Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, August 6, 2017

TINA……….Again



Emil van der Poorten
The recent plethora of events proves conclusively what many of us have been saying for longer than we care to remember: there is no alternative to the practice of the highest of moral and ethical codes and an unequivocal adherence to principle in governance.
Nothing less will suffice.
What has emerged from the, oftentimes overstated, pages of what have hitherto been treated as scurrilous scandal-sheets, is increasingly displaying, not merely the ring of truth, but proving to be understatements in quite a few instances. It is undeniable that that the level of probity has to increase as the rank of those governing us goes up. Instead, it appears that the level of arrogance and expressions of entitlement verging on the absolute have begun to emerge with increasing frequency among those with pretensions to leadership positions, if not roles
If the above sounds like “Pie in the sky (when you die)” let me, once more, reiterate the fact that the qualities I have described are not “airy fairy” concepts dreamt up by some writer of children’s bedtime stories. They constitute the very lifeblood of any civilized and democratic system of governance. If that sounds like its written in stone, so be it because that has proven to be absolute fact in the matter of governance of the kind that we all believe should be the foundation on which any civilized society is built.
Particularly in the case of a country whose economy is organized on the capitalist model, the checks and balances that an ethical and moral code and the exercise of principle is a sine qua non for justice and equity to prevail and for the very survival of civilized society. The rule of law to which at least lip service is paid by the vast majority of Sri Lankans cannot exist unless the three elements I have described earlier exist. Why do I say this? Because the basis of capitalist society is the exploitation of the many by the few and it is only the constraints placed by structures based on the three elements I have described that prevents something worse than the law of the jungle prevailing. The reader needs to think about these concepts and not be distracted by the philosophical gobbledegook spouted by those practicing fraud on a scale never witnessed in Sri Lanka even in the dark days of “Empire.” Then, I am certain, there will be very little room for the slightest doubt about our current predicament and what needs to be done in the matter of a complete house-cleaning in “The Land Like No Other.”
What has made matters so much worse in the post-2015 period has been the absolute abuse of Sri Lankans’ trust and the arrogance that has accompanied it. After all, those who risked life and limb to throw the Rajapaksa Rabble out of power did not do so to simply ensure that the masks changed but the players practiced the same deceit and dishonesty. To make matters even more intolerable, our rulers have chosen to treat us as a bunch of cattle without any grey matter.
The icing on the cake has been the increasing evidence of collusion by the current lot with their predecessors in the matter of covering up the sins of the Rajapaksa Regime in what is becoming increasingly evident as a quid pro quo arrangement. In fact, some of us had, much earlier begun to smell this particular rat but were naïve enough to believe that this was a mere hiccup on the way to good governance, giving it the opportunity to right the ship and create a society where equity and justice prevailed. Sad to say, we under-estimated the new lot’s capacity for fiscal criminality.
If all of those politicians who epitomize venality get away with treating us with monumental contempt and we let them, we will have no one to blame but ourselves for the inevitable precipitous slide deeper into the abyss that the Rajapaksa Regime constructed so efficiently over the period of a decade.

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Abandoning ‘hand’, Mahinda to the villages with ‘flower bud’

Abandoning ‘hand’, Mahinda to the villages with ‘flower bud’

Aug 06, 2017

Plans have been made to hold meetings in main cities with the participation of ex-president Mahinda Rajapaksa in a membership recruitment drive for the Podujana Eksath Peramuna, reports say.

Former minister Basil Rajapaksa and SLFP MPs in the joint opposition too, are due to join in, says the JO. Basil has said that the JO will contest elections under the ‘flower bud’ symbol of the Podujana Eksath Peramuna.
Meanwhile, the Nidahas Kala Sandhanaya says artistes too, will participate in these meetings, said its spokesman. It says it has a membership of more than 400 and that there are a further 700 who have sent in applications to become members.
A poster and cutout campaign is already on under this membership recruitment drive. However, SLFP seniors point out that Mahinda is lying when he says he will not work to divide the party.
Janitha Prasad Senanayake

Mahinda wouldn’t vote for no-confidence motion

Mahinda-Rajapaksa

August 6, 2017
He would not vote for the no-confidence motion against Mr. Ravi Karunanayaka filed by a group of MPs of the joint opposition says retired president Kurunegala district parliamentarian Mahinda Rajapaksa.
He said this speaking to the media at Beruwala.
The no-confidence motion filed against current Minister of foreign affairs Ravi Karunanayaka, who was the Minister of finance when the bond scam was committed has been signed by a group of Parliaments in the joint opposition including Mahindananda Aluthgamage, Wimal Weerawansa, Rohitha Abeygunawardene and Kumara Welgama.
Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa had earlier stated that Ravi Karunanayaka was only an individual and bringing in a no-confidence motion against him would not be fruitful.

