can be counted,” the sociologist William Bruce Cameron wrote in 1963. His dictum remains true today, though when it comes to measuring human development, I would suggest a slight revision: “Not everything that is counted counts for everything.”
Equitable human development requires that policymakers pay more attention to the quality of outcomes, rather than focusing primarily on quantitative measures of change. Only when we know how people are being affected by development can we design policies that bring about the most valuable improvements in their lives. “The intention to live as long as possible isn’t one of the mind’s best intentions,” the author Deepak Chopra once observed,  “because quantity isn’t the same as quality.”

Selim Jahan is Director of the Human Development Report Office and lead author of the Human Development Report.

Sajin Vaas dares govt. to send him to prison

Sajin Vaas dares govt. to send him to prison

Sep 15, 2017
Strongman and confidante of the former regime and the Rajapaksas, Sajin Vaas Gunawardena says no one can send him to prison as he has manipulated the Attorney General’s Department in the way he wants.
The the foreign ministry supervising MP, he has been accused of misusing presidential secretariat vehicles and also of money laundering. Remanded for a brief period, he was subsequently released on bail.
Now, he is saying with his friends that he has manipulated the AG’s Dept., and kept his files ‘misplaced’ for the past one year, with the relevant quarters being gratified.
He noted that he has been able to arrange his activities to show that he belonged neither to the government nor to the joint opposition, and that he is the only person to get MSD security through the president. Newspapers or webs cannot do anything against me and I will go on my journey, he said.
“All the others may go to prison, but I cannot be sent to prison. I have balanced everything well. Tell them to dare sending me to prison,” he has challenged, according to reports reaching Lanka News Web.

Friday, September 15, 2017

The abortion debate: Mismatched and misplaced?

logoSaturday, 16 September 2017

I once came into contact with a woman on account of a professional relationship we had. We had met to discuss her prolonged absence from work. With a reserved demeanour and a soft voice, she claimed that she had to run her father’s shop back home as he had not been well and hence she said that she had not been able toleave home. 

Bond Scam: At Least Make Your Lies Believable – Justice Jayawardena Tells Perpetual Treasuries CEO

In an excruciating day of evidence at the Bond Commission, lawyers defending Perpetual Treasuriesand their employees shamelessly watched on as the CEO Kasun Palisena compulsively lied.
The Commissioners who couldn’t take anymore of the blatant lying said that It was clear that Palisena was lying. “At least make your lies believable” Justice Prasanna Jayawardena told Palisena.

Perpetual CEO Kasun Palisena
All throughout, Kalinga Indathissa, Anuja Premarathne, Nihal Fernando and the rest of the Defense Counsel watched on.
Recording after recording was played by the Attorney Generals Department which showed that Palisena had known that the phone recordings was identifiable. Earlier Palisena said that the recordings could not be identified. However later testimony showed that Palisena was lying and that he instructed to crash the computer with recordings at the behest of Arjun Aloysius.
Grudgingly Palisena was made to admit that Arjun Aloysius lied to the COPE committee regarding his involvement with PTL, after it was made clear that he was the main decision maker of the company.
Palisenas deleted phone recordings also put forth a “Little Jonny” codename, to whom kickbacks were paid.
Palisena compulseively lying refused to budge an inch all the time saying he did not know the Little Jhonny who was referred to in the conversation, which was in reference to a payment called for by Arjun Aloysius.
The evidence became so laughable at a point during which an agitated ASG Milinda Gunathilake said you are an unrepentant liar.
When asked about his instructions to delete the phone recordings, Palisena said that he was not aware of anything of the sort, instead he threw his subordinates Nuwan Salgado and Sachithra Dewathanthri under the bus. He said it was they who lied when giving evidence. They said that they were instructed by Kasun Paliisena to delete the phone calls.
Throughout the evidence today, Palisena made valiant attempts to protect Aloysius, only grudgingly admitting that Aloysius was the person ultimately responsible.
During testimony, the Commission also pointed out that Palisena had received bonuses running over “9 digits”.
Throughout the entire testimony, Palisena compulsively lied at the end drawing the laughter of the lawyers and people present each time he lied.
At one instance the ASG played a call recording, one of over 550 call recordings for the day in question, in which Palisena calls another dealer and speaks of “deleting calls” during a Central Bank onsite examination.
Later during the testimony he denied knowledge of how the computer system crashed on the very same day the company received a letter from the Central Bank, on July 6th 2017.

