Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, August 22, 2017

Sri Lanka: FCID — Anti-graft body to probe Chinese ship deal in 2013


( August 22, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Financial Crimes Investigations Division (FCID), Sri Lanka’s foremost anti-graft body has commenced investigations into a transaction which resulted in the ordering of two ships from a Chinese agent in 2013.
Initial investigations revealed that the ships had been purchased at over 15 million rupees beyond the estimate. Both ships had cost the Government 70 million US dollars.
Investigations also had revealed that the Chinese agent had conducted transactions worth over 2000 million rupees with Sri Lanka between 2013 and 2015. The agent had also had a personal relationship with the Secretary of the Naval and Highway Ministry of the time, Ranjith Premasiri with whom several messages had been communicated. The FCID said that they intend obtaining a court order to check the bank accounts of the Chinese agent.

Wijeyadasa To Be Sacked Today ‘On The UNP’s Insistence’ – Justice To Go To Thalatha

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Minister of Justice Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe is to be sacked today morning following a special announcement where the responsibility for the move would be laid at the door of the United National Party (UNP) following discussions between party leader Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe and President Maithripala Sirisena.
Wijeyadasa enjoying a holiday in the USA on Avant Garde Chairman Nissanka Senadhipathi’s expense
The UNP’s Parliamentary Group sans Rajapakshe met at Temple Trees on Monday and called for Rajapakshe’s axing for the second time.
The Prime Minister then met with President Sirisena to intimate the UNP’s decision and to decide on a course of action.
Accordingly Rajapakshe’s removal will be announced today as a decision made upon a UNP request and a UNP request alone so as to save President Maithripala Sirisena any possible embarrassment.
Sources close to Wickremesinghe told Colombo Telegraph that the vacancy thus created will most probably be filled by Thalatha Athukorala or Deva Manoharan Swaminathan. Apparently Jayampathy Wickremeratne‘s name had also been proposed as a possible replacement but it had been shot down on account of his exam-cheating past which would have caused embarrassment since the subject was ‘justice’.

As Wijedasa’s guard and mask drop off so the corrupt villainous Medamulanas step in to rescue culprit !


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 22.Aug.2017, 8.45PM) It is a well and widely known fact that notorious Wijedasa Rajapakse did everything possible  to save the corrupt criminal Medamulana Rajapakse group  in the criminal involvements of theirs  while he was the minister of justice. But now the most  infamous Medamulana Rajapakse clan in their desperation is trying to rescue themselves  by resorting to new devious methods and dubious mechanisms , based on reports reaching Lanka e news inside information division. 
This new evil methodology  aims at intimidating  and threatening the judges hearing the cases. As a preliminary step , they are to mount bogus charges against the High court  judges hearing their cases , and file petitions. 
The lawyers for the brutal corrupt Medamulanas have filed petitions against the Judicial Service Commission and the Chief Justice.  The lawyer who is in the vanguard of these villainous criminal  moves is a most sinister lawyer Jayantha Weerasinghe .It is this same lawyer who was with Shiranthi Rajapakse when she was summoned to the CID recently. Now the  latest lawyer who had joined the Medamulana lawyers’ sinister team is none other than  another notorious culprit Wijedasa Rajapakse . Other lawyers  who have also  joined the Medamulana team are the lackeys  and  sidekicks of Wijedasa .Unlike birds of a feather flocking together for innocent reasons , these lawyers  on the contrary have come together for the most nefarious reasons to the detriment of the country with the sole and whole objective to rescue the culprits by foul rather than fair means .

Based on reports reaching Lanka e news , if their petitions are not successful  , they are  to intimidate and pressurize the judges . This group has   conspired even  to go  beyond to achieve their dastardly vicious  goals.

These  conspiracies are therefore being highlighted  ahead so that the officials will open their eyes as well as awake to forestall  those evil machinations and subterfuges with a view to crush them once and for all.
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by     (2017-08-22 15:14:06)

Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe crisis and the executive presidency Use your powers, Mr. President

By Rathindra Kuruwita-2017-08-22

'In some countries, the Executive is chosen directly by the people and is not dependent on the legislature during the period of its existence, for a specified number of years. Such an Executive is a strong Executive, seated in power for a fixed number of years, not subject to the whims and fancies of an elected legislature; not afraid to take correct, but unpopular decisions because of censure from its parliamentary party. This seems to me a very necessary requirement in a developing country faced with grave problems such as we are faced with today.'

