The most common joint disease Osteoarthritis

By Ranali Perera-2017-08-28

Osteoarthritis is the most common joint disorder affecting people. It is a chronic disease affecting mainly the weight-bearing joints such as the knees, hips and the spine. In osteoarthritis, the cartilage within the joints get destroyed over time leading to pain and stiffness of joints.

Osteoarthritis is mainly seen in older people. However, it can occur in younger individuals who have had joint injuries, have a history of joint overuse, or have other disease conditions affecting the joint cartilage. It affects women more than men, especially after the age of 50.

While the most common joints affected are the ones mentioned above, the joints in the hands and fingers and the big toe can be affected too.

Osteoarthritis is a debilitating condition that affects the day to day activities of those affected.
How is Osteoarthritis caused?

Earlier, osteoarthritis was considered as a degenerative condition which occurs as one ages due to increased wear and tear of joints. However, now, an inflammatory basis has been identified behind the development of osteoarthritis.

A joint is a junction between two bony structures. The bones are covered by a cartilage which facilitate friction-free smooth movement of the bones and help in shock absorption. In synovial joints, the joints are further bathed in a fluid, called the synovial fluid.

When the cartilage is damaged and slowly destroyed, over time, the two bony structures come into contact with each other. This loss of cartilage, and apposition of the bones, leads to all the symptoms associated with osteoarthritis.

What risk factors can lead to Osteoarthritis?

=Age is one of the biggest risk factors for osteoarthritis.
= Female gender (especially after menopause).
= Certain genes have been found to be associated with this condition.

= Obesity and being overweight can lead to an increased risk of getting osteoarthritis as there is an increased burden on the joint, leading to faster erosion of the cartilage. Increased fat content also renders the body more susceptible to inflammation.

= Joint injuries that would damage the cartilage and precipitate osteoarthritis.
= Disease conditions like diabetes mellitus, hormonal abnormalities (Growth hormone increase), rheumatoid arthritis, gout (increased deposition of uric acid crystals within joints) and a condition called haemochromatosis (where the body has an excess of iron, leading to increased deposition of iron within joints).

= Disease conditions affecting proper synthesis of cartilage or other joint abnormalities present since birth or childhood that would increase the likelihood of getting. osteoarthritis later on in life.
= Occupations that involve the overuse of joints, heavy lifting etc.
= Weakness of thigh muscles, leading to altered movement of joints.

What are the associated symptoms?

= Joint pain which increases towards the end of the day or with increased use of the joint.

= Joint stiffness early morning (lasting less than half an hour) or after prolonged periods of inactivity.
= Swelling of the joint.

= Limited range of motion of the joint.

= Cracking sound with movement of the joint.

What are the treatment options available?

The treatment is based on alleviation of symptoms and improvement of the joint function.
This condition does not have a cure, and the damage cannot be reversed. However, with proper treatment, the symptoms can be reduced and the debilitating effects minimized.

Physical activity and exercise:

Every adult is recommended to do at least 30 minutes of moderate intensity activities daily. These include walking, swimming and cycling amongst others. Stretching exercises are also recommended to prevent joint stiffness (eg: doing yoga is helpful in this context). Strengthening the muscles surrounding the affected joints would reduce the burden on that joint during movement.

= Weight reduction:

Reducing the weight helps to reduce the burden on weight-bearing joints like the knee, hip and spine.
= Physical and occupational therapy:

These include the use of assistive devices like canes and clutches, orthotics, use of heat or cold therapy to prevent joint stiffness and to reduce joint pain and the use of custom-made devices to cater to each individual and the affected joint.

= Alternative medicine:

Use of complementary medicines such as acupuncture, homeopathy, nutritional supplements and hydrotherapy (water therapy)

= Pharmacological treatment:

Paracetamol and other pain relieving drugs and NSAIDs (non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs such as ibuprofen, aspirin) for the treatment of pain, corticosteroids taken orally or injected into the joint for the treatment of inflammation and hyaluronic acid injections into the joint to replace the loss of fluid within a joint are the common treatment options. Glycosaminoglycans are taken by some to alleviate the symptoms but their efficacy with regard to this condition is not sufficiently proven yet.
= Surgery:

If the other treatment modalities alone do not reduce the pain or if the joint function is significantly impaired, surgery can be performed. Joint replacement can be done in the knee and hip successfully. Another surgical option is joint fusion.

How can we prevent Osteoarthritis?

Prevention is largely based on reducing the number of risk factors for the condition. Ensuring one leads a good lifestyle, with proper exercise and diet to maintain an ideal body weight can decrease the risk for this condition by many folds and prevent its onset or at least delay it.

What is the difference between Rheumatoid arthritis and Osteoarthritis?

Rheumatoid arthritis is an autoimmune condition whereas osteoarthritis is considered a degenerative one resulting due to wear and tear or excessive use.

Autoimmune conditions are disorders where the body's immune system attacks the healthy tissue of the body. Therefore, in rheumatoid arthritis, other organs are affected as well, whereas in osteoarthritis the condition is limited to the joints. Fatigue and fever are symptoms seen in rheumatoid arthritis.