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Heroes and Heroics

"What is history, but a fable agreed upon" – Napoleon


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If Hitler had won the war, history would have been written differently.  Wars are fought for various reasons, be it power, politics, geopolitics, religion, ethnicity or even women.  Which way the cookie crumbles, it is the winner that interprets history.  Some may call JR a hero while some may consider him a horror.  The fact, however, remains that he is a historic figure, the interpretations of which are being re-written on an almost daily basis.  It may also be recalled that there was no public holiday declared or even live TV coverage of his funeral.  If not anything else, he introduced television to Sri Lanka.

We did endure 30 years of war and thankfully, one side was defeated – the best way to end a war, in my opinion.  It is not only the men and women in uniform who sacrificed their lives in this war; victims of the Pettah Bus Stand bomb, Arantalawa, Central Bank bombing and thousands of others also died in the name of war.  Statistics categorized as ‘collateral damage’ today, but human lives nevertheless and deserve remembering.  There are also those who minted money on arms, ammunition and other war supplies – they are not heroes, just plain millionaires hobnobbing with both victor and vanquished. 

Last week, we saw a landmark judicial verdict, wherein the former top Civil Servant had acted as an ordinary Government Servant (read servant of the government in power), was found guilty and sentenced to a term in jail with accompanying fines.  There is no denying that if the ‘horse’ he backed had won, he would have had books written on his magnanimity instead of the ‘sentence’ handed down.  A hero if he won, but now a villain since he lost.  Of course, there are those (including those responsible for issuing such orders), who claim that he had performed a ‘meritorious act’.  We did have a minister in charge of religious affairs at the time, but then again, telecommunications, in today’s context, works at the speed of light.  All we can now do is appeal to the Courts to revise the term R.I. to mean "Religious Internment"!  And God Bless them for believing the deities are as gullible as the voters.  Judging others by your standards and believing that deities accept bribes would be tragic!  

Of course, there were many great and brave soldiers and leaders – uniformed, civilian and political.  Reports however, abound of the heroics of a different and devious kind.  Even the Haitian variety. 

* IF civilians were abducted for ransom by personnel in uniform, these personnel cannot be considered heroes by any stretch of imagination;

* IF security personnel arrested people like Ekneligoda and he is not heard of since, those involved cannot be termed heroes; Noyar’s case included;

* Lasantha Wickrematunge dies and his story is buried with him until the case is re-examined and his body is exhumed.  Cause of death becomes attack with a blunt weapon, instead of the gunshot injuries as reported originally.  Was Lasantha’s killing heroic enough to be suppressed for so long?

* Why did Wasim Thajudeen’s body have to be exhumed to confirm that his death was not the ‘accident’ it was originally made out to be?  How many heroes were involved in re-writing the script and scenario for murder to be projected as an accident?

* How many ‘deserters’ are deemed heroic enough to provide security to politicians? 

National Heroes MUST be recognized and respected.  The mere donning of a uniform should not be the criteria for such recognition.  The LTTE did commit criminal acts, but they were terrorists, recognized as such internationally.  We fought and won a war and there are universally accepted norms in fighting a war.  Two wrongs do not make a right.  If we did make mistakes, they should be corrected. However, misuse of position for personal gain or in the pursuit of vengeance should not be condoned.

We have an example of the one-time highest-ranking public servant, being convicted of an offence deemed criminal.  Let’s hope this is the beginning of the end and not the end of the beginning.  Illegal orders are just that – illegal, and obeying such orders does not absolve one of guilt as demonstrated by last week’s judgment.  Hiding behind the "Ranaviru" label is not in any way heroic.

REGGIE PONNAMPALAM