Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe: The Man Vs The Hero

By Darshanie Ratnawalli –AUGUST 27, 2017

Darshanie Ratnawalli

“Salagama? Certainly not”, Sumangala Thera of the Sugatha-Dakshinaramaya temple in Skelton Road refutes my speculation about Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe’s caste as authoritatively as only a Buddhist monk hailing from Kanumuldeniya, just two kilometres from Rajapakshe’s original village of Horewala in Walasmulla, and went to school with him can. As political issues hotted up and Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe became flavour of the month, the first public reference to Rajapakshe’s caste was made on 13 August by Badulla District MP Dilan Perera, couched as an admonition not to rely on the caste ridden as well as chauvinistic Joint Opposition which, whichever Rajapaksa it welcomes, will not accept a Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe.

My speculation that Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe may be Salagama was based on his authorship of ‘C.P De Silva, The Minneriya Deviyo, So close and yet so far’, a treatise which casts C. P. De Silva as an unsung hero who was deprived of his rightful destiny to be Prime Minister. On Chapter nine, Rajapakshe writes about the forces which wrested the premiership from C.P. De Silva and conferred it upon Dudley Senanayake in March 1960,

“Although the Governor –General Oliver Goonathileke invited Dudley Senanayake to form a government, the members of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and other leftist parties preferred to form a government under the premiership of C.P. De Silva as leftist parties in the opposition had secured a larger number of seats altogether than the United National Party. There was no barrier constitutionally or otherwise for Oliver Goonathileke to call upon C.P. De Silva…When Oliver Goonathileke was shilly-shallying late into the day as to whom he should call upon to form the government, media personnel were compelled to ask him what caused the delay. Then the cat came out of the bag, he queried as to how he could call upon a Silva to form a government in this country…C.P De Silva’s second chance of becoming the Prime Minister of this country unfortunately slipped off for no fault of his, but for the caste-minded attitude of the then Head of the State Sir Oliver Goonathileke.”

“He is said to be of the Deva caste,” says Sumangala Thera who shares ‘old boyhood’ of Kanumuldeniya Maha Vidyalayala with Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe and Pallekande Ratanasara Thera.

Sumangala Thera was the first stop in the necessarily brief journey this writer undertook to discover Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe. What are his motivations, what niche does he expect in the history books of the future?.

According to R. J. De Silva, nephew of C. P De Silva, the niche that W. Rajapakshe identifies most with is what C.P. De Silva had, that of the unsung hero, the real patriot, who is marginalized and deprived of his rightful place due to causes including but not limited to caste.

“He identifies strongly with C.P. Otherwise there is no reason for him to write a book on C.P. C.P. was from Balapitiya, while this man is from Walasmulla. Halfway through the book, he had asked Ranil Wickremesinghe to connect him with a family member. Then only was he referred to us. It’s unusual for people to talk about caste in writing, but Rajapakshe talks about how C.P. was deprived of premiership due to caste. Whatever anyone says, people like to give respect to their caste, not necessarily to follow the caste system.”

Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe the lawyer

There are mixed opinions about his competence as a legal professional. The late Totsy Vittachchi who was among those fought Harry Jayawardena over the ownership of the Stassen Group is said to have spoken glowingly of Rajapakshe’s competence. Another reliable source claims to have met people who have experienced Rajapakshe’s incompetence. C. P’s nephew R. J. De Silva who is also an attorney at law and the present Chairman of HDFC Bank of Sri Lanka admits that mixed reports of Wijeyadasa’s competence exist within the legal profession. A reliable source who wishes to remain anonymous claims that a former Chief Justice, who will also have to remain anonymous, recounts an anecdote which casts aspersions on Wijeyadasa’s professionalism. According this, Rajapakshe once undertook to perform some task in courts, which promise he failed to honour, instead sending his junior to say he had to attend parliament, which it turned out was not true. According to R. J, De Silva, this sort of thing is not unheard of in the profession, where integrity of the type displayed by the likes of S L Gunasekera is quite rare.

What is irrefutable is that at just 58, Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe can claim authorship of at least 11 legal books including ‘Case Law on Civil Procedure Code’, ‘Practice and Law of Banking’ and four volumes on ‘The Law of Property’.

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AHRC and BASL trade barbs

By Niranjala Ariyawansha[-2017-08-26

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) and the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) traded barbs yesterday after the AHRC faulted the BASL for threatening legal action against those who criticized the judicial system in Sri Lanka.