In rheumatoid arthritis, the disease condition presents itself with the involvement of small joints (in the hands and feet) and typically in a symmetrical manner, affecting both limbs. In osteoarthritis, the condition affects weight bearing joints like the knees and hips and a symmetric picture is not evident. Osteoarthritis also affects the small joints of the hand, but the most common sites are the knees and hips.

Reconciliation still on the drawing board – EU Chargé d’affaires

By Sulochana Ramiah Mohan-2017-08-27

Chargé d'affaires of the Delegation of the European Union to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, Paul Godfrey, tells Ceylon Today that the Government of Sri Lanka set out on an ambitious agenda to fulfil its commitments to the UN resolution but unfortunately has faced several blockages and roadblocks in its progress.

Reconciliation still on the drawing board – EU Chargé d’affaires.docx by Thavam on Scribd

More purposeful government in the making

By Jehan Perera-August 28, 2017, 8:31 pm 

The resignation of Minister Ravi Karunanayake due to a disclosure of conflict of interest in the issue concerning the Central Bank bon scam appears to have galvanized the government to take action against its political opponents whom it accused of far worse wrongs, including murder. Much to its chagrin the government has found that the reforms it has instituted, in particular to empower state institutions to act independently are being used more resolutely by those who wish to undermine it than by the government itself. Two examples would be the protests against the lease of the Hambantota port to China and the SAITM private medical school, the grounds for both of which were laid by the previous government.

When the electorate voted at the presidential and general elections for change of government, they did so because the promises that the new government leaders made were ones they could identify with. The pledges to bring those accused of vast corruption and abuse of power under the former government, and to institute good governance by reinstating the rule of law took centre stage in the government’s election campaign. Today the disillusionment of the electorate is primarily due to these promises not being delivered on. Their disillusionment is increased by the failure of the government to deliver economic benefits to the masses who are struggling to keep afloat amidst the rising cost of living.

Despite the failures of the government its continuing strength comes in two ways. The first is that people continue to hope that it will deliver on its promises, as they have no alternative to go to if good governance and the protection of human rights are to be their goals. The second is that the government has delivered on the most important aspect of governance, which is to give them a sense of security that their human right will not be subjected to arbitrary violation. During the period of the last government this latter fear was widely prevalent. Even people in business and those at the grassroots, who were far from the centres of power feared for their lives on this count. They felt that there was impunity in the system and those at lower levels too could take the law into their own hands.

FEARFUL MEMORIES

The opposition continues to pay a high political price due to its inability to convince the masses of people that if they come back to power the abuses of the past will not come back with them. Due to the opposition’s failure to provide an alternative vision of good governance it is the vision of the present government that continues to prevail. So far the opposition is only able to show the government’s failure to do what it promised. The opposition leadership takes satisfaction in calling the government’s performance to be "yamapalanaya" (rule of dark forces) as against "yahapalanaya" (good governance). The problem with this critique is that the opposition has not yet made a serious attempt to admit its violations in the past, and promise not to repeat them. This is the opposition’s biggest liability.

The memory of Rathupaswela, where crack troops of the army were ordered by the previous government to attack villagers engaging in non-violent protest against their drinking water being poisoned by industrial waste still remains in the mind of people. This is one of several such incidents. Although the present government is criticized for being too weak to put an end to the continuous protests against it, there is recognition that it is not suppressing protests by means of terror tactics as in the past. As a result most people are willing to look to the government to implement its promises regarding good governance and when it does there is satisfaction about the progress.

The progress of the Presidential Commission to investigate the Central Bank bond scandal is a strong point in the government’s favour. It is generally acknowledged that such a commission could not have functioned under the previous government. The manner in which the commissioners have conducted themselves and the willingness of the Attorney General’s Department to cross examine senior government leaders as they would any other person is a testament to the improved independence of state institutions. The resignation of the former Foreign Minister due to the existence of a situation of conflict of interest is an outcome of the government being held accountable. The sacking of the Minister of Justice due to his non-cooperative attitude on the prosecution of corruption cases against members of the former government is another indication that the government is getting serious about delivering results to the people.

NEW DECISIVENESS

The government is pledging to speed up the corruption cases against members of the former government who have been continuing to behave and speak as if they had nothing in the world to be worried about. The government’s new decisiveness is also shown in the manner in which it passed the local government election amendment law. Previously the complaint of independent monitors and the opposition was that the government was dragging out the amendment process to stall local government elections as long as it could. The local government elections are over two years overdue. The government seemed to be in no hurry to expedite the passage of the law. It was universally criticized for this failure.

The passage of the local government election amendment law now suggests that the government has decided to take the bull by the horns and hold the elections and prove its mettle. It may be with this in mind that it reduced taxes on a number of items, including internet usage and small motorcycles, which would benefit a larger number of people, although in a limited manner. In addition, the government has allocated Rs 20 million to each parliamentarian to do development work in their electorates by improving the rural infrastructure under the supervision of former Minister Karunanayake. These are all indication that the government is getting itself prepared to hold the long delayed local government elections.