Sri Lanka: Remove Ravi and Investigate Ranil’s Involvement

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There is every reason to investigate Ranil Wickremasinghe after removing Ravi Karunanayake from the Cabinet and as the Minister of Foreign Affairs immediately. If Mr Wickremasinghe is clean, he himself should come before the Commission and should give evidence. 


by Laksiri Fernando-

( August 6, 2017, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian) There is no point in waiting for the Presidential Commission to conclude or the No Confidence Motion to take place. There can be a Parliamentary debate on the Penthouse Issue or Public Corruption in general for the members to express their views and show their determination, if anything remaining, against corrupt practices. The President must remove Ravi Karunanayake, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, from the Cabinet forthwith.
The Members of Parliament can ask Ravi Karunanayake to completely resign from Parliament. If not, or even otherwise, it is left for the UNP to remove him from the party membership and inform the Elections Commission accordingly, for the world to see where he would stand thereafter.
Enough Evidence
There is enough evidence to politically determine that there had been a shady deal between Ravi Karunanayake and the businessman Arjuna Aloysius, who is being primarily investigated by the Presidential Commission on the controversial Treasury Bond issue. Removing a Minister from the Cabinet is a political act and not a legal procedure. The legal procedure to take course, of course, one must wait for the conclusion of the Presidential Commission.
The removal from a Cabinet must be done to clear the good name of any government when a Minister is involved in unethical, corrupt or dubious financial deals. ‘Justice should not only be done; it must also be seen to be done.’ This principle also applies in the case of transparency, accountability and responsibility.
The usual practice in a democracy is for the Minister to resign even in the slightest doubt against his/her financial integrity. In these columns, I have written about ‘A Bottle of Wine Throws a Premier Out!’ in June 2014. As I was writing, “The Premier of the New South Wales (State) of Australia, Barry O’Farrell, announced his resignation yesterday morning (16 April 2014) over the issue of receiving a bottle wine as a gift that he failed to declare in 2011 in the ‘Pecuniary Interest Register.” He didn’t claim the bottle of wine was received by his wife or daughter. It became revealed only after three years only by accident. But in the case Ravi Karunanayake it is already revealed.
As I stated then, “This is a case of ‘accountability and responsibility’ that all Prime Ministers, Chief Ministers, Ministers and all Members of Parliament or members of any such representative institution in a functioning democracy should abide by.”
But in the case of Sri Lanka, it is difficult to imagine that many of our ministers or politicians would abide by these principles of ‘accountability and responsibility’ voluntarily. Our past practices were so corrupt, they would think that these practices are their privileges. Therefore, it is necessary for the President to act without delay. As far as I am aware, contrary to what a Minister has told the Colombo Telegraph, there is no prohibition whatsoever for the President to act against a Minister when there is a No Confidence Motion scheduled in Parliament. It can even be in the form of a Cabinet reshuffle.
If Delayed?
If the President delays action against Ravi Karunanayake, serious doubts will be cast against him as well. If Ravi Karunanayake’s removal as the Finance Minister was warranted for some reason, in the last Cabinet reshuffle, there is now more reason to remove him as the Minister of Foreign Affairs. His remaining days as the Foreign Minister would be a total disgrace for the country as whole within the UN, among the Commonwealth countries and in the whole world, East and West.
According to all reports available, Mr Karunanayake has not denied that he was living in the said Penthouse and its rent was paid by Arjuna Aloysius for nine months. What he has childishly denied is his knowledge about the deal. According to him, it was done by his wife and daughter! Even the daughter, in her face-book posting, has not denied the accusations but asked “Why only one man’s name comes up all the time in such a huge government?” There is all indication, in that questioning that directly or indirectly, there are other people in the government who are involved in the bond scam, if not the Penthouse issue.