The AHRC headed by Basil Fernando said lawyers and judges in Sri Lanka should hold a mirror up to themselves before threatening their critics.

In reply, the BASL reiterated their position and urged the AHRC to perhaps have a closer look at themselves in the mirror before judging others.

BASL President U.R. de Silva told Ceylon Today in response to the AHRC statement, "We invite them too to look in the mirror and see their true faces. We will see our own faces too. What is visible to us is that they are attempting to intervene in an irrelevant issue."

He added that the BASL is one of the most respected institutions consisting 18,000 legal professionals.

"Although Judges have powers they are without a voice. For us as the BASL, we possess both the power and the voice and we need to protect the Judges. What we are trying to highlight is that any criticism made by a person has to be constructive and justified.

However, when a person has alleged that the majority of lawyers and Judges are corrupt that is a damning statement against the entire legal fraternity. That is not justified," he added.

De Silva also said, that is the reason they had condemned the statement of Deputy Minister Ranjan Ramanayake as it could "pave the way for the public to lose their trust and faith placed in the Judiciary."

In its statement, the AHRC said, "While it is not our intention to defend the deputy minister, we are perturbed by such threats against anyone who is publicly airing criticisms – against any real or perceived problems relating to the Judiciary and the legal profession – as the damage done by the curtailment of such criticisms will far exceed any damage that may be done by such criticisms.

It is prudent and wise to recall the words of Lord Denning, on the issue of the use of contempt of Court for the defence of Judiciary."

The AHRC questioned the BASL whether it was an unwarranted criticism that as the prosecutor against crime the Attorney General has failed to impartially and competently to prosecute all the crimes that are taking place in Sri Lanka.

"Is it an undue and unwarranted criticism to say that the entire system of administration of justice is beset with undue and unwarranted delays and such delays have threatened the very prevalence of the rule of law in Sri Lanka?"

None of these criticisms are new, the AHRC noted.

There are also nearly twenty (20) Communications to the United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC), where the Committee has expressed its views stating a large number of violations of civil and political rights committed by the Government of Sri Lanka on matters such as failures to investigate serious crimes such as murder, the Attorney General interfering to stop inquiries into murder by issuing letters to the inquiring Magistrates not to proceed with such inquiries, abuse of contempt of court proceedings violating the international norms relating to such matters, undue delay in conduct of trials, dismissal of judges without following the due process, and numerous instances where torture

It is far better to look in the mirror and recognize whatever that is ugly that may have begun to emerge in ones' own appearance.

Such honesty and frankness does no harm.

However, to hypocritically evade criticism, is to let down the legal profession, the independence of the judiciary and the freedom for the people to live without fear and suspicion, the AHRC noted.

Enough of media hypes; we’ll establish confidence in Rajitha – Ravi K

Aug 26, 2017

The joint opposition’s no-confidence motion against minister Rajitha Senaratne is a meaningless one, says former foreign affairs minister Ravi Karunanayake. He made the remark at a media briefing held at the Information Department in support of minister Senaratne.

Karunanayake noted that as the health minister, Senaratne had reduced the prices of medicines and granted relief to the public.

“In the no-confidence motion, there is something about the Modera fisheries harbour. That happened during the Rajapaksa regime. The joint opposition talks about it as if it doesn’t know it. Also, minister Rajitha is accused over privatizing education. That is a matter for the higher education ministry. It is not relevant to the health ministry. Anyway, this no-confidence will be defeated with a two-third majority. These are completely media hypes.”

These media hypes should be halted at least now, he added.
Ashika Brahmana

Study done on accelaration of dengue

Western Province reported 22,186 dengue cases with 17,228 from Gampaha District and 
5,616 from Kalutara District adding to the total figure. 3,255 dengue cases were reported from Jaffna,  4,135 from Batticaloa, 4,415 from Trinco, 5,943 from Kurunegala and 6,081 fromRatnapura

Out  of around100,000 dengue cases reported so far this year

there were close to 300 deaths

2017-08-25 

The Ministry of Health has pointed out that the number of dengue cases identified so far this year has doubled when compared to the total number of dengue cases reported last year. Sri Lanka is at present facing an unprecedented outbreak of dengue fever. Out  of around100,000 dengue cases reported so far this year there were close to 300 deaths. Aid groups warn that the huge number of dengue cases has an overwhelming effect on the island’s medical system.