The reluctance of the government to hold those elections earlier was generally attributed to the problem that the government would encounter when its two main coalition partners, the UNP and SLFP, had to contest each other. It was believed that in the heat of the electoral contest, the working relationship between members of these two parties would get further weakened as they would have to treat each other as rivals to the detriment of the Government of National Unity. The sudden willingness of the government to go in for the local government elections gives rise to the possibility that the government may be thinking of replicating its successful strategy adopted at the presidential election. On that occasion it contested as a united front under the common symbol of the swan.

Roti and Rice: Examining Imbalances in Nutrition for Children in the Estate Sector

Featured image courtesy Amalini De Sayrah

RAISA WICKREMATUNGE on 08/28/2017

It’s 10:30 am at the Social Institute for the Development of Plantation Sector (SIDPS) pre-school on the Strathspey estate in Maskeliya.

The children, most of them around five years old, queue up – boys first, then girls. The pre-school doesn’t have a toilet, as it’s located next to a chemical store room. Because of this, the Government didn’t give the clearance needed. They have to make do with an open sewer outside.

Then they open up their lunch-boxes. According to the mid-day meal programme initiated by the Ministry of Education in 2010, these children are supposed to be provided with food and a glass of milk. But this school hasn’t received funds for the mid-day meal for over a year now – a 2015 World Bank report flagged the need for a National School Feeding Policy which could have helped avoid this.

But the teachers point out two students – one of them has roti and a banana for lunch, while another has instant noodles. Both these contravene the recommended nutrition plan tacked up on the school wall.

View the full story, compiled on Adobe Spark, here, or below:

Editors To Be Held Liable For Advertisements Under Proposed Media Regulatory Law

AUGUST 28, 2017

The proposed Media Regulatory draft law pushed by the Information Department provides in clause 12 of the draft, that “the editor-in-chief, as designated by news media outlets, shall be accountable for all the content disseminated by the news media outlet, including advertisements,” Colombo Telegraph learns.

Media Minsiter Mangala Samaraweera

The draft also states that ‘the editor-in-chief shall be accountable to the Independent News Media Council for all the content included in the news media outlet regardless of whether or not any breach of any Code of Practice adopted by the Independent News Media Council is directly attributable to the editor-in-chief.

Asked to comment, an editor stated that a lot of discretion is given to the News Media Council established under this draft and that it can be used as a political tool by the Government. Holding editors liable for even advertisements is contrary to normal practice, he added.

Earlier, Colombo Telegraph had exposed the fact that the draft had contained a clause that a journalist could be forced to disclose sources on a judicial order. Following criticism, a revised clause now reads that “No court may require a journalist to disclose the identity of a confidential source who has provided information to that journalist, nor may any adverse inferences be drawn against a journalist for any refusal to disclose a confidential source.”

Colombo Telegraph had highlighted this clause, pointing to the problems that may arise if a court is given the power by law to order a journalist to give up his/her sources. This was particularly so as the Supreme Court had ruled that source protection is part of the right to information. These questions were raised in the context of the Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI), an umbrella organization of editors and media activists remaining quiet while the proposed media draft regulatory law was being promoted by the Director General, Information Department Ranga Kalansooriya and IMS country programme manager Nalaka Gunewardene without formal involvement of the Ministry of Media.

A doubtful group calling itself the National Secretariat for Media Reform (NSMR) funded by an international non-governmental organization, International Media Support (IMS) had been given the task. Its website (nsmrlk.org/) stated that the SLPI had also collaborated with it.

The NSMR website went off line shortly after the Colombo Telegraph exposure when it was pointed that some of their members had dubious qualifications while others were not recognized members of either the legal or media professions. NSMR has removed the relevant information from its website. Even at this point, the website does not disclose details of its members under ‘About us.’

Despite the revision on the forced disclosure of sources which was prompted by the Colombo Telegraph exposure while the SLPI remained asleep, the draft is still concerning. DG, Information Kalansooriya has tried to justify the proposed News Media Council to be established by this draft to regulate the print and broadcast media by saying that this will be similar to the RTI Commission set up under the internationally hailed RTI Act, No 12 of 2016. But media activists speaking to Colombo Telegraph reiterated that this explanation is not correct as the RTI law was widely accepted with the RTI Commission members of high standing while this is a problematic draft and there is no guarantee as who will be appointed to this Council.         

The SLPI has yet not activated itself on the matter apart from its CEO Kumar Lopez issuing a short press statement recently saying that the majority of its members agreed on the need for self-regulation. A senior independent news editor told Colombo Telegraph that the SLPI has lost public credibility because of lack of direction and focus. “They only have trainings, sometimes one-off public lectures attended by the same crowd. It is not seen as a critical meeting place for ideas and discussions by journalists. The CEO is someone whom they got from the private sector as no one else came forward and he only thinks of profits. He runs this way and that way helplessly whenever he is told to,” he said.