This was the suspicion of many who observed and criticised the unprecedented auctions of bonds, beginning February 2015. I had occasion to analyse the bond issue of February 2015 which was announced for 1 billion first and then issued for 10 billion through direct intervention of Arjuna Mahendran, the then Governor of the Central Bank (‘Awoth Atha Thamai: Cabral is No Excuse for Mahendran,’ Sri Lanka Guardian, 23 May 2015). The person benefitted was Arjuna Aloysius, his son in law.
Ranil Wickremasinghe?
The immediate reason for my article was Ranil Wickremasinghe’s disgraceful defence of Arjuna Mahendran in Parliament on 21 May (also thereafter) even distorting the findings of the Committee appointed by him to ‘cover up’ what appeared to be controversial bond sales, at that time. It was quite puzzling why Mr Wickremasinghe opted to defend Mahendran so vehemently.
Of course, Mahendran was Wickremasinghe’s appointee and college friend, from Royal. There also could have been some ideological reasons like both believing strongly in ‘neo-liberalism’ where profit making is freely allowed for entrepreneur classes at the expense of the ordinary masses.
I also suspected another reason although somewhat hesitant to articulate directly without much evidence before. That was about the UNP’s party coffers. It was almost by accident that Ranil Wickremasinghe became the Prime Minister in January 2015. By that time the UNP was in a bad shape both organizationally and financially. It is quite possible that Wickremasighe allowed Arjuna Aloysius to make money on the understanding that he funds the UNP, particularly at the general elections.
This is of course not an established fact but a reasonable doubt or accusation. This is how the capitalist political parties work. The SLFP also cannot be innocent on these grounds, but the issue at present particularly before the Presidential Commission is who benefitted from the bond scams at the expense of the people of this country. This is also the issue before the country and the people.
Even otherwise, Ranil Wickremasinghe’s possible complicity in the bond scams cannot be ruled out. He, Ravi Karunanayake and Malik Samarawickreme are a very close group within the party and in the government. They are almost like a ‘kitchen cabinet.’ The Central Bank, where all these shady deals happened, was under the Prime Minister. Without his knowledge, it is unlikely that Arjuna Mahendran could act unilaterally in favour of Arjuna Aloysius or Perpetual Treasuries. Even on the Penthouse issue, it is quite unlikely that the other two in the ‘kitchen cabinet’ were not aware of what was going on.
Therefore, there is every reason to investigate Ranil Wickremasinghe after removing Ravi Karunanayake from the Cabinet and as the Minister of Foreign Affairs immediately. If Mr Wickremasinghe is clean, he himself should come before the Commission and should give evidence.
Party Reforms for Good Governance
In January 2015, there was a major change in our political system, the people of this country stalling the attempt of Mahinda Rajapaksa and his family to grab presidential powers for a third term. There were many and major allegations of corruption. These are still not properly investigated. Almost the whole SLFP and many parties in the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) were complicit in this corrupt-power scheme. Although half-hearted, there have been some changes within the SLFP as of now. These must move forward to make it a more democratic, accountable and a responsible party.
However, the UNP is the same old political outfit, inheriting the corrupt-power practices of JR Jayawardena and Premadasa times. The present god-father of this scheme could be Ranil Wickremasighe. It has been the practice of the leaders, the funders and the organizers of these parties to enrich themselves and the parties through shady business and other deals after coming to political power. As the UNP has come to power after a very long spell, the urge for these corrupt practices could be even higher. Some of the SLFP leaders who enriched themselves during Rajapaksa or Kumaratunaga times may even appear or pretend to be magnanimous or honest now! There should be a change within the UNP as well to make the party more democratic, accountable and responsible. The funding of these political parties also should be transparent.
Two civil society organizations, the National Movement for a Just Society (NMJS) and the ‘Puravesi Balaya’ (People’s Power) are asking the supporters who voted for the January 2015 change to come to Colombo on the 15th August to demand the government to implement their promises. One of their slogans and demands undoubtedly would be a New Constitution. I would suggest that the ‘Removal of Ravi Karunanayake’ should take more prominence at this rally or the meeting as it would constitute the acid test of this government’s avowed promise for good governance and anti-corruption.