According to statistics from the Ministry of Health’s Epidemiology Unit 105,153 dengue fever cases have been reported across Sri Lanka up to July 24 this year. That is almost double the total number of cases reported in 2016, where the number of patients were 55,150. A total of 296 people have died from the mosquito-borne epidemic so far. The above statistics were included in the report made made by the Ministry of Health to highlight the accelerating dengue menace.   Most of the dengue cases have been identified from the Western Province. Ministry of Health statistics reveal that Colombo District in the Western Province reported 22,186 dengue cases with 17,228 from Gampaha District and 5,616 from Kalutara District adding to the total figure. 3,255 dengue cases were reported from Jaffna, 4,135 from Batticaloa, 4,415 from Trinco, 5,943 from Kurunegala and 6,081 from Ratnapura highlight other districts where the dengue menace is prominent.   

A discussion and the training session on Dengue

The above study highlights the efforts needed to eradicate the Dengue menace in future in area like the Paddiruppu region. By investigating the preventive measures taken to control dengue, an initiative was taken by Dr. Sugunan of Base Hospital, Kaluwanchikuddy in collaboration with The University of Georgia on 22.07.2017. This study has been implemented by Prof. Wikrama from the University of Georgia. The discussion and the training sessions are inaugurated by S.Thanigaseelan, Asst Director, NHRDC at Base Hospital, Kaluwanchikuddy with the help of hospital staffers. Prof.Wikrama, Prof.Thulitha, S.Saranya, a lecturer from Eastern University of Sri Lanka and nurses were present at this occasion.  

The purpose of this study is to identify the factors which cause dengue in the villages located in the Paddiruppu area.    

Bequeathing Their Patrimony?

By Rajeewa Jayaweera –AUGUST 27, 2017

Rajeewa Jayaweera

Several newspapers reported a recent Gazette notification of the reversion of Development Lotteries Board (DLB) and National Lotteries Board (NLB) to the Finance Ministry.

These two cash rich institutions, since inception, have been vested under the Finance Ministry. In a surprise move, both were vested under the Foreign Ministry three months ago in May, when one-time Finance Minister moved to the Foreign Ministry.

Both DLB and NLB have now reverted to the Finance Ministry after the recent resignation of the Foreign Minister.

In the 100 days Good Governance cabinet, a minister was appointed designated Minister for Foreign Affairs, Telecommunications and IT on January 12, 2015, which included the cash rich Sri Lanka Telecom (SLT). Due to the minister’s very busy travel schedule, he could not visit SLT for six weeks till March 23. 

In some countries, subject of Foreign Trade is known to be combined with Foreign Affairs. However, vesting institutions with subjects not having even the remotest connection to Foreign Affairs such as telecom, IT and lotteries is unique to our Paradis Isle.

In terms of prestige and status, so important to our worthy politicians, Foreign Affairs take precedence way over Telecom, IT and Lotteries. That being the case, what was the thinking behind our good governance leaders, the President and Prime Minister, in vesting cash rich institutions under the Foreign Ministry headed by senior party loyalists? Was it to enable them to make some money on the side as Foreign Affairs is devoid of opportunities such as tenders, development projects etc.? Was it to enable them to provide employment for unemployed supporters who hung flags and pasted posters in their electorates prior to elections? Or was it some other grand plan? 

For a short period prior to and after 2015 Presidential elections, the public were told, ministries would be allocated ‘scientifically’. All that went awry after the constitutionally mandated 30 ministries had to be exceeded to form a ‘National Government’ since the electorate did not give either of the two leading political parties, a clear mandate to govern. It resulted in the bizarre combination of subjects under portfolios such as Policy Planning, Economic Affairs, Child, Youth & Cultural Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Telecommunications & IT, Highways, Higher Education & Investment Promotions, University Education & Highways, to name a few.

The current Prime Minister has been a regular visitor to western democracies over the last several decades. He is also an avowed liberal democrat. Our politicians, both in government and opposition, avail themselves of every opportunity, besides creating numerous opportunities to travel abroad at state expense, even on flimsy pretexts. Many undertake study tours to observe democracy at work in western countries.

Nevertheless, none of these worthies, despite all their study tours abroad have even suggested a system of a shadow cabinet for the opposition.

The benefits of such a system are many. Key among them would be of having one opposition member to monitor workings of each ministry and raise issues related to assigned ministry in an educated and intelligent manner in parliament. Another benefit would be the gradual availability of a group of members of parliament familiar with workings of ministerial portfolios assigned to them. They would be the obvious choice for cabinet appointment if and when the opposition party is voted into office in the future. They would be able to make a far better contribution to governance than a majority of square pegs in round holes, currently holding office.