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Sri Lanka: Let’s Continue the Political Cohabitation

With regard to strategic assets such as ports and airports Sri Lanka should take into consideration and be mindful of the security interests and concerns of its giant neighbour, again in its own interest, regional cooperation on matters of security, trade and investment being the way forward for Sri Lanka.

by Harim Peiris-Aug 28, 2017

Aug 28, 2017

( August 28, 2017, Colomnbo, Sri Lanka Guardian) August 2017 marks two years of the National Unity government formed after the general elections of August 2015, which followed the historic presidential elections earlier that year, which ended unceremoniously and two years ahead of schedule the rule and reign of the Rajapaksa clan. Ending Rajapaksa rule, was a remarkable rainbow coalition of practically everyone else but the Rajapaksa’s’ their UPFA, Mahinda Rajapaksa having the unique skill of uniting almost every other political shade of opinion in the country against himself, from the Sinhala nationalist JHU, to the JVP, the UNP, General Fonseka’s Democrats, every Muslim party and the TNA, in a broad rainbow coalition against Rajapaksa rule. The general election which followed essentially witnessed President Sirisena’s political allies win power and confirmed the decline of the Rajapaksa brand, the UPFA’s popular vote declining between January and August that year. Two years on, there seem little nostalgia for a Rajapaksa return, their political organs of the Joint Opposition and the SLPP, blowing hot air and some barely concealed racism but not making much traction either in Parliament or outside.

The Government of President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe was elected on a three-fold agenda of greater democratization, economic reform and reconciliation. It is perhaps in the area of democratization that the Government has the most impressive gains to date, with the passage of the 19th Amendment to the constitution and the Right to Information Act, the latter with the potential to significantly increase the transparency and accountability of Sri Lankan governance.

In terms of reconciliation the Government co-sponsored the UNHRC resolution on reconciliation in Sri Lanka demonstrating its own commitment to the same, cooperates with UN Special mandate holders and, opened up civil society space in post war rehabilitation, facilitated the smooth functioning of the provincial councils by replacing intransigent retired military governors with civilians in the North and East and released significant amounts of lands occupied by the military during the conflict, including the Mylatti fisheries harbour in the North and Sampoor in the East.

The Tamil Diaspora groups were engaged with, de-proscribing a large number of Diaspora organisations and persons and encouraging them to be partners in rehabilitation and post war reconstruction, while the Office of Missing Persons (OMP) Act, was also passed. There still remains much to be done in relation to reconciliation, especially making progress on devolution and constitutional reform. Tamil political opinion and actors have chaffed though at the complicated politics and inherent delays in effecting further progress on reconciliation measures.

Economic reforms

It is however in the area of economic reform and development that there has been some disquiet with the voting public expecting a quick “good governance dividend” which it has not seen forthcoming thus far. However, Rome was not built in a day and economic reforms take time to bear fruit. But most importantly Sri Lanka’s economy was set for a hard landing, a correction after the second Rajapaksa terms borrow and spend binge. Government investment on borrowed funds in white elephant projects of dubious utility value, like the Mattala airport and the Hambanthota port, meant that a slowdown from ceasing the borrow and spend binge was inevitable.

One of the best kept secrets in recent times has been the Mahinda Rajapaksa decision to call presidential elections two year before they were due. His astrologers, magicians and soothsays notwithstanding it is quite likely that Percy Mahinda Rajapaksa was well advised that he could not indefinitely borrow and spend on projects that gave no economic returns. The election of January 2015, might well have been his bet to avoid an election in the likely economic pain his policies were bringing and would bite by 2017.

Needless hot air over leasing state assets

A key strategy of the economic reforms of the government has been attracting foreign direct investment and as western commercial capital has been harder to access amidst fierce Asia’s wide competition for the same, the Unity Government has sought to change the policy of borrow at commercial rates adopted by the Rajapaksa regime to a lease and invest equity approach to regional economic giants, both India and China. Now the Rajapaksa Administration ignored India and courted only China, to the detriment of Sri Lanka’s national interest, while the National Unity Government once again rebalanced Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, a return to the status quo ante, of our previous policy of friendly relations and close economic ties with both India, our largest trading partner and China our largest foreign investor.

There has been needless hot air and distortions over the ETCA with India, leasing the oil tank farms to the Indian oil company, the Mattala airport to also to an Indian firm and of course the Hambanthota port deal to a Chinese state owned fame which incidentally cost the former Justice Minister his job for intemperate comments regarding the Government approved US Dollar one billion deal.

The political hot air over leasing public assets to foreign investors, is uncalled for, since leasing is merely a project financing option, which is definitely more beneficial than borrowing for that same public project or asset. In the case of the Hambanthota port or the Mattala airport, sovereign borrowings to build and operate the projects, incidentally at a loss as well, essentially mortgages the country’s future tax revenues to build and operate these projects. The option of leasing is merely a financing option, which is definitely preferable to massive loans at commercial rates of interest.