J.R. Jayewardene, address to the Twenty Second Annual Sessions of the Ceylon Association for the Advancement of Science on 24 December 1966.

Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe apparently has decided not to resign although his Party, United National Party (UNP) has no faith in him. Meeting the Mahanayake of the Asgiriya Chapter the Most Ven. Warakagoda Sri Gnanarathana Thera and Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter the Most Ven. Thibbotuwawe Sri Siddhartha Sumangala Thera over the weekend Rajapakshe said he did not have any intention of resigning from the ministerial post just because some people made allegations against him on various issues.''
The time and place he decided to make this statement should come as no surprise because Rajapakshe has been courting the support of the Buddhist Monks when criticism was mounting, from his own Party, about his inaction when it came to taking action against those with allegations of corruption. I personally think it's not a bad move because the United National Front for Good Governance (UNFGG) Government has a habit of cowering before religious leaders. Anyway as Rajapakshe told the Mahanayakes, it is up to the President to decide whether Rajapakshe should go and the question is whether President Sirisena decides, finally, to take a decisive action. As German jurist and political theorist Carl Schmitt would say President must 'decide what the exception is and make the decisions appropriate to that exception.'

Ridding the personal aspect

What I realized during last week, when the attempts to get rid of Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe by the UNP MPs were in full swing, is that a lot of the intellectuals and journalists are really uneasy about taking a stance on this. Of course the man on the street, unless he is a Joint Opposition (JO) supporter, has no qualms about either the President getting rid of Rajapakshe because they know, instinctively, that sometimes you need to get rid of bad apples to get things done.

But the intellectual class is a bit hesitant about all this. First they will throw at you some big words like 'the division of power' or the 'rule of law' and then they will tell you that they are against corruption and that they want those responsible for corruption during the Rajapaksa administration to be punished and that they would prefer if Court proceedings can be expedited. They will also tell you that they don't like Rajapakshe that much because he flirts with racism. See the problem there, they talk about his opportunistic nature and ignore the basic fact that his inaction prevented the government from grabbing the low hanging fruit, i.e. punishing the corrupt, of the 8 January 2015 'revolution.' If the government actually punished the corrupt it could have won over public trust which in turn could have been used for its ambitious reconciliation process. Most of these people will tell you that, while the corruption during the Rajapaksa administration should be addressed, allowing the President, Prime Minister or the Justice Minister to decide on what cases should be prioritized could have dangerous repercussions.

I believe that a lot of this squeamishness comes from the belief in/influence of constitutional liberalism which arose in the 19th century in opposition to the personal element of rule in the 17th and 18th centuries, i.e. having the king as an omnipotent lawgiver.

In reaction to monarchical power, efforts were made to divide political power, to split it up and set it against itself. This fragmentation of course occurred under ideas that we still hear a lot about like democratic legitimacy, the division of power; the notion that power must be checked with power and the idea that sovereignty of law should replace the sovereignty of men. Some of you might ask me what has this got to do with Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe or one might ask me whether I am opposed to any of the above ideas (what's wrong with at least trying to rest human affairs on the rule of law?)

Deciding on the exception

I, on the other hand, am not a constitutional liberal because I do not believe in taking the personal element out of politics. The modern constitutional State faces a number of threats, or 'exceptions', and at times one need to take action to combat these threats.

In Sri Lanka, the power to decide what an 'exceptional' situation is has been vested with the President. That was what J.R. Jayewardene the man who conceptualized 'the executive' had in mind and the executive powers of the President were vital in many occasions to prevent the country from falling into chaos and disaster. I am also not unaware that these powers can easily be abused, but that is a discussion for another day.

According to Schmitt attempts to construct a legal system that was scientifically airtight, which banished the 'exception' is an exercise in futility. This is because States from time to time face crisis situations and given the chaos of the democratic system someone needs to have the authority to determine whether an exception is at hand, to determine measures to be taken in the case of an exception to safeguard the political unity and to decide the exception has passed and order and stability have been restored.

Without someone having the authority to maintain control and obedience, there is nothing to prevent the chaos akin to the one present in the Weimar Republic whose weakness led to the Third Reich.