Needless to say, for such a system to prevail, the opposition need be elected by the people and not selected by the government in office, as is the case at present 

Presidents, Prime Ministers and governments are elected by the people. They are but temporary custodians of the nation, mandated to govern for a fixed period, after which they need to revert to the people for a fresh mandate.

Allocation of ministerial portfolios and state institutions need be carried out responsibly. The state’s best interest and not those of their political and personal loyalists must essentially determine such allocations.

Ministries and state institutions is not the patrimony of leaders to be bequeathed upon political loyalists, friends and relations.

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Women’s group protests against Islamic cleric’s antipathy to marriage law reform

 

Saturday, 26 August 2017

Women’s Action Network (WAN), an amalgam of eight women’s organisations working in the Tamil-speaking north and east of Sri Lanka, has said that it is “appalled and deeply disappointed” by the statement of Rizwe Mufthi, President of the All-Ceylon Jamiyathul Ulama (ACJU), that the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act (MMDA) is “perfect in the present state” and does not require changes.

“With religious leaders invoking tradition to block fundamental rights, WAN calls on the State to step in and ensure that Muslim women and children are not second-class rights holders in Sri Lanka,” WAN said in a statement on Wednesday.

WAN noted that Rizwe Mufthi is a member of the Committee on Muslim Personal Law Reforms headed by Justice Saleem Marsoof.

The committee was appointed by the Rajapaksa Government in 2009 to reform the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act. But till date it has not submitted its report.

“Mufthi’s recent statements raise concerns about the role of the ACJU. The ACJU has misled the Marsoof Committee and the Muslim community into believing that substantive legal reforms to the MMDA are being deliberated,” WAN said.

“Rizwe Mufthi’s statement also does disservice to the expectations of Muslim women and girls who have faced and continue to face injustice due to the MMDA.


“WAN is of the firm belief that it is the MMDA and its implementation which allow unequal and unjust treatment of Muslim women and girls, such as allowing child marriage; treating adult women as minors to strip them of their autonomy; restricting women from state-salaried positions such as Quazis; setting forth unequal divorce provisions for men and women; and allowing unconditional polygamy.

“Contrary to the ACJU’s statements, the problem is not merely one of implementation, but problems with the law itself,” WAN said.

“WAN has met with ACJU on multiple occasions to share these concerns, alongside Muslim women’s groups and directly affected women, including survivors of child marriage. At each of these meetings, ACJU representatives expressed concern and vocalised their commitment for reforms of the MMDA. Rizwe Mufthi’s recent statement runs counter to previous commitments, raising a doubt as to whether ACJU’s commitment to reforms is genuine.  Mufthi’s comments do not reflect the views of affected Muslim women.

“The recent statement coupled with ACJU’s inaction towards reforms are a clear indicator that ACJU cannot claim to represent the interests of the entire Muslim community, which is diverse in ethnicity and religious ideologies.

“The ACJU’s views justify attacks on reformist Muslim women. The ACJU’s extreme and rigid position has also radicalised Muslim youth, making them believe that the MMDA reflects Sharia law and therefore cannot be touched.

“Given this reality, WAN calls on the Government to intervene and lay down non-negotiable conditions for reform, such as setting a minimum age of marriage for all citizens at 18, and ensuring State-salaried positions are open to women.

“It is time that the State acted like a State and protected the rights of all Sri Lankans, including Muslim women and girls, from those who seek to allow injustice in the name of religion,” WAN said.

Sri Lanka: National assets or vanity projects?

by Reggie Ponnampalam-Aug 26, 2017

August 26, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe has resigned or is resigned to his fate. The Cover Page reads “violation of collective responsibility of Cabinet” and the ‘Inside Story’ needs to be unraveled. Whether it would be a ‘bond’ thriller or a ‘harbouring’ romance is yet to be seen.

The bone of contention is that the Cabinet decides to lease out the Hambantota Port and Wijeyadasa subsequently publicly vows to regain the port. I would like to dig a little deeper and point out that, when this was declared open, it was the Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port. Over a billion Dollars was borrowed to build this edifice. There were also reports of millions of dollars more being spent on blasting some underwater rocks. The ‘Opening Ceremony’ was another orchestration of opulence.