Govt would not protect thieves: PM


2017-08-06 
Prime Ministerr Ranil Wickremesinghe speaking at a public function in Hatton today said this government would not protect thieves, and would remove them, but stressed that there should be room for a transparent investigation.
“Today there are so many investigations that ministers are brought before the Attorney General and are questioned. Was there a situation as such before? Those days, the Attorney General was an acolyte of the president. The Attorney General who questioned was removed from the department or else taken in a white van. Now there is room to question anyone. This government will not protect thieves. If anyone found committing frauds, we will act according to probe reports. The UNP is not a party of thieves. If there are thieves in the party we will remove them. Allow us to carry out a transparent and public investigation. The media in Sri Lanka don’t have an ethical right to say that such and such things have happened. Why is that? They covered up corruption of the previous government. They all went shopping “kade”. Lankadeepa, Divaina, Ada, Lankadeepa, Dinamina, Silumina all went ‘kade’. Tell me who did not do it.
*Allow a transparent investigation
*Says media does not have an ethical right to talk about what happens now
*Says Daily Mirror wanted to him to resign from UNP leader post as he spoke about the loss of SriLankan Airlines, Hambantota Port
Lasantha Wickramatunga was trying to reveal corruption but he was killed. What happened to Eknaligoda? He also revealed about corruption and was abducted and killed. What are they (media institutions) saying now? Not to investigate on the killings of journalists now? When we try to conduct investigations on these and frauds they say it is a threat to security. They are attacking us when we conduct investigation on corruption. We got voted in because people wanted good governance. What the professionals, government servants and the average citizens of the country want is just and free society without corruption. If we do not do it we will not get votes next time. Also we do not want the votes of thieves. We will do everything which we can do to give what people want. Do not have a doubt about that. We will not shout about what we do. I have named some media institutions today. I can also name those who are in them but will not do it now. We have now established an open society today. If someone robs he will get caught. Now see investigations are carried out even against the family of President Donald Trump. If someone does wrong he will get punished.
“I discussed with Minister Kabir Hashim about the losses incurred by Srilankan Airlines. The Airline was running at a loss. The Rajapaksa regime had bought eight A332 planes. Those luxury planes can fly at a stretch to Chicago in the US. However Srilankan only fly up to London. These planes could fly double the distance. What are we to do about these planes which have been purchased in such an irregular manner? The country has suffered a loss of RS 135 billion as a result. The country had also lost Rs 46billion on the Hambantota Port project. The total loss of these two is Rs 181 billion. What did Lankadeepa do when these losses happened? What did Daily Mirror do? Daily Mirror newspaper asked me to resign from the party leadership when I revealed losses happened during the last regime.
The Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said the government had created an open society, and therefore anyone, indulging in fraud activities would get exposed.
He said, “I am happy to launch bus service between Batticaloa and Hatton. It is an important step facilitating the movement of students who are from this area and study at the Eastern University in Batticaloa. I am grateful for conducting religious ceremonies at Buddhist temples, Mosques, Kovils to shower blessing on me marking my 40th year in politics. It is a pleasure for me to see all of you assembled here. Today, there is freedom of movement for you. We all got together and ensured the victory of President Maithripala Sirisena to achieve this. We have not had such a political era before. Freedom was confined only to a few. There is no need to talk about it. Today, people can live and move without any fear. There is no racism or religious fanaticism. We have to resolve our problems and forge ahead. We have set up Independent Commissions. Parliament is being empowered further. Parliamentary committees have been given more and more authority to summon any official for testifying. If any Minister does not attend to your problems, it can be complained to these committees. Did we ever have such a free society before?
He said,” Let alone, we are proceeding with investigations into corruption. Nobody can be allowed to do corruption. The police have filed cases regarding some cases. We are seeking legal advice on some cases. If there are cases, we have to probe. There was an allegation regarding the bond transaction. First, I appointed an interim committee comprising lawyers. Then, it was referred to the COPE. Though we won the election, we gave the COPE chairmanship to an opposition MP. It was open to all. Afterwards, the President appointed a Presidential Commission.
Today, the Attorney General summons Ministers and questions them. At that time, the Attorney General was a yes-man of the President. I will tell one thing. We will not cover up fraudsters in the government. This is not a party of fraudsters. If there is any, we will expel him. Yet, let us have a transparent probe!
It is like in America. There are so many investigations against President Trump by the media, Congress and so on. Upon receipt of reports, wrongdoers step down. It is same in England. (Yohan Perera)

A National Economic Council to override the CCEM; or what?


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Friday, 4 August 2017

President Maithripala Sirisena submitted a Cabinet Paper last week seeking approval to appoint a new National Economic Council (NEC) under his purview to take key decisions on all the economic and development projects of the Government. The President is of the view that policy decisions have to be made by him.

According to insiders, NEC will be an “advisory body on economic policy in the country to further strengthen policy coherence in Government”. This new body will sit above the Cabinet Committee on Economic Management (CCEM) which is chaired by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The President had in his proposals in the Cabinet Paper emphasised that the new Economic Council must comprise the President, Prime Minister, the Minister of Finance, the secretaries to those ministries and selected economic experts only.

The President had informed the Cabinet that he must be consulted before a final decision is taken on any economic issue and development projects before implementation. The decision on the Cabinet Paper had been postponed because the Prime Minister had sought time to further study the Cabinet Paper, however the proposal had got the nod.

A Cabinet Committee on Economic Management (CCEM) has been functioning under the Prime Minister ever since the Government took office. The Prime Minister’s advisers R. Paskaralingam and Charitha Ratwatte are prominent members of the Economic Council. There’s been criticism from a broad cross section of society that the CCEM has even been usurping powers vested only in the Cabinet of Ministers.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party ministers say that even the President is unaware of certain decisions taken by the CCEM and they want a guarantee from the President that no ad-hoc decisions are taken on issues which are extremely vital to the country’s interests.