President Maithripala Sirisena has been hesitant to use his powers so far and instead prefers to pander to the 'whims and fancies of an elected legislature' and religious and community leaders. But if he does not exert his powers now and remove Rajapakshe and demonstrate that he can recognize a state of crisis and determine what to do, the next two years of UNFGG rule will be marred by chaos.
Rathindra holds an MSc in Strategic Studies from S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU, Singapore, and can be reached via rathindra984@gmail.com

Sri Lanka: Suspects Arrested for Leaking A/Level Chemistry paper

Namal



( August 22, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Gampaha Police yesterday arrested four people in relation to the distribution of leaflets with some of the questions from the A/L Chemistry paper.
Police yesterday arrested the father and brother of the tuition master and another two suspects who distributed the leaflets near Rathnavali Balika Vidyalaya, Gampaha.
The suspects have been identified as 67 year-old-man and his 27-year-old son from Kadhana, Batagama.
The Gampaha police had found a tab that had the copies of the A/L Chemistry paper.
The arrest was made following a complaint made by the Commissioner General of Examinations W. M. N. J. Pushpakumara to the Inspector General of Police.
A group of people distributed leaflets near Ratnavali Balika Vidyalaya, Gampaha last Saturday (19) and asked the students to compare the questions in the paper and the tutor’s seminar tutorials. The tuition master is evading arrest.

Agreement to purchase four airbuses -- MR regime that first decided to cancel it



2017-08-22

It was the Mahinda Rajapaksa government which decided to abrogate the agreement it signed with Airbus Industries to purchase four airbuses just before the regime change Minister Susil Premajayantha said.
He said the situation worsened after the yahapalana government appointed a new board of directors and told Daily Mirror that the Rajapaksa administration had decided to do so after the exposures made in the COPE report.
“The COPE under the chairmanship of former minister DEW Gunasekara in its report sounded alarm bells in Parliament on the losses incurred by SriLankan airlines. COPE prepared a ‘Businesses Plan’ which called for the removal of the A340 aircraft from proposed purchase agreement and lease four A350 airbuses by 2020. But the regime change in January 2015 put a stop to business plan,” the minister said.
He said the new management appointed by the yahapalana government closed down three important destinations -- Paris, Frankfurt and Rome from where thousands of European tourists visit Sri Lanka while the officials in the top management increased their salaries and allowances further precipitating the financial situation of the ailing national carrier.
“To make the situation worse, there was unplanned and unnecessary recruitment resulting in SriLankan being overstaffed,” the minister said.
In early 2015, the government decided to cancel the lease agreement for four A350 airbuses resulting in a termination surcharge of US$146.5 million in addition to the forfeiture of US$7.5 million deposit there by incurring a massive loss of US$154 million or over Rs.231 billion.
However, the Finance Ministry intervened at this stage and renegotiated the purchase agreement with Airbus Industries with the SriLankan now having to pay US$95 million in installments after they agreed to waive US$54 million from the total commitment.
“All in all, I don’t understand as to why the top management of the SriLankan airlines fails to take the most pragmatic decision at the right time and run this national asset at least on a break-even point because the loses incurred by it is a heavy burden to the economy,” the minister.
Quote -- The COPE report sounded alarm bells in Parliament on the losses incurred by SriLankan airlines. COPE prepared a ‘Businesses Plan’ which called for the removal of the A340 aircraft from proposed purchase agreement and lease four A350 airbuses by 2020. (By Sandun A Jayasekera)

Comprehending ‘Consumer Strategy’: Memoirs of a memorable eve

logo Monday, 21 August 2017

I am indeed glad to pen my 300th column. It began as a weekly column and due to my challenging commitments, now it appears bimonthly. I am also honoured to devote this special column to share memories of my mentor. In fact, this article is on the deliberations of the second-year remembrance of the late Prof. Uditha Liyanage.
1From left: Eardly Perera, Deepal Suriyaarchchi, me and Asanga Ranasinghe during the panel discussion 
Overview

The alumni of the Postgraduate Institute of Management (PIMA), together with the Sri Lanka Institute of Marketing (SLIM) and the Chartered Institute of Marketing (CIM), organised an event which revolved around the book ‘Consumer Strategy’, a collection of articles by Prof. Liyanage published posthumously.

After briefly reminiscing about Prof. Liyanage, Dr. Wickrema Weerasooria and Deepal Suriyaarchchi provided a comprehensive review of the book. Next there was a panel discussion featuring Eardley Perera, Asanga Ranasinghe and me. It was heartening to see my idea of a collaborative event involving PIMA, PIMA, SLIM and CIM becoming a meaningful and memorable reality.