What is an asset? A Dictionary would describe it as “An item of property owned by a person or group, regarded as having value and available to meet debts, commitments, or legacies”. We have debts to pay for something that is in no way capable of providing a Return on Investment (ROI) in its present state; we don’t have the money to repay the debt or even carry on subsidizing its existence. It is reported that the SLPA is diverting revenue from its Colombo Port operations to keep Mahinda Rajapaksa Port afloat. A national problem! Anyone and everyone objects to leasing it out, but I have not come across anyone who has come up with an alternative solution. No one questions how and why this is now referred to as the Hambantota Port and not the previously touted as the Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port.

Today’s newspapers (25/AUG) carry a news item where about 400 workers are protesting against the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) proposal for the “Mattala International Airport”. I remember watching live television coverage of Mahinda Rajapaksa, his entire family (and extensions), together with his retinue of Hosannah Singers arriving in an Airbus and declaring open the “Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport”. I came across a report that stated that in 2014, it catered to 3,000 flights with 21,000 passengers. Turnover? Future generations would be turning over in their graves paying back the loan and continuing to subsidize this colossus. The money borrowed has to be repaid. How? I did read some proposals by persons with experience in airline operations being published. PPP or leasing was among the proposals. According to today’s news report, they claim that “they strongly believed that their airport could be developed if the government made a serious effort to do so without trying to divest it on the pretext of running it as a public-private partnership”. Can they come up with a concrete proposal? Will they?

How many International Conferences do we host a year – around 10 or 15? I’m not referring to doctors and dentists having their conferences; it’s about something bigger in stature. The Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Convention Centre was built at a cost of millions of dollars – borrowed or, in practical terms, by burrowing into the pockets of future generations. Ostensibly to host CHOGM, but more likely an ego trip. Hosting any Conference there would entail additional cost of transporting dignitaries to the venue, accommodating them and bringing them back to Colombo. As it is, maintenance is costing millions of rupees monthly. And we have loan installments falling due. Any suggestions on what we could do with this?

Then we come to the Mahinda Rajapaksa International Stadium, built to host the 2011 World Cup. I am an ardent cricket fan but I would not go all the way to Hambantota to watch a cricket match. And with limited accommodation facilities in the area, returning after the match is a strain. How many matches have been played there since the World Cup? There were reports of seats being cannibalized from the Dambulla Stadium. For what – to pontificate an ego? Who is paying the loan installments? And the maintenance?

We are a gullible people susceptible to clichés. “national assets” sounds very impressive. I would rather look at these edifices as colossal waste where vanity overrode priority. I have heard it being reported that someone very familiar with MR had stated that if the money spent on these four “Vanity Projects” had been used to build bunds, dams and reservoirs, the Mahinda Rajapaksa name could even outlast that of Parakramabahu. Then again, weren’t there songs written about a “Maha Rajanani”? Hosannah!

---

PS: While on the subject of leasing there is another “asset” that could be leased out – no problem with 99 years. If they are willing to take the management as well, we could even extend it to 999 years. I’m talking of our cricket team!

Fire at gas station in Kalagedihena

 Shenali Godakumbura-Friday, August 25, 2017

A fire erupted at a gas station in Kalagedihena at the Colombo-Kandy main road today.

Police Media Spokesman Ruwan Gunesekara told Daily News Online that the Police, Army and the Fire Brigade were at the site dousing the flames. 

No injuries were reported from the incident.

The Kandy-Colombo main road is reportedly hampered with traffic owing to the fire.

Cause of the fire is yet to be revealed.

Further investigations are underway. 

(Pictures courtesy of Thilakarathne Dissanayake)

New presidential commission to investigate old bond frauds!

Aug 26, 2017

Cabraal in Greek bond scam; media heads to be summoned as FCID begins probe!

After the special presidential commission of inquiry completes its deliberations into the Central Bank bond sales, a similar commission will be set up to inquire into the bond transactions and the seriously suspicious transactions carried out through the EPF during the previous regime, say president’s office sources.

The preliminary draft in that regard is presently underway, and it will soon be implemented and the culprits brought to book in a transparent and speedy manner, the sources say.

A president’s office official said many financial irregularities have been exposed in the investment of the country’s reserves to buy Greek bonds in 2011 with a face value of 33 million euro for 22.16 million euro.

Those bonds were sold in the same year and the European Central Bank-given other assignments in exchange for the bonds were obtained to withdraw from the transactions, but the Sri Lankan state lost more than Rs. 2,100 million from it, approximate estimates show.

The reserves comprised money obtained on credit, and further loans were obtained to repay them, the official said, adding that the financial harm caused to the country due to having continuously obtained credit was very grave.

Those bond transactions took place under the direct method and the nature of the transactions makes it clear that corruption had taken place, and several officials who held top Central Bank positions at the time will have to appear before the commission, he said.