The Prime Minister has said many times that the CCEM has been able to fast-track many of the approvals in record time because of this powerful committee, however the committee has sometimes been marred with controversy.

The CCEM is a brainchild of the Prime Minister and has been a key feature in all the UNP governments since the ’90s. The CCEM when resourced well and managed with rigour has been a great decision-making body to attract investment into the country.

National Economic Council

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In the US the National Economic Council is the principal forum used by the President of the United States for considering economic policy matters, separate from matters relating to domestic policy, which are the domain of the Domestic Policy Council. The council forms part of the Office of White House Policy which contains the National Economic Council and other offices.

The Director of the NEC is titled the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy and Director of the National Economic Council. The NEC comprises numerous department and agency heads within the administration whose policy jurisdictions affect the nation’s economy. The NEC Director, in conjunction with these officials, coordinates and implements the President’s economic policy objectives.

The Director is supported by a staff of policy specialists in various fields including agriculture, commerce, energy, financial markets, fiscal policy, healthcare and labour. However, the Council proposed by the President is an Advisory body on economic policy to further strengthen policy coherence and harness the existing talent of the country for national development. The Council however to fulfil its mandate would be required to audit the performance of the CCEM and could become a powerful oversight body for economic management.

Government 

Whatever the objectives may be, the failure to distinguish between strategy and tactics is an acute deficiency in this Government. Maithripala Sirisena took a grave and patriotic decision when he left the corruption-ridden Rajapaksas and contested the last presidential election. The country, more than he, was rewarded for such a momentous decision. But that is history now. The people have already forgotten about it.

A more difficult and challenging road is before him and to his constant dismay, he discovered that running a Coalition Government between the traditional arch-rivals, the UNP and the SLFP, is not as smooth as ascending to power. He must be extraordinarily patient to succeed.

The President and the PM cannot assume power on a ‘partnership’ platform and surround themselves with ‘yes’ men and women and expect to traverse on stormy seas. Of course, the President is the presiding head of the Cabinet of Ministers who are de facto and de jure executives of Government policies. The UNP therefore must recognise this and give him the space fit in and to operate.

Conclusion 

The majority of those who voted for President Maithripala at the presidential elections and the UNP at the general elections are palpitating with a tremendous amount of disappointment today for very valid reasons. They cannot be disregarded, for the expectations raised during the campaign were sharper and more cutting in the context of the alleged corruption and nepotism related to the former First Family and their kith and kin. Therefore both need to look forward and work collaboratively to deliver on those promises and to get the country back on track in way the public is somewhat satisfied.
(The writer is a thought leader.)
                             

A torrid time in Sri Lankan politics

President Sirisena has the power to remove a minister if he judges that this is necessary. The 19th Amendment did not make any change on this power previously vested with the president.