With regard to strategic assets such as ports and airports Sri Lanka should take into consideration and be mindful of the security interests and concerns of its giant neighbour, again in its own interest, regional cooperation on matters of security, trade and investment being the way forward for Sri Lanka. All the economic growth forecasts for the future predict an increasingly robust growth for the Indian economy which would see its economy outpace even the Chinese one. Sri Lanka must position herself early through smart diplomacy and an enlightened foreign policy to benefit from the regional economic boom, poised to be powered by India.

featured image:  Former President and the driving force behind the present ruling alliance, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga 

Five students drown in boat tragedy off Jaffna

2017-08-28

At least five students drowned in the seas off Mandative in Jaffna when the boat they were travelling in capsized this afternoon, police said.

They said the bodies of five students were recovered and taken to hospital while the navy and police are searching for another student who went missing.

Police said the seven A/L students are reported to have gone in a fishing boat to Mandative islet to celebrate the completion of the A/L examination. (Sithum Chaturanga)

Video by Gobi Ranjan

Making Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi relevant in changing times

C.V. Wigneswaran (left) and ITAK leaders-Monday, 28 August 2017

There is an intention in the top echelons of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) to re-orient the party’s policies to suit emerging local, regional and international trends.

The aim is to face the next Northern Provincial Council (NPC) elections in September 2018 with an agenda different from the traditional politicised and confrontational one, a reliable source in the party said.

The ITAK hopes to be a party propagating and implementing economic development while fighting for the political rights of the Tamils.

The change in orientation has come about given the proven futility of Tamil politics thus far, the source said. Given the utter failure of the non-developmental, highly politicised and confrontational orientation of the NPC led by Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran, and a change in the concerns of local and international players, a makeover of the aims, objectives and style of Tamil and ITAK politics is called for.
Over-politicisation 

The NPC, which has been in existence since September 2013, is about to complete its five-year term an year from now. But it has little to show by way of achievements, whether in the political or economic field.

From the word go, the NPC has been only highlighting political issues, passing resolution after resolution on the plight of the Tamils, even accusing the Sri Lankan Government of continuing to commit “genocide”.

Encouraged by the international community’s interest in pressing war crimes charges against the Sri Lankan government headed by Mahinda Rajapaksa, the NPC spent all its time trumpeting the humwan rights and political grievances of the Tamils mainly to be heard in the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva.

The NPC partly succeeded in achieving its aim in as much as UNHRC passed hostile resolutions against the Rajapaksa regime, threatening it with international judicial intervention. The EU had deprived Sri Lanka of trade concessions under GSP-plus.

During the 2006-2009 Eelam War IV, the West sought international humanitarian intervention to save lives, though this would have completely disrupted Sri Lanka’s military campaign. The West also wanted to browbeat Rajapaksa into toeing its line on all issues. It was seeking a role for itself in Sri Lanka’s domestic affairs and also wanting to make it a handmaiden in its geo-political moves. But Rajapaksa stood firm and thwarted the West’s plan.

After the war, Rajapaksa bent over backwards to accommodate China and Chinese interests in Sri Lanka and the region, which raised the hackles in the West and neighbouring India. Hostile resolutions were tabled in the UNHRC.
Side-lining of Tamil issue

But once Rajapaksa was defeated in the January 2015 presidential election, and the August 2015 Parliamentary elections put the opposition United National Party (UNP) in power, there was a sea-change in the West’s attitude to Colombo and the Tamil question. It warmed up to the pro-West and pro-international community new regime led by President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The West considerably softened its stand on the human rights, war crimes and Tamil questions. The earlier harsh prescriptions in the UNHRC resolutions were toned down, and suitable verbal assurances were given to the new Lankan Government on sensitive issues like the induction of foreign judges and investigators in war crimes cases. The Tamil issue was effectively marginalised.
Focus on economy 

India, which has been involved in the Tamil question since the 1980s, shifted from political involvement to economic involvement. It has been wanting to execute development projects all over Sri Lanka, in the Tamil-speaking north and east as well as the Sinhala-speaking south.

In the north, the Indians built 50,000 houses for the war displaced, and restored and laid railways. In the South also, railroads were laid. The Indians held a series of industrial exhibitions in the north to promote trade, investment and Joint Ventures.

In the case of Sri Lanka as a whole, efforts were made to enter into a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA). Presently, talks or on to sign an Economic Technical Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) by year end. India and some other countries like Norway have tried to get the Northern Province Chief Minister to show interest in economic development.

But Northern Chief Minister Wigneswaran has shown no interest in these moves. His consistent stand has been that a political solution should come before economic development; economic development should not in any way harm the local natural environment and disturb the simple Lankan Tamil way life; should not exploit any of the North’s natural resources; and outsiders should not be employed in local enterprises even if there is a shortage of labour or skills.