Also, there is evidence how shares of a leading financial institution bought with EPF money were invested in the Malaysian EPF’s Khazanah National Berhard during the period Ajith Nivard Cabraal was the CB governor, which is adequate to launch an investigation, he said.

The Hyatt Hotel deal involving the EPF and Insurance Corporation despite there clearly being no chance of any profit, sale of around 40 tons of Sri Lanka’s gold reserves to Japan’s Suisse Securities, causing losses by investing CEB’s EPF money in bonds through a private company, payment of money by the CB for various matters not relating to the bank will also be investigated, he said.

Also Cabraal and several wealthy businessmen friendly with the then government were behind the artificial increase of financial, gas and hotel company shares and buying those shares at high prices using the EPF money (pump and dump). They had later invested the money they earned as profit in media networks and other major investments.

With the commencement of the investigations, it will come to light as to how agents of the financial mafia that abused state finances during the Rajapaksa regime became billionaires, said the official. Also, the secret will be revealed behind a campaign by certain media network owners who are finding faults of the ‘Yahapaalana’ government only and indirectly nurturing racism in order to bring the Rajapaksas back to power. The official added that according to legal and financial experts, a separate commission needs to be appointed in light of the available complaints and evidence to investigate fraud that had taken place in the share market during the 2011-15 period.

The official said the two bond commissions will establish the stability of the ‘Yahapaalana’ government.

However, Wijedasa Rajapaksa, who was removed as the justice and Buddha Sasana minister, has told the media that the CB bond issue was the biggest robbery that had taken place in the country, and that he lost his position due to a conspiracy by the ‘footnote gang’ that prevented the revealing of the identities of the big-shots in the fraud before the presidential commission.

Achintha Bandara

Torn down: Palestinian schools destroyed by Israel at start of new year

Back to school for many means a fresh start, but for some Palestinian children it has meant a return to destruction and violence
Schoolchildren sit patiently as Palestinian activists set up a tent for them to attend class (MEE/ Chloé Benoist)-Young boys sit on the cement foundations where the prefabricated classrooms of the Jubbet al-Dhib school stood hours earlier (MEE/ Chloé Benoist)

Children and activists crowd inside the tent as class starts (MEE/ Chloé Benoist)-Children’s chairs discarded by Israeli forces during the demolition (MEE/ Chloé Benoist)

Chloé Benoist- Thursday 24 August 2017

Scores of children from Jubbet al-Dhib and neighboring villages in the southern occupied West Bank district of Bethlehem were expecting Wednesday to be the first day of school in a brand new primary school, funded by the European Union (EU).

On Tuesday evening, however, Israeli forces tore down six prefab classrooms and confiscated all the construction material, leaving behind only piles of children’s chairs on the bare concrete.

Torn down Palestinian schools destroyed by Israel at start of new year.docx by Thavam Ratna on Scribd

Scientists urged to boycott Israel biochemistry conference

Palestinian cancer patients in Gaza City protest Israel’s restrictions on travel for treatment, December 2016. Such restrictions are partly why academics are calling on colleagues to boycott September’s Federation of European Biochemical Societies conference in Jerusalem.Mohammed AsadAPA images

 

Ali Abunimah-25 August 2017

Palestinian, Israeli and international academics are urging colleagues to boycott the 2017 congress of the Federation of European Biochemical Societies in Jerusalem next month.

“Some attendees will be unaware of Israel’s direct attacks on Palestinians’ right to education, including the bombing of schools and universities, and the obstruction of access to educational sites,” the scientists and academics write in a letter that has been sent to all conference speakers.

“The restrictions Israel places on the teaching and research of our Palestinian colleagues have severe consequences not only on research and educational opportunities, but also on Palestinians’ health.”

The 89 scholars calling for the boycott include researchers from leading institutions across Europe and North America.

Even though no country recognizes Israel’s claim to sovereignty over Jerusalem, the Federation of European Biochemical Societies conference website prominently advertises its location as “Jerusalem, Israel.”

It also locates the occupied Golan Heights – Syrian territory – as part of “Israel.”

Whether intentional or not, this makes the academic body a direct participant in Israel’s efforts to legitimize its violent occupation, annexation and colonization of these territories in violation of international law.

Complicit institutions

The conference is sponsored by several Israeli universities that are directly complicit in Israeli violations of Palestinian rights, including weapons development, support for Israel’s attacks on Gaza and helping recruitmentfor Israel’s secret police.