At the panel discussion, I mentioned that I am not competent enough to comment on this masterpiece and suggested to offer a non-marketer’s perspective. Ironically both I and CIM President Asanga Ranasinghe were in the same MBA batch at PIM, being students of Prof. Liyanage. On the other hand Perera, who needs no introduction, had been a teacher of Prof. Liyanage in the MBA program of PIM.

2Deepal, during his emotional thought-sharing, identified Prof. Liyanage as a marketer, strategist, leader and philosopher through his writings in the book. He meaningfully linked the contents of the book to the cognisance of Prof. Liyanage’s life. It reminded me of the way I wrote the forward to the book stating that ‘Consumer Strategy’ is a compilation of comprehensive articles written by perhaps the most conceptually rich person I have ever met. His ingenious ideas have immensely inspired us in inviting us to be intellectually enriched and interactively engaged. I am glad that I had the privilege of being mentored by him but I’m indeed sad that it could not be continued.

The 20 articles contained in this volume are all selected by Prof. Liyanage himself some time ago. They cover a wide range of topics in the broad domain of management, with specific emphasis on marketing and strategy. The depth of conceptual appeal and the breadth of concrete application appear as the hallmark of the veteran author.

The variety of valued marketing models developed by Prof. Liyanage is included in this volume, inviting readers to think afresh instead of blindly transplanting western marketing models. The same is true for strategy as well.

We were keen on launching ‘Consumer Strategy’ together with a felicitation ceremony for this fascinating human being. Destiny decided otherwise. Nevertheless, Prof. Liyanage will continue to remain alive in our minds through his myriad insights. We at PIM committed ourselves to carry his legacy forward. The publishing of ‘Consumer Strategy’ and jointly organising an evening event to discuss its contents are significant steps in that solid endeavour.

Contents revisited 
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As has always been the case, Prof. Liyanage invites us not just to read the book but to recognise the key themes, reflect on the main ideas and relate the concepts covered to the current challenges. It should reinforce the way one professionally applies the key lessons in playing a managerial and leadership role in one’s workplace. In essence, knowing should lead to doing and that in turn will deliver results.


‘Consumer Strategy’ essentially revolves around two key themes, viz. consumer and strategy. Among the articles related to the consumer aspect in the broad spectrum of marketing, Marketing Strategy and Society: From CSR to SRB is an interesting one.

Prof. Liyanage clearly differentiates philanthropy from strategic Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). We need this clarity, as I saw in the judging process of the previous National Business Excellence Awards, where there is often confusion between the above two terms.

Among the other insightful papers, ‘Brand Marketing: From 1P to 6Ps’, ‘Five Hats of the Consumer’, ‘Goods-Services Dichotomy: The Place of the Tangibility Construct’, ‘Towards a Positioning Strategy for Tourism in Post-war Sri Lanka’ and ‘Consumer Behaviour and the Anatomy of a Brand’ appear prominently. Also ‘Profiling the Sri Lankan Consumer’, ‘A Customer Value Typology: Beyond the Functional-Emotional Dichotomy’ also offer many insights.

Prof. Liyanage’s conceptualisation of ‘Sri Lanka’s New Mod-tradi Consumer’ is indeed an interesting one.

“The seemingly opposing socio-cultural forces of traditionalisation and modernisation have to be clearly recognised in our attempt to profile the emerging Sri Lankan consumer. The force of traditionalisation gathered momentum in the post-1956 period, while the impetus of modernisation was felt particularly in the post-1977 period. Escaping the attention of many, the two forces of traditionalisation and modernisation have been converging over the recent past, giving rise to the post-modern consumer (Liyanage, 2015).

“The harmonisation of the traditionalist and modernist forces gives rise to postmodernist tendencies in the Sri Lankan marketplace,” observed Prof. Liyanage.

“A mismatch of the two produces either an overly traditional, and therefore, an old fashioned and obsolete proposition or a hyped rendering of an overt western and modernist proposition.

“The former lacks appeal in that it may be considered to be desirable, at best, but not necessarily, desired. The latter will be treated, other than by an insignificant minority, as an aberration; as one which lacks relevance and social acceptance.

“The challenge of today’s marketer is to sense the emerging postmodernist propensities of the emerging consumer and develop propositions and products that avoid the two extremes of being either overly traditionalist or modernist,” says Prof. Liyanage.