Given the anti-development mindset, no wonder the Sri Lankan north has not seen any economic development. The north remains a mere market for goods made elsewhere because a good section of its population lives on remittances from relations residing in the West.
No developmental administration

Over-occupation with political issues has led to the utter neglect of administration. The Leader of the Opposition in the NPC, S. Thavarasa, has demanded times without number, that the Council pass statutes to run the provincial administration on organised lines. There are 38 subjects which need statutes but very few statues have been passed, he points out.

While the Chief Minister is not interested in administrative intricacies, other NPC members lack awareness and skills as they are all first-timers, he said.

Earlier on, monies sent by the Central Government in Colombo would be sent back, unspent. The Chief Minister would say that the projects earmarked by Colombo were thrust on the NPC and therefore not worth implementing. A deaf ear would be turned to Thavarasa’s plea that sanctioned projects be implemented while seeking funds for the NPC’s own projects.

The Chief Minister and his Ministers would not visit Colombo and negotiate projects with the powers-that-be in the capital.

It is this situation which is prompting at least some of the top leaders of the ITAK to think of reorienting the party, inculcating a new ethos and a new set of goals in its cadres and voters. They will be fed on a new diet of political concerns and not empty and unrealisable political slogans. A beginning is to be made in the run up to the September 2018 NPC elections.

Favourable climate 

What is giving the “new look” leadership some confidence is the way the powers-that-be in Colombo are proceeding with the drafting of a new constitution. The reports of the constitutional sub-committee were liberal in outlook. There is a wide measure of agreement on key issues like the Nature of the State, the place of Buddhism, and the extent of and nature of devolution.

According to Dr. Jayamapathy Wickremaratne, a key member of the Steering Committee, devolution of power to the provinces is not a demand of the Tamil majority Northern Province alone. Chief Ministers of the Sinhala-speaking provinces in the south also want devolution.

They want provisions regarding devolution to be clearly stated, and the boundaries between the Centre and the Provinces clearly demarcated. They also want the curtailment of the powers of the centrally-appointed Governor over provincial officials, he said.

Parliament has already passed a law to give 25% of the seats in local bodies to women and allot 60% of the seats to be filled by elections held under the First Past the Post System so that elected members are closer to the voters than they have been hitherto under the Proportional Representation System.

Why the LG electoral system was hastily changed

by C.A.Chandraprema-August 26, 2017

The drama that took place both within and outside Parliament last week in relation to the amendments brought to the local government elections law highlights more than anything else the profound political crisis faced by the government. In 2012, the local government elections law was changed by the Rajapaksa government in response to the long standing demand that the method of election of people’s representatives should change to enable the people to have an identifiable representative for each ward or constituency and also to ensure a stable administration or government as the case may be. As such the 2012 law provided for local representatives to be elected from the wards on a first past the post basis, and for 30% of the representatives to be elected on the principle of proportional representation.

Why the LG electoral system was hastily changed.docx by Thavam on Scribd

Abolition of the Executive Presidency equates to a new Constitution

BY SHIVANTHI RANASINGHE-2017-08-28

Those who are insisting for a new constitution should pause to reflect on what they are asking and from whom they are asking. First of all, it was the abolition of the executive presidency that was pledged in the 2015 elections and not a brand new constitution. One may argue that abolition of the executive presidency equates to a new constitution. While that maybe the case, the more important question in this highly debatable matter is, do we have the right people in place to undertake this monumental task? After all, our constitution is the blueprint of our law, upholder of our identity and the guard of our national interests.

When this government came to power in 2015, it was marketed as the people's silent revolutionary. Yet, at the same time, India and America took credit for the 'regime change.' The fact that there was foreign influence should be cause enough for us to worry. As Lakshman Kadirgamar famously observed, there is no such thing as a free dinner. Then, what is the price we are to pay for the 'democracy' they helped to install?

We all have the same issues

This is not a question to be treated lightly. The regime changes that took place in the Middle East, just few years before our own, offers us live examples of its consequences. Middle East had its own issues - with each other and with the world, especially the West. On the whole though, its respective citizens enjoyed a fairly stable country. Today, those countries that allowed democracy to be imported from the west have disintegrated into utter chaos and even war zones.

When the U.S. Ambassador Atul Keshap brings the message that America wants Sri Lanka to be a federal State, the question is why? The answer offered is, to devolve power so minority communities in Sri Lanka have a degree of self-governance.

However, in Sri Lanka there are no minority communities. All Sri Lankan citizens, irrespective of race, ethnicity, religion, creed, or even gender enjoy the same benefits. This thus also means, we all have the same issues.

It is not only the Tamil student with excellent Advanced Level results denied entrance to the university. It is not only the Muslim graduate who finds himself unemployable. Likewise, a Sri Lankan citizen from any corner of Sri Lanka can ask legal proceedings and official documents to be in Tamil. This is not a privilege Tamils in India or West enjoys.

The 13th Amendment in the American constitution is interesting. It declared that "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or in any place subject to their jurisdiction." Roughly, demographics of incarcerated Americans nationwide are:

450 Caucasians for every 100,000, 831 Hispanic for every 100,000, 2,306 African origin for every 100,000.

It appears that it is America that needs to devolve power to its minorities.