Israeli universities are also directly involved in efforts to undermine international solidarity for Palestinian rights.

The Association of University Heads of Israel, for instance, is known to help the Israeli government’s efforts to censor teaching about Palestine in universities in other countries and to try to thwart the global Palestinian rights movement.

Dying of cancer

One of the themes of the conference is the biochemistry of cancer. Rates of cancer are rising, particularly for Palestinians in the blockaded Gaza Strip.

But as the scholars point out, Israel actively obstructs life-saving treatment: “The five-year survival rate for breast cancer is as low as 30 percent in Gaza, which Israel has besieged for the past 10 years, as compared to 86 percent in Israel. In 2016, only 44 percent of Gaza patients who requested access to Israeli hospitals were admitted; more than half of those refused entry were cancer patients.”

Meanwhile, the health system in Gaza is at the brink of collapse due to Israel’s severe reductions in the energy supply to the territory.

Sensitive to politics

Anticipating typical arguments against the boycott, the scholars state: “To be clear, the academic boycott of Israel that Palestinians have called for respects the universal principle of academic freedom as it is only directed at Israeli institutions, not individual academics. Despite the differences, it is inspired by the academic boycott of South Africa, which was called for in 1965 by 496 academics from 34 universities in the United Kingdom.”

Last year, after a similar appeal, several scholars pulled out of a conference on genocide hosted by Hebrew University.

Israeli university leaders have said that they are being hit hard by a “silent boycott,” where many academics stay away from Israeli institutions but do not make any public statement.

Leading Israel lobby groups have also acknowledged the growing impact of the so-called silent boycott.

The scholars note that the Federation of European Biochemical Societies has itself been sensitive to political concerns regarding the location of its conferences. In 2016, the body expressed “solidarity with the Turkish scientific community” facing curtailment of academic freedoms in Turkey, and subsequently canceled its conference scheduled to take place there.

“By organizing its congress in Jerusalem, the FEBS participates consciously or unconsciously in whitewashing Israel’s violent repression of Palestinian human rights,” said Ahmed Abbes, research director at France’s CNRS scientific institute, and secretary of AURDIP, an academic group that supports Palestinians rights.

“We hope that our colleagues will take the opportunity of consulting their consciences, listen to the voice of Palestinian civil society, and decline to cross this picket line.”

Angola’s Transition to Technocracy Won’t Be Victimless

The biggest challenge for Angola’s new president will be escaping the shadow of his predecessor — and the corrupt cronies around him.

BY ALEX VINES-AUGUST 25, 2017

Africa’s second-longest serving leader, Angola’s President José Eduardo dos Santos, is finally stepping down after almost 38 years in power. But the peaceful, multiparty election on Aug. 23, which defense minister and dos Santos ally João Lourenço won easily, doesn’t quite mark the end of an era in the cloistered southern African oil giant; rather, it’s the beginning of an uncertain transition period. This is political change, Angola-style — gradual and calculated, a bit disorganized, and likely to progress in fits and starts.

There is no mistaking the significance, however, of Dos Santos’s departure from the presidential palace. He has ruled for longer than most Angolans have been alive, leading the country through a 30-year civil war that ended in 2002 and a hydrocarbon-fuelled boom that transformed the capital of Luanda into a maze of skyscrapers that was until recently among the most expensive cities on Earth.

The boom made many of the president’s allies and family members fabulously wealthy — his daughter Isabel, who heads the state oil company, is reportedly the richest woman in Africa — but the bust that came with the collapse of oil prices in 2015 plunged the country into economic crisis. Lourenço will have to chart a course to economic recovery, including tackling corruption and diversifying the economy, that does not threaten allies of the president who have enriched themselves over decades.

The transfer of power has been several years in the making, and was originally planned for 2018. But the 74-year-old president’s deteriorating health, coupled with fears that the ruling party could pay an electoral price if Dos Santos sought re-election yet again this year, necessitated an expedited transition.

Who would eventually succeed Dos Santos has been the source of speculation for decades

Who would eventually succeed Dos Santos has been the source of speculation for decades; occasionally, the president would slyly encourage aspirants to reveal their ambition before ensuring they were politically neutered. For a time, it appeared he was considering dynastic succession, favoring for a short period one of his sons, José Filomeno de Sousa dos Santos, to replace him. But he quickly dropped the idea due to significant opposition from within the MPLA, the nominally socialist party that has governed Angola since it gained independence from Portugal in 1975. Over his nearly four decades in office, Dos Santos sought to weaken the MPLA and centralize power around himself through a vast system of political patronage. But as his health weakened over the last couple of years, the MPLA began to reassert itself, forcing the president toward a compromise candidate that was agreed upon behind closed doors.

