Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, July 28, 2017

Is the IMF deciding Sri Lanka’s tax policy – Ajith Galhena


Is the IMF deciding Sri Lanka’s tax policy – Ajith Galhena

Jul 28, 2017

The country has several tax collecting institutions – Inland Revenue, Excise And Customs Departments. The IRD collects around 32 per cent of the total income tax. These institutions are being administered as per provisions in the act of 2006/10.

This act has considerable shortcomings, the biggest being on tax exemptions. If those exemptions are removed, the IRD will be able to achieve its targeted income. The IRD employees union has told the government to rectify it by making certain amendments to the act.
Taxpayers or institutions getting directly involved in taxes or any other party has not asked for a new IRD act. It is only a proposal by former finance minister Ravi Karunanayake. His successor Mangala Samaraweera too, supports it, said secretary of the union Ajith Galhena to Lanka News Web.
To introduce this act, the government has obtained loans from the IMF, which lays down certain conditions when granting comprehensive credit. On July 19, it provided the 167.2 million US dollar third installment of that loan. One condition was that a new IRD act was required. A newspaper announcement by the Central Bank on 18 July 2017 says the IMF is happy that the new act is already before parliament.
Galhena said it is clear to them that this process is being brought not to the wants of tax professionals or the department officials, but as the fulfillment of a condition to obtain a loan. We see this as an act forced on the IRD, he said.
Harm from the new act
The existing act distributes powers under two methods to the assistant commissioner, deputy commissioner general and the commissioner general. The first is the act empowers the officials to use power on specific occasions. The other is that the commissioner general can transfer his/her powers to the subordinates.
 A new computer software system was introduced for the IRD through a Singaporean company, for which Rs. five billion has so far been spent. Also, a human resources and programme administration project is also being implemented.
Galhena said both these have contributed to an increase in revenue. However, the new act will suspend these projects and the money already spent will go waste. Maximum results can be reaped if these projects continue in the next two years too, he said.
Galhena said the president admitted a small problem here and promised orally on two occasions to meet and discuss the matter. But, that has not materialized. The prime minister is yet to respond to a request for a meeting.
In the meantime, he said, three cases have been filed in the Supreme Court. Those cases continued to be heard until the 25th. At courts, we saw certain concessionary aspects. The chief justice ordered on the 24th to refer the draft to the speaker. We expect relief from courts. It is more likely parliament will adopt this. But, we will not abandon our struggle. We will go forward with professionals and all others who will be affected by this, he added.
When we telephoned Karunanayake for a comment, he cut the line saying, “I have done saying what has to be said. I cannot say anything.”
Attempts to reach Samaraweera and his media secretary Asitha were unsuccessful.

Rajapaksa Ally To Pocket Out Rs 2.5 Billion In Tax Dues: BOI Under Pressure

Alleged front man of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Nandana Lokuwithana will have to pay approximately RS 2.5 Billion in taxes due to violation of the Board of Investment (BOI) agreement with Ceylon Steel Corporation (CSC).
Nandana Lokuwithana
logoAlthough Ceylon Steel Corporation was granted a ten year tax holiday, the Board of Directors of the BOI under former Chairman Upul Jayasuriya had decided to suspend the exemption granted for the import of raw materials due to non-fulfilment of terms and conditions of the agreement entered into with the BOI on 3rd June 2011. This was after an investigation carried out by the BOI’s Project Monitoring Unit.
According to the Board Paper submitted through the Chairman – dated 5th July 2017 – which is in the possession of Colombo Telegraph, the Project Monitoring Unit had sought board approval for the suspension. According to our information the board was in favour of the suspension although they had decided to wait until the CSC had submitted the clarification with regard to the issue the BOI sought. The BOI had received an unsatisfactory clarification from CSC on 7th July 2017. They claimed in their reply that the BOI had made a mistake in including a condition in the agreement stating that there should be US$ 125 million import substitution to be made by CSC. However in fact SCS had made an import substitution only up to US$ 12 million. They had forgotten the fact that the agreement was signed by both parties, the CSC and the BOI.
Prior to taking the decision on the suspension, the Chairman had come under pressure to withdraw the board paper. However he didn’t succumb to pressure and tendered his resignation and which was followed by the other members, Colombo Telegraph learns.
According to BOI sources, if the BOI had decided to suspend the agreement with the CSC, it will have to repay around RS 2.5 billion the CSC earned though the entitlement of 10% tax exemptions.
However this same board paper will be tabled at today’s board meeting which incidentally is the 1st board meeting of the newly appointed board and the Chairman Dumindra Ratnayaka.
Lokuwithana bought the Ceylon Steel Corporation for US$ 77 million at the invitation of the Rajapaksa regime. Apparently he is now a very close friend of President Maithripala Sirisena and Minister Malik Samarawickrama.