On the other hand, it was this Constitution that kept our country from keeling over during three decades of terrorism. It was the same Constitution that allowed the annihilation of the most brutal terrorist organization in less than three years, once political will finally set in to militarily defeat terrorism. That same Constitution allowed over 12,000 rehabilitated cadres who once belonged to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to be released back to society without any stigma.

One must not forget, terrorism too was imported to Sri Lanka. It is not even a secret anymore that India trained, armed, and financed the Tamil terrorist groups. Kouchner and Miliband came over just before the war ended to pressurize the then government to stop its military efforts is a well-known fact. Less spoken however is the Western powers' lack of will to arrest fund collection towards the terrorists' war chest, terrorist propaganda or at the very least prevent terrorists such as Adele Balasingham from residing in those very countries.

For 30 years, Sri Lanka was staring at bankruptcy. It all ended with the annihilation of the LTTE. The country was both stabilizing and progressing.

Debt built to a crescendo

It was in this background that allegations of corruption and debt built to a crescendo. This concerned the general public greatly.

Gradually, the popularity of the then administration waned. Their failure to investigate and respond to the allegations added to the discontentment. While the people's attention was distracted over the corruption allegations, in the international arena efforts to convert the war victory to war crimes were well underway. To the home audience, the government repeatedly assures the constitution does not allow hybrid courts with foreign judges and prosecutors, disappearance act, retrospective law and terminating services of officers with allegations that has insufficient evidence to sentence thm.
Yet, the Government is not making any effort to reverse, renegotiate, or reject the resolution. The West-led international community is not letting up either. High Commissioner for UNHRC Zeid al-Hussein was in Sri Lanka to remind that we are free to take any decision whose consequences we can face.

It is in this context the new constitution in the making must be viewed. The effort to introduce the unconstitutional as constitutional must never be underestimated. Since the installation of this government, Jeffery Feltman visited government officials twice. Both visits were a hush-hush matter, with closed-door meetings. Feltman is known for taking sides to accentuate the division.

When all these facts are taken on board, it is obvious the foreign interest on Sri Lanka has reached dangerous levels. Without understanding or addressing this danger, it is very foolish to change the locks.

The other factor those asking for a new constitution must consider is the calibre of the executors.
On 29 January 2015, the 100-day mini budget was presented. Though the then finance minister Ravi Karunanayake claimed the economy left by the predecessor to be scary, the mini budget reduced government's income by slashing taxes on fuel and increased its expenditure by giving a whopping Rs 10,000/- monthly allowance to the public sector. It was not long before the country's finances twisted into a knot.

On 27 February 2015, a routine auctioning of treasury bonds at the Central Bank was perverted. The then Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran explained it as more of a miscommunication than anything else. He claimed that though only Rs one billion was called, he had in the back of his mind that the government was in need of a much larger sum. However, only Perpetual Treasuries owned by his son-in-law knew that bids worth larger than the value called for would be accepted. As a result, the interest rates increased and for the next 30 years, the country will feel its rippling effect.

Had the government dissolved in 100 days as was the plan, the Central Bank bond scam would never have got exposed as it did. Within these 100 days, people would have enjoyed the bounty of the Robin Hood mini budget and it would be on that popular note the government would have gone to the general elections.

However, the president of the country to whom the power is vested to call for elections, kept putting off the date. By the time elections were finally called, the finances were in a tangle as government coffers emptied faster than it filled.

Though one of the first things the 100-day did was to establish a special crime investigation division to focus entirely on large scale financial frauds, the bond scam investigation was never directed to it. Instead, the Prime Minister, who unceremoniously took the Central Bank under his purview before the bond scam, appointed a three-member committee to check if any irregularities had occurred. When that failed to appease the growing anger, it became the subject of the Commission on Public Enterprise.

The evidence presented had implicated both, the Central Bank Governor and the Prime Minister, in addition to several other senior ministers. Finally the 100-day government was dissolved on the eve the COPE report was to be presented to the Parliament. It is said that it was on the direction of Keshap, the general elections were called.

By then, people's discontentment was setting in and the 100-day government did not face the August 2015 elections on the high note they wanted.

On 25 September 2015, Sri Lanka decided to cosponsor the U.S. draft resolution 'Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka'. How much Keshap's interference to prevent the COPE report from been presented to the parliament played a part in accepting the Geneva resolution without a hum of protest is not possible to state, but perhaps easy to guess.
In 2017, we lost control of our Magampura Port for the next 99 years. Severely cash strapped, other national assets are also up for long term lease.

Only a court of law can decide if one is guilty. However, a number of things are obvious. The Robin Hood mini budget was to be a grand scale election bribe. Also, the mastermind behind the Central Bank bond scam countered on a major distraction such as an election, for they did not bother to cover their tracks. Had the general elections were called on schedule, everyone's attention would be on the various campaigns and the ensuring debates. Therefore, our economy was ransomed for individual political survival. The most contentious of all is the allegation that with one phone call, Keshap dissolved our government. Is it from these entities, we ask for a new Constitution?

ranasingheshivanthi@gmail.com

‘Just wait until 3 rd Sept. I shall do what you did to Wijedasa– I shall purge my side of villains’ president to UNP Radical Tide !