That candidate was Lourenço, a 63-year-old army general who is untainted by corruption allegations. He enjoys a technocratic reputation for efficiency, as does his wife, Ana Dias Lourenço, an ex-minister who has been Angola’s representative to the World Bank and to the African Development Bank. Lourenço’s victory on Aug 23 — the MPLA appears to have garnered 61 percent of the vote with 98 percent of ballots counted (although the result has not yet been verified) — is just the first step toward consolidating power. The second would be holding an extraordinary party congress at which he replaces Dos Santos as the MPLA party president. MPLA insiders say this could happen as soon as December, since Dos Santos’s health is unstable and he has had to seek unplanned medical care in Spain several times this year.

Though he is stepping aside, Dos Santos will not walk into an uncertain Angolan sunset. He is protected by legislation that shields him from future prosecution. His military, police, and intelligence chiefs are also protected by a new law enacted in July that guarantees their jobs under the new administration. Dos Santos will also sit on the Council of the Republic, a presidential advisory body whose members enjoy immunity from prosecution. In addition to the significant private wealth he has amassed during his presidency, the council seat will afford him first-class travel and many other perks.

According to senior MPLA officials, Dos Santos has told a number of his ageing generals that they should follow his example and retire with dignity. But some in his inner circle, including members of family, may feel less confident about their future than Dos Santos does. Many have amassed significant wealth and built up businesses using their presidential pedigree. Without the official immunity enjoyed by Dos Santos, they could lose some of their fortunes.

Among those with uncertain futures is Welwitschia José dos Santos Pego, a daughter of the president whose job as a manager at the state television channel TPA 2 and status as a shareholder in Banco Prestigio, an Angolan bank, could be scrutinized even as her future within the ruling party seems secure. The same goes for José Filomeno dos Santos, the president’s son, who serves as chair of the country’s $5 billion sovereign wealth fund. Other family members are in media and hospitality, such as singer and soap opera producer José Paulino, known by his stage name Coreon Du. Another younger son of Dos Santos, Eduane Danilo dos Santos, attracted press attention in May after he bought a watch at a charity auction for more than $500,000. The most famous of Dos Santos’s children is his eldest daughter Isabel, who according to Bloomberg’s Billionaire’s Index is Africa’s richest woman. In addition to leading the state oil company Sonangol, she has investments in agribusiness, telecommunications, cement, and banking.

In the longer term, some of the businesses controlled by the president’s family could come under increased scrutiny, particularly if Dos Santos’s health deteriorates further or he dies, and is thus unable to protect them.

There have already been several probes into Angolan state-linked business deals in in Portugal, China, and the United States.

There have already been several probes into Angolan state-linked business deals in in Portugal, China, and the United States. In his final press conference before the elections, Lourenço promised to combat graft but stopped short of offering assistance to international prosecutors who he said were sometimes politically motivated. Asked whether he could guarantee that under his government graft would be prosecuted even among the political elite, Lourenço replied, “That guarantee I give…. The law is for everyone.”

Pressure to fight corruption — and the perception that elites are living large off ill-gotten gains while ordinary Angolans suffer — is heightened by the economic downturn. Angola’s economy, which, after years of rapid growth contracted 3.6 percent in 2016, has been badly hit by crude prices that have halved since 2014 and by a shortage of foreign currency that has forced many firms to downsize. This has been compounded by the unwillingness of many international banks to lend to their Angolan counterparts out of fear of political exposure. There are signs that several politically connected shareholders have read the writing on the wall and tried to unload their stake in Angolan banks. So far they have been unable to find credible buyers.

Just as important as rooting out graft will be investing in the hydrocarbon sector and eventually developing other viable industries, such as agriculture and tourism. Angola’s offshore petroleum industry currently accounts for 50 percent of GDP and 75 percent of government revenues. But oil production will peak in 2019, after which it is projected to decline by 11 percent each year, unless new oil fields are developed.

Now that the elections are over, Angola is likely to devalue its currency and seek help from the International Monetary Fund. Dos Santos will be remembered for ending three decades of civil war and uniting the country. Lourenço wants to be remembered as the leader who successfully reformed Angola’s economy. And to consolidate power, he will need to show results quickly.

Image credit: AMPE ROGERIO/AFP/Getty Images