“Such an endeavour must be based on the recognition of the points of confluence and fusion that appeal to a new breed of postmodern consumers. This in turn would be possible only through the deep-going understanding of the psyche and the behaviours of the new and emerging Sri Lankan postmodern consumer.”
Strategy focus 

Prof. Liyanage gave a new twist to the often hacked term, strategy. His bold arguments are present in the article ‘Planning is not Strategy: Big 5 Strategy Questions’.

“Strategy is often confused with planning. The many definitions and delineations of strategy, which highlight one or m

ore aspects of strategy while ignoring the others, have led to a state of confusion as to what strategy really is. This is evident in the content-analysis of the vision, mission and value statements of a number of companies. Not only were the analysed company-specific statements vague and general, they were also unrelated to one another. Specifically, the espoused values were generic and terminal in nature and unrelated to the tasks and goals at hand (Liyanage, 2015).”

In order to avoid the confusions in the minds of practitioners, and as reflected in the literature itself, Prof. Liyanage proposes a Strategy Quadrant consisting of Stand, Standing, Shared Values and Supportive Resources and Capabilities, and Steps.

4“Seeing strategy as action is also flawed. ‘Our strategy is to merge …’, and ‘….to double our research and development expenditure’ are commonplace expressions which tend to pass off as strategy,” observes Prof. Liyanage. “Putting the planning cart before the strategy horse is a blunder that bedevils many an organisation in its attempt to hone strategic action,” he opines.

In a more applied manner, Prof. Liyanage has elaborated on how strategy execution took place on the battlefront. This article is based on the content analysis of two comprehensive post-war presentations made by military experts. The way he compares the adaptation of suitable military strategies to marketing is indeed insightful.

“Don’t be an ‘armchair’ leader but a ‘behind-the-wheel’ leader! When the leader has superior knowledge of a particular area of activity, not making full use of it in his direct engagement with operations is a waste of a vital resource. The often-espoused leader role hinders such a direct approach (Liyanage, 2015).”

Among the other interesting articles related to strategy, ‘The Myth of Pay-for-Performance’ and ‘In Search of Resilience: From Pilot to Architect’ also offer salient points to ponder.

“Letting a turbulent environment get the better of you is fraught with the prospect of extinction. Responding to turbulence with resilience is the way forward. The Darwinian approach of adaptation as reflected in the rebound cycle is natural. Its intent is to get through the crisis and emerge unscathed as far as possible. A more Singarian approach, characterised by an internal locus of control as reflected in a renewal cycle is to continually renew oneself in order to stay ahead of unfolding patterns and the trajectory of turbulence (Liyanage, 2015).”
Way forward 

The well-attended and memorable eve to discuss the contents of ‘Consumer Strategy’ highlighted the impact Prof. Liyanage has made in many a life on multiple fronts. Each one gathered there was touched by his insightful intellectual interactions. We at PIM are indeed proud of our profound management legend and will continue to preserve his intellectual capital for generations to come. ‘Consumer Strategy’ has begun to meaningfully connect with readers by showcasing the management sage of our age through his distinct deliberations.

(Prof. Ajantha Dharmasiri can be reached through director@pim.sjp.ac.lk, president@ipmlk.org, ajantha@ou.edu or www.ajanthadharmasiri.info).

Prize-winning photographers launch Israel boycott pledge

A Palestinian photographer works amid tear gas fired by Israeli forces during confrontations with Palestinian protesters near the boundary between Israel and the central Gaza Strip, October 2015.Yasser QudihAPA images

Ali Abunimah-21 August 2017

More than 40 Portuguese photographers, photography teachers and students have launched a pledge to reject professional invitations or funding from the Israeli state, and to refuse to collaborate with Israeli institutions complicit in Israel’s regime of occupation, colonialism and apartheid.

The photographers are pledging to boycott Israel until it “complies with international law and respects the human rights of Palestinians.”

They are urging other photographers to join the call, which they launched to coincide with World Photo Day on Saturday, an annual celebration of the transformative influence of photography.

Their pledge comes in response to the Palestinian call for a cultural boycott of Israel, as Israel uses culture to whitewash and obscure its violations of Palestinian rights.

Photographers “can no longer be silent”

Those supporting the pledge include João Pina, winner of the 2017 Prémio Estação Imagem Viana do Castelo, Portugal’s only photojournalism award, and Nuno Lobito, a photographer and television personality who has traveled to almost every country in the world.

“It is time for Israel’s brand of apartheid to enjoy the same treatment as South African apartheid and be target of a comprehensive international boycott until it respects human rights,” Lobito said.