(Lanka-e-News - 28.Aug.2017, 12.30PM) Like how  Wijedasa Rajapakse alias Dealdasa was kicked out for engaging in villainies  against the good governance of the consensual government while being within it , after the 3 rd of September a decision will be taken by him against those villains of the SLFP camp too , president Maithripala Sirisena solemnly pledged to the ‘UNP Radical Tide’ parliamentarians. 

The president made  this solemn pledge in no uncertain terms when he met with the UNP Radical tide group on 23 rd night. 

The Radical Tide wanted this meeting  with the president to discuss the issues engendered by the SLFP M.P.s and ministers who are acting in a manner that is hostile to the consensual governance and against  the unity of consensual government . ‘The president was steered to the exalted position by our group that worked with commitment towards that while making supreme sacrifices . It is we who made all the contribution to protect , propel  and promote the president at that time , much more than those who were hostile to you,’  ‘ The Radical Tide’ honestly elucidated  and notified  the president . It is then the president gave that solemn assurance to them .

 ‘Just wait until the SLFP convention on  3  rd September  is over. I shall take a firm decision after that against those who are creating obstacles on my side’ the president vowed.

This discussion was most fruitful and successful because of  president’s inspirational message to the ‘Radical Tide’ , ‘‘if all of you had commenced this tide at least a year ago ,  we would have caught all the rogues by now.’’ The president while  blessing the UNP Radical Tide also effusively  thanked  the Radicals. 

Apart from the main discussion , the president revealed  to the Radical Tide that  there are 3 million Sri Lankans overseas , and they are exerting pressures for a people’s referendum . Hence he proposed to them to initiate measures through the good governance government to enlighten those abroad  on the government’s programs  and muster their support with a view to  organize their help for   the country  . Currently , there are two separate Diasporas – the Tamil and Sinhala .  These Diasporas should be made into a single ‘Sri Lankan diaspora’ . Towards this end , MPs must travel abroad two at a time and work to achieve that goal , the president proposed. 

An M.P. of the Radical Tide who holds a doctorate (Ph.D.) explained to the president, in this regard  already a conceptual paper has been prepared. 

The Radical Tide after having   dinner with the president , left greatly inspired and with enthusiasm to make giant strides in the direction of  their aims and ambitions  in the national interests. 

Connected report ..
UNP’s ‘Radical tide’ rises above P.M. and towards president ..
-Gazette notification on 23 rd regarding stripping Dealdasa of both portfolios ! 

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by     (2017-08-28 07:10:46)

Sri Lanka: Violent Extremism is Our Problem — Admiral Fallon

(August 28, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Sri Lanka Army-organized ‘Colombo Defence Seminar 2017’ got off on Monday (28) at the BMICH in Colombo with a record participation of intellectuals, scholars, security experts and a large gathering of distinguished guests, drawn from 34 countries.The keynote address during the inaugural ceremony was delivered by Admiral William J. Fallon (Retd), US Navy at the invitation of the Sri Lanka Army.

Admiral Fallon in his address opined that it is the responsibility of respective governments and state actors to pull together and contain violence for the best interests of today and tomorrow. “There is no better example in the world than what really happened in this country by way of violence. Violence always needs lots of collective action since expectations on the part of civilians are very high as far as their security is concerned. Audience here today may have experienced a cauldron of violence in different situations, although they are basically tragedies. I was in the Pentagon when 9 /11 strike took place.”

“We need to sort out a definition for the violence, it would be social, religious or for some ideologies. The recent instances show non-state actors increasingly furthering their extreme views as different institutes are also there to shape their scourges of violence. Those manifestations are needed to be identified since we acknowledge that it is ‘our problem’, not either yours of mine. Governments are therefore urged to realize its complex nature. We got to understand the phenomenon behind the moves as security professionals in order to find solutions.”

“Millions are on the move being unable to accept violence in their own countries. This situation is exacerbated with extremists’ videos, economic sanctions, cyber support, etc. It also could lead to fourth generation warfare, cyber threats and would pose constraints to military operations. The world should see a glimpse of new hope as a way ahead. We admit there is lot to be done at different levels, I mean, grass root level, local level, middle level, since it is the true collaboration, which would resolve ‘action’ policies. Violent extremism as a global menace, we need a corporate effort, disrupting and preventing violent extremism if we are to continue with a new peace technology.”

Governments and all organizations have to focus attention on ‘community dialogues’. We should train soft power to find solutions to this matter collectively bringing effective thinking and practice. National conflicts have erupted as global conflicts. Therefore, each organization has a duty to be stakeholders for eradication of those situations. Egos of societies have also erupted as conflicts, and such global conflicts bring unnecessary burdens to society and prompting security forces to stage forums of this nature, the keynote speaker, Admiral Fallon pointed out.