by Manik de Silva-Aug 7, 2017
(August 7, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) It is obvious that the next few days are going to be a torrid time in Sri Lanka politics. Foreign Minister Ravi Karunanayake’s appearance before the Presidential Commission appointed to probe the Central Bank bond scam triggered a deluge of sensational reporting for which the media cannot be faulted for the simple reason that the disclosures were sensational. Of course none of the allegations that were made or material elicited has yet been provenManik. That must await the final report of the commission. Its term has already been extended at least twice and there is a lot more work to be done before the proceedings can be concluded. It is clear that the commissioners are determined to complete their work as quickly as possible even at the cost of personal sacrifice. One of the commissioners has decided that he would not attend a scheduled assignment abroad as he considers the work of the commission more important. The two Supreme Court judges who are in the three-member commission must also get back to their regular judicial duties.
The calls for Karunanayake’s resignation now being heard are inevitable. There were reports yesterday that the president had talked to him about this at a ‘Temple Trees’ dinner marking Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s 40th anniversary in politics. How correct these reports are we do not know but it is quite obvious that differences between the UNP and the SLFP have sharpened as a result of what is going on. Whether the minister will resign and retire gracefully to the backbench or whether he will stay put in his present ministry remains to be seen. Karunanayake hinted very broadly that his exit from the finance ministry was a result of the efforts of an unelected colleague in his own party. There are wheels within wheels in what is going on now and it will be dangerous for firm conclusions to be reached on the basis of sensational disclosures that are dime a dozen. Although the fact is that ordinary people are reaching such conclusions, a commission of inquiry that includes two serving judges of the Supreme Court and a former deputy auditor general will not do the same. They will undoubtedly act within the framework of their mandate and the law.
The basic fact is that Karunanayake was summoned before the commission to testify on the undated letter he had written regarding the money the government required to pay some road building contractors. He has testified that the letter lacking a date and a reference was an oversight. While different people can have a different take on whether this is correct or not, the fact is that it has not been proved that it is otherwise. So also his testimony that he was not aware that a Perpetual company paid the lease rent for the apartment he and his family occupied while their own home was being renovated. The minister’s position is that when he assumed public office in 2015, he severed connections with his various businesses and these were handled by his wife and daughter. He says he did not know that Perpetual had paid the rent which had since been refunded. A company connected with the Karunanayakes had later bought the apartment. Belief and proof are entirely different matters. Whether this matter will evolve under a strict legal frame or whether external commotion will influence the outcome are open questions.
President Sirisena has the power to remove a minister if he judges that this is necessary. The 19th Amendment did not make any change on this power previously vested with the president. But whether he will do that without the concurrence of the prime minister is also uncertain. He well knows that but for the votes that the UNP brought him, he could not have defeated his predecessor two and a half years ago. He has always been at pains to consult his prime minister on matters relating to the government instead bulldozing his way through at will. When Karunanayake was removed from the finance ministry, he was compensated with the equally prestigious foreign ministry. This arrangement was obviously a compromise between the president and the prime minister who wanted his party colleague’s feathers ruffled as little as possible. But recent developments have made such compromise less possible. We will see how the papadam crumbles in coming days.
Observers also note that the noisy Joint Opposition that seizes every opportunity to wade into the government was slow in presenting a vote of no-confidence against the foreign minister until the smelly stuff hit the fan last week. When the debate on this motion will be fixed and whether it will be relevant when the due date comes around if the minister resigns earlier, are also factors in the equation. We must also not forget the fact that there are many serious allegations against a number of active politicians being investigated by various agencies including the Bribery Commission, FCID and others. Although some of them have gone into remand and been bailed out and some arraigned before the courts, they have not been subject to the same trauma as Karunanayake and are well into the game of pot calling the kettle black. They did not suffer the misfortune of being hauled before a Presidential Commission of Inquiry and were not subject to intensive interrogation under the full glare of publicity as Karunanayake was.
It is unlikely that the commission would go into matters that are not subject to its mandate. If there are complaints against Karunanayake, these must be made to the properly constituted authorities tasked with investigating such matters. If evidence that can sustain a prosecution is unearthed, then the suspects must be brought to court under due process. That is how those alleged of wrongdoing under the previous dispensation are being treated. If there are wrongdoers under the present regime, and the public perception is that there are many, they too must be dealt with in the same manner. Karunanayake cannot be made an exception to that rule merely because a loud hullabaloo has been made at the proceedings of the ongoing inquiry.
( The writer is the Chief of Editor of the Sunday Island, Colombo, where this piece first appeared)

The invisible hand behind Ravi K’s undoing


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by C.A.Chandraprema- 


The appearance of Foreign Minister Ravi Karunanayake before the Bond Commission was the talk of the week. No one can fail to notice that there is a major difference in the way Ravi Karunanayake has been treated when compared to how Hirunika Premachandra was treated when it came to her abduction case and Galagodaatte Gnanasara thera was treated recently with regard to the multiple cases against him. Despite the fact that the men who abducted a youth from a shop had no motive to do that except for the instructions given to them by their boss, Hirunika did not have to spend even an hour in police custody. She was granted bail almost immediately. It all depends on the police and the AG’s Dept. if there are no objections to bail, the Magistrate is more often than not obliged to grant that person bail. We saw the same thing happening with regard to Gnanasara thera – he set an all time record by being granted bail three times in three different cases within minutes of one another.

40 more high profile politicos including Dayasiri incriminated in Aloysius case! President never told Ravi to resign














LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 06.Aug.2017, 8.00AM)  Pot calling the Kettle black !   Dayasiri Jayasekera who says he will raise  both hands to send Ravi Karunanayake home  in the Aloysius treasury bond case is himself incriminated in same. The investigations into the telephone and sms messages exchanged via the telephone of Arjun Aloysius have implicated about 40 names of high profile politicos of the opposition and government  including Dayasiri .  
Among those politicos are ministers  Nimal Siripala De Silva,Susil Premachandra , Dayasiri Jayasekera of the opposition , and ministers Malik Samarawickrema and Sujeewa Senasinghe of the UNP. Of course  notorious  Namal Rajapakse   and Basil Rajapakse of the Rajapakse family whose names are already  synonymous with frauds  are also involved. 
It is therefore a pertinent question why only Ravi Karunanayake is being interrogated and within just two days  in connection with the so called investigation into the 8600 page document pertaining  to the sms and telephone messages exchanged via the telephone of Arjun Aloysius .
Meanwhile Lankadeepa newspaper’s report that the president has notified  Ravi Karunanayake to resign from his portfolio is a newspaper canard and an absolute lie, according to sources close to the president , LeN learns.
Lakbima newspaper belonging to the deputy speaker cum bookmaker reveals at the no confidence motion against Ravi, members of the  SLFP  which constitutes part of the consensual government are going to vote against Ravi. This report has also been confirmed by sources close to the president as an absolute falsehood. Expressing their views to us , they said , ‘we are not that mad to vote for a no confidence motion brought forward by the alliance, ’and such a thing  was never even discussed  among the SLFP.
The P.M.  has not advised Ravi to resign from the portfolio. Sources close to  Ranil  pointed out , the hand  that is now raised to attack Ravi today can be the same hand that can be used against Ranil tomorrow.’
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by     (2017-08-06 02:33:53)

RK: The belligerent but beleaguered Minister

Though the UNP is facing one of its biggest crises over the Ravi Karunanayake affair, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe appeared confident when Parliament met on Friday in a special session to mark the 40th anniversary of his entry to Parliament. The premier is seen having a friendly chat with Speaker Karu Jayasuriya.

    The Sunday Times Sri Lanka
  • Sunday, August 06, 2017


  • Bond Commission revelations severe embarrassment to Govt., especially to the UNP; party stalwarts also ask FM to quit
  • Renewal of MoU, Sirisena to wait till December 31 for Bond Commission and Budget debate to be concluded
  • Amendments to hold all PC election on a single day next year; local council elections unlikely this year
Minister Ravi Karunanayake appeared Wednesday before the Commission probing the bond scam and his testimony plunged a Government, voted to office on the edifice of fighting bribery and corruption, into its worst embarrassment.

University is beyond reach of US, UK students

Should Sri Lankan students pay a fraction of their university costs?


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The resourse gap in the US is rising exponentially

by Kumar David- 

University education is beyond the reach of middle or working class families in the US and the UK, so students get by with large education loans. The average tuition fee at Harvard is $50,000 per year for four years; add to that living costs, accommodation and books. State universities cost over $20,000 a year for four years. At a low cost US community college a two or three year vocational oriented programme will set a student back about $7,000 per year in tuition fees. Medical schools are far more expensive. A graduate will begin life with an average debt of $35,000; the highest may be $200,000. Student debt takes seven to 20 years to pay off. Many fall behind or walk away from unbearable debt obligations. The cumulative US student debt burden at the end of 2016 was $1.4 trillion ($1,400 billion) and widening; it exceeds by double the outstanding credit card debt ($620 billion). The number of indebted graduates was 44 million at end 2016.

After adjusting for population, income and prices the situation in the UK is not much better. At end 2016 outstanding student debt amounted to GBP 100 billion and is forecast to double in six years – unless a Labour government is elected soon. The average student in the UK walks out of university with a higher debt (GBP 32,000) than his American counterpart’s average of $35,000 (GBP 28,000). By 2011 UK students were paying 66% of university costs - probably over 70% now - out of their pockets and from loans. The cap on tuition fees now at GBP 9,000 per year is set to go higher. The sharp rise in fees was initiated by Tony Blair in 1998. Blair, a devotee of transplanting mantras of the private sector into public sector institutions, put an end to low cost higher education and jacked up fees, which have step by step risen to GBP 9,000.

The Academy in the Marketplace

Most disconcerting is that the university has become a business; Plato in his Academy would shudder! Not just private for-profit institutions, but not-for-profit and public (state) universities too have to put money and success as a business venture before learning, teaching, fashioning of an all-round person and love of knowledge. The most important department in university administration is marketing and student recruitment, whatever name it goes by. Deans and Heads of Department are under pressure to enrol a sufficient number of fee paying students. Swarms of slick recruiters are sent out by British and Australian universities to conduct recruitment jamborees, seminars and the like in Malaysia, Hong Kong, China, Indonesia and the Middle East where pools of eager, not necessarily rich, parents and students are spotted. In Sri Lanka, the Education Supplements in the Sunday Times advertise colleges and courses with the same bluster as mobile phone and kitchen appliance pushers. Foreign students are a prized resource in Britain and Australia because they are charged much higher fees which helps subsidise a range of university activities.