“Photographers can no longer be silent about the treatment of their Palestinian colleagues living under an indefensible occupation that has lasted for over half a century,” Lobito added.

“Palestinians have called for solidarity through boycotts and this pledge is our practical contribution to their struggle.”

Attacks on photographers

Palestinian arts photographersphotojournalists and videographers have been frequent targets of violence by Israeli occupation forces.

In 2014, the year it launched a massive military assault on Gaza, Israel was the second most lethal country in the world for journalists.

In May this year, an Israeli settler shot and injured Majdi Mohammed, a photographer for the Associated Press, while he was covering a protest near the occupied West Bank city of Nablus.
The settler shot dead a Palestinian protester in the same incident.

The Committee to Protect Journalists condemned Israeli occupation forces’ inaction toward the suspected shooter.

“Israeli authorities should not allow a man who by his own admission shot at a crowd, injuring a journalist and killing a young man, to rest comfortably at home, unmolested by police,” the group’s Middle East and North Africa coordinator Sherif Mansour said.

“Israel must show that its citizens cannot shoot journalists or other unarmed civilians with impunity.”
Unprovoked attacks on press photographers and journalists by Israeli occupation forces have been met with similar impunity.

“Natural step”

Last month, there was a surge in attacks on journalists, including photographers, by Israeli forces who reacted with violence to Palestinian civil disobedience against tightened restrictions on entry to Jerusalem’s al-Aqsa mosque compound.

Earlier this month, Oren Ziv, a photographer with the collective ActiveStills, told The Electronic Intifada that Israeli soldiers and police regularly attack Palestinian and other journalists who cover smaller Palestinian demonstrations, but the events in Jerusalem were unusual because of the wide attention they received.

Miguel Carriço, winner of the 2012 Concelho da Bienal de Vila Franca de Xira award, urged fellow photographers to observe the boycott.

“Having witnessed first-hand the crimes Israel is committing daily against Palestinians, signing up to this initiative has become a natural step,” Carriço said.


“It is fundamental to promote this effort through all means possible.”

Saudi allies 'hide behind veil of coalition' to escape Yemen crimes

UN report says members of Saudi coalition shield themselves from responsibility for campaign that has little tactical impact on war
Malnourished Marwan Ahmad Mahyoub, 10, sits at a care centre in Hodeidah (Reuters)

Olivia Alabaster-Tuesday 22 August 2017
Members of the Saudi-led campaign against Yemen are hiding behind the broad "coalition" name, effectively shielding themselves from responsibility for violating international law, states a leaked UN report seen by Middle East Eye.
The confidential report, drafted by a UN panel, says that under international humanitarian law, "Member states are ultimately responsible for all acts committed by individuals of their armed forces, while operating as part of the Saudi Arabia-led coalition.
"Yet, some individual member states of the Saudi Arabia-led coalition seek to hide behind 'the entity' of the coalition to shield themselves from state responsibility for violations committed by their forces.
The Saudi Arabia-led coalition strategic air campaign continues to have little operational or tactical impact on the ground, and is only serving to stiffen civilian resistance
- UN draft report
"Attempts to 'divert' responsibility in this manner from individual states to the Saudi Arabia-led coalition may contribute to further violations occurring with impunity."
The Saudi-led war against Yemen has claimed at least 10,000 lives since it was launched in 2015, and the coalition has been accused of committing war crimes.
Infrastructure has often been targeted, and less than half of all health facilities are fully functioning, which has contributed to a widespread cholera epidemic.
In January, a UN panel of experts said that the violations by the Saudi-led air campaign "are sufficiently widespread to reflect either an ineffective targeting process or a broader policy of attrition against civilian infrastructure".
Less than a year into the war, the Emirati ambassador to the US expressed concern that the war was becoming a public relations nightmare for the UAE, according to leaked emails.
Youssef Otaiba, according to documents seen by the Intercept, wrote to senior Emirati officials that the war was becoming less easy to sell in DC.
“The increased targeting of civilian sites combined with the lack of humanitarian support is translating into a liability for Washington.”

Possibility of war crimes

The war has led to a proliferation of armed militias on both sides, the new report says, allowing the governments of Yemen and the UAE to "both deny having de facto control over forces that commit violations".
This creates "a verifiable accountability gap for grave violations that may amount to war crimes".
Many of militia groups "receive direct funding and aid from either Saudi Arabia or the UAE", the report adds, saying that these groups are challenging the authority of the "legitimate government" of president Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi.
"Although fighting a common enemy in the Houthi-Saleh alliance," the report states "the potential for internal divisions and infighting is ever present. The effect of all this has been to fracture Hadi's base of support even further.
Yemeni protesters shout slogans calling for the release of prisoners being held in government prisons during a demonstration outside the Red Cross office in Sanaa, on 26 July (AFP)
"The ability of the legitimate government to effectively govern the eight governorates it claims to control is now in doubt."
Supporting recent claims made by Human Rights Watch, the report says that the panel has "credible information that the UAE forces have forcibly disappeared two individuals in Aden for over eight months".
HRW said in June that Emirati forces in Yemen were arbitrarily arresting or forcibly disappearing Yemenis and appeared to have "moved high-profile detainees outside the country".
The report also says that Hadi's government, the Houthi-Saleh forces, and the UAE "continue to engage in illegal detention practices, including detention without trial and forced disappearances, which violate international humanitarian law and human rights laws and norms".

Military campaign failing

From a military perspective, the report offers a damning assessment of Operation Decisive Storm, launched in March 2015, and led by one of the strongest armies in the world.
Read more ►
"The Saudi Arabia-led coalition strategic air campaign continues to have little operational or tactical impact on the ground, and is only serving to stiffen civilian resistance."
But the Houthi-Saleh alliance's ability to fend off any advances may soon be pushed to the limit, the report says, stating that contrary to Houthi claims, the rebels are not producing their own missiles, and "they will eventually deplete their limited stock of missiles, and this campaign will then end unless they are resupplied from external sources".
In terms of the coalition members' roles in Yemen, "the main contribution to ground operations in Yemen by Saudi Arabia-led coalition forces is being made by Saudi Arabia… UAE, with significant support from Sudanese forces."
Sudan has provided around 1,000 troops for the war, and was reportedly paid $2.2bn by Saudi Arabia for supporting the conflict.

Maldives army occupies parliament to block no-confidence vote

Opposition MPs are prevented from entering chamber after mounting claims that President Abdulla Yameen is reversing years of democratic progress
 An arial view shows the Maldives capital, Malé. Military personnel locked down the nation’s parliament and blocked a no-confidence vote.Photograph: Reinhard Krause/Reuters

-Tuesday 22 August 2017

The Maldives military locked down the nation’s parliament on Tuesday in what opposition lawmakers said was an attempt to block a motion to impeach the speaker of the house.

Imthiyaz Fahmy, from the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), tweeted a video of what he said were security forces in plain clothes blocking representatives from entering the chamber.
Another lawmaker from the MDP, Eva Abdulla, said MPs were eventually allowed in but found that Speaker Abdulla Maseeh Mohamed was also surrounded by soldiers.

A close ally of President Abdulla Yameen, Mohamed opened the session and then immediately closed it before MPs were able to vote on the no-confidence motion, she said.

“The session was over in five minutes,” she said by phone. Lawmakers say they raised the motion against the speaker after he repeatedly refused parliamentary requests to scrutinise the government.

“The opposition has not been allowed to summon any government officials. We are not allowed to hold any part of the state accountable at all,” she adde

View image on TwitterView image on Twitter
Military siege of Parliament continues:1st sitting of month-Speaker conducts session surrounded by soldiers in plainclothes 

Yameen has been accused of reversing democratic progress in a country that became a multiparty democracy only in 2008. Regular bouts of political turmoil threaten a vital tourism industry on the Indian Ocean archipelago of just 400,000 people.

A similar opposition bid to oust the speaker was defeated in March after several lawmakers were evicted or walked out to protest against what they said were discrepancies in the vote count.

Last month, the armed forces padlocked the gates of parliament to prevent another attempt at impeachment, in which the opposition said it had the majority of votes. Some lawmakers eventually broke through the barrier but were forcibly thrown out. In a statement, the MDP called Yameen’s action “desperate, illegal and unconstitutional”.

The president’s hold over parliament has been threatened by a broad coalition of opposition groups, including the MDP, headed by the country’s first democratically elected president, Mohamed Nasheed.

Nasheed travelled to Britain last year on medical leave and received asylum there after being sentenced to 13 years in jail on terrorism charges, handed down in a widely denounced trial.

Biraj Patnaik, Amnesty International’s south Asia director, said Tuesday’s incident in parliament comes against a “backdrop of attacks on freedom of expression on the island nation”, where the government is facing a deepening crisis.