You could well ask what is wrong with a university pushing hard to earn as much money as it can. The answer is not straightforward in an age where governments are slashing funding and the number of school leavers eligible to enter tertiary education is increasing. If I recall correctly, the total number of university students worldwide in the 1960s was two million, now it is about 200 million. Thanks to advances in society and industry in the post-war period, the polish needed to break into higher social circles and the skillset essential for employment has become sophisticated. However, while the costs of providing higher education have been rising steeply, the contribution by the state has been edging up only modestly, leaving a large gap to be bridged by student fees.

As in business and banking, the top rung of university administrators are not doing badly at all. The salaries of Vice Chancellors in the US, UK and Australia are well above the inflation trend line and match rising tuition fee trends. Colleges have provosts or vice-presidents and departments geared for local and overseas marketing. There are reasons for the price surge: overpaid business oriented vice-chancellors or presidents, too many teachers and administrators and luxury dorms. As part of their marketing strategy, colleges are promising many outside classroom services; amenities include mental health services, counselling and recreational centres. It’s an advertising gimmick as in all salesmanship; convince buyers that they cannot survive without the inessential.

At some US private colleges 58 percent of each dollar goes to student and institutional support services, compared with just 42 percent spent on instruction. On many campuses, expansion of student services has driven a 30 percent increase the higher education workforce. Students are shouldering much of these costs as the state cuts back. It’s a vicious circle with no visible way out in the US, though it may be possible to cut the Gordian knot in the UK. 

Universities in continental Western Europe do not levy tuition fees, or if they do the fees are small, and for this reason they are free of a market ethos and the academic atmosphere is healthy. I have read about, seen documentaries or had personal experiences as teacher or researcher in Germany, Sweden, Switzerland, Norway and the 1960s UK. If I may make a personal statement, time spent in a university free of market place morality is a pleasure. My colleagues in Hong Kong, US and latter day UK would enjoy liberation from this bazaar. But the system does not allow them to ignore raising money for the university kitty.

Should tertiary education be entirely free?

So far I have been negative about high tuition fees, but does that mean entirely free education, as we have got accustomed to in Lanka, is a good thing? Certainly free education, from the 1940s, has made high literacy and a degree of social equivalence across classes and regions, possible. However from the difficulties created by exorbitant tuition fees one cannot infer the other extreme, a perpetual 100% free system, is best. There are to my mind three reasons why a small fee, for example to recover 10 to 20% of university gross expenses, should be considered.

The first is that gratis university education has given birth to a generation of student hooligans who do not value what society gives them. Hence while I support the principle of allocating 6% of GDP to education in the long run, a split of 5.5% from the state and 0.5% from fees may be good. I am persuaded that this will inculcate an appreciation of the benefits of edification over hooliganism.

The second reason is that we have come a long way from the 1940s and there is more money in the country now, poverty is much reduced and even lower middle class families in city and village, and most working class and peasant parents, can afford a fee of say Rs 36,000 per annum. A monthly Rs 3,000 is three day’s wages of a casual worker.

Eighty percent of families can come up with the money without difficulty, and will do so given the high social premium of university education. Rs 36,000 each from 50,000 students sums to Rs 1.8 billion, which is 0.15% of GDP (Rs 12 trillion). In round numbers, right now, the budget allocates about Rs 170 billion, or 1.4% of GDP, to higher education. I am keeping the 5.5%:0.5% ratio at the back of my mind as a guideline.

A third reason is that if students pay part of their education costs they will be more quality conscious and demand better teaching, higher quality teachers and better facilities. Right now they take anything dished out to them lying down. I grant that the issue is complicated and controversial and not easy to resolve.

On a separate note an interesting point is whether not-for-profit yields a better outcome than for-profit. I know of no comprehensive comparative study of university education, but there is a very thorough investigation of the US healthcare industry by Zack Cooper of Yale University, published in Yale Insights. I quote from "Why Is Healthcare So Expensive?" of 12 February 2016.

Quote:

"Question: Are there difference between nonprofit and for-profit hospitals in terms of their prices?

Answer: We found, consistent with the wider literature that not-for-profits behave identically to for-profits. That is, their prices are equally high, and they are also likely to charge higher prices when they have monopolies. Given that nonprofit hospitals receive $30 billion annually in subsidies in the form of tax exemption, I think we have to ask tough questions about whether or not we should be giving not-for-profit status to these large hospitals".

End Quote.

If the results for the higher education sector are consistent with those of the healthcare sector this calls for mulling over some considerations. What if not-for-profit and for-profit are no better than each other in the end results they achieve, and are equally expensive once the costs to the state are factored in? Where exactly does this leave us?