“The space for legitimate dissent has been alarmingly shrinking over recent years, with members of the opposition thrown behind bars for lengthy prison terms after manifestly flawed trials,” he said.
He added that an intensifying crackdown on human rights includes plans to resume executions for the first time in more than 60 years.

Is this the end of Hong Kong’s fight for democracy?



By  | 
WHEN Hong Kong judge Wally Yeung read the judgment sentencing pro-democracy activists Joshua Wong, Nathan Law and Alex Chow to jail last week for unlawful assembly, the point was clear: To deter anyone thinking of following their footsteps.

“Such arrogant and self-righteous thinking [has] unfortunately affected some young people, and led them to damage public order and peace during protests,” Yeung said, according to the Hong Kong broadcaster RTHK.

If this “sick trend” does not stop, Yeung warned the courts may hand down even more severe sentences in the future.

But how sound is this move? Can jail or the threat of it, quell the country’s thirst for the greater freedoms they were promised?

Unfortunately for Beijing, the answer seems to be a “no”.


While the sentence will curtail speech and create a climate of fear, analysts are confident this is not the end of the road for Wong, his fellow activists or the tens of thousands who took to the streets three years ago in a 79-day protest calling for greater democracy.

Known as the Umbrella Movement, it first began as a weeklong boycott by Hong Kong’s students against a ruling that candidates standing for the role of Hong Kong’s leader in 2017 would have to be screened by Beijing first. The students saw this as an attempt to engineer the city-state’s democratic elections, despite the wide-ranging autonomy guaranteed to Hong Kong under the “one country, two systems” formula after the former British colony was handed over to China 20 years ago.

And in a move unprecedented for a state known more for its financial district than for its political uprisings, the boycott later ballooned into a months-long protest that drew hundreds of thousands of supporters at its peak, paralysing the usually busy city streets.
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The battle for universal suffrage. Source: Shutterstock
Such an event will not be taking place again anytime soon given last week’s ruling, according to Brian Christopher Jones, a Professor of Law at the University of Dundee, a prediction echoed by Wong’s lawyer. But while it may dissuade dissenters for a while, Jones thinks the harsh sentence will potentially legitimise the jailed activists’ platforms and their followers even further.

“In the long-term, this looks like some sort of desperate move by the Hong Kong government which could easily backfire, and may even embolden Hong Kong’s citizens for future movements,” Jones wrote in an email to Asian Correspondent.

While the jailing looks to be the climax of the Hong Kong government’s sustained efforts to cripple political activism (many pro-democracy lawmakers were also disqualified from office in recent months for their “insincere” swearing-in oaths), Khoo Ying Hooi, a senior lecturer at the Department of International and Strategic Studies at the University of Malaya argues otherwise.
Khoo said:
“History has shown very often in democracy struggles, trigger points like this (jailing of dissidents for example) are significant.”
Like the Arab Spring and the Gwangju Uprising – where hundreds of South Koreans died in an uprising against military dictator Chun Doo-hwan in the 80s – disproportionate state action on a small number of people have the power to escalate protests even further.
Persistence is key in social movements, Khoo said.
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Golden Bauhinia Square, a symbol of the city’s handover to Chinese rule. Source: Shutterstock

But with their “youthful face of protest” behind bars, coupled with a tired movement marred by bitter infighting among opposition groups, can the resistance really sustain itself or even escalate?

Victoria Hui, an Associate Professor at the University of Notre Dame’s Department of Political Science, wrote in a blog post last month Hong Kong’s citizens are now in the “demobilisation” stage.


During the Umbrella Movement, protestors were mobilised by the successful cases of mass protests in 2003 and 2012. The perceived failure of the 2014 movement demobilised them, making them see any form of resistance a “seemingly lost cause”.

But the size of Sunday’s turnout, where thousands marched for the release of the political prisoners in the “biggest protest since Occupy”, may give hope to those dejected, Hui said in an email to Asian Correspondent.

“Look at how other members of Demosisto are stepping up. And the size of the protest on Sunday. I was there and so moved.”

They can silence protests, remove us from the legislature and lock us up. But they will not win the hearts and minds of Hongkongers.

Hui echoes Wong’s parting call to Hong Kongers as he left the courtroom last Thursday to not give up.

Among others, she said the average person could turn to other common forms of resistance such as boycotting pro-Beijing businesses and donating to disqualified legislators.

“Do whatever one can think of to live in truth and to sustain Hong Kong’s core values,” she said