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Anti-Corruption: Remove the tarnished from office

by Arthur Perera-
( July 28, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Let us congratulate and thank Anika Wijesuriya on her admirable civic sense to expose the wolves in sheep’s clothing. The nation changed a set of rulers accused of massive corruption, placing a lot of trust in those who took over, and if this is what we got it’s a crying shame.
My mind goes to the beneficiary of this largesse as he constantly proclaimed that billions had been robbed by the previous regime and that it was his intention to recover and put the money back to the national kitty. In the same breath, I do off my hat to the President for not caving into pressure and appointing a Special Presidential Commission to probe mega corruption that dismantled the good name of a much-respected institution
Anika Wijesuriya
As a respected ex-Deputy Governor of the Central Bank has said, the damage done by the BOND blast was worse than the BOMB blast to the institution. Its image both nationally and internationally today is beyond repair. The President should initiate action to prosecute all those found guilty and it’s for the Judiciary to apply the laws of the land.
The person figuring in this saga has no moral right to continue in his present position anymore, and it goes without saying that the leader should remove him if he is to salvage his already tarnished image.
Since it has now been revealed that the property at issue has been purchased for Rs. 165 million, the country would like to know what value the notarial document carried. It goes without saying Inland Revenue too will be able to enlighten the Commission on taxes paid. The next step would be to recover the correct stamp duty, and also take action against the black coat that blessed the deal if it can be proved that there has been a fraud.
What a shame that we have to live with corrupt politicians of all hues who make the poor poorer, and live in clover on their pangs of hunger.

Government’s new strong-arm approach


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In view of the CPC strike the army and the STF were deployed at the Kolonnawa and the Muthurajawela oil storage facilities on Wednesday. Many persons armed with clubs etc were seen threatening and attacking the strikers at Kolonnawa. (File photo)

By C. A. Chandraprema- 

Last Wednesday, for the first time in living memory, the military was deployed to distribute fuel in the wake of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation strike. My generation has seen many things in our lifetimes, civil war, terrorism, suicide bombings, World War II scale military debacles, piles of dead bodies – the whole works, and we thought we had seen it all and that in the interval between now and our death, we would not see anything that we had not seen earlier and that life would be at the very worst, seeing a repetition of what we had seen earlier. But the present government has proved us wrong. They have shown us many things that we never thought we would see in our lifetimes. A Chief Justice sacked with just a chit from the Presidential secretariat, the majority group in parliament which votes against the budget and holds separate political rallies, denied the leadership of the opposition on the basis that they are a part of one of the governing parties and other strange and new things.

It was also the first time that we had seen the military deployed to distribute fuel in the wake of a strike. We had seen the military deployed to run the passenger transport on the roads in the wake of the forced CTB strike that the JVP induced in 1989. But that was not a strike by legitimate trade unions, but a strike that was enforced by terrorists at the point of a gun. What we saw on Wednesday was however normal trade union action. This is not to say that trade unions cannot be unreasonable. We have seen some very unreasonable strikes in the past. During the Chandrika Kumaratunga government, there was a month long postal strike demanding the removal of the head of the Department. During the Rajapaksa government we have seen strikes by midwives in opposition to nurses and vice versa. Then there was that strike by university teachers in 2012 demanding that 6% of the GDP be allocated to education.

So there has been no shortage of unreasonable trade union action. However, the CPC strike last Tuesday was based on three demands – not leasing the Trincomalee oil tank farm to India, handing over the Hambantota bunkering facility to the CPC and the modernisation of the Sapugaskanda refinery. None of these were based on parochial interests which often motivate trade unions. For example, even though the 2012 university teacher’s strike was sold to the public as a demand for more money to be allocated for education, the actual reason why the university teachers engaged in the strike was to win more personal perks which included an allowance to educate children of university teachers in private schools. However there were no such hidden demands in the CPC strike last Tuesday.

It was all over a matter of policy. The CPC in particular has been watching bits and pieces of their institution being sold off over the years. The lubricants division was sold off to a private company. Some of the filling stations were sold off to the Indian Oil Company. One of their demands was that the Hambantota port bunkering facility be handed over to the CPC – which given the potential it has, was a reasonable demand especially view of the fact that the CPC has been depleted of income earning assets over the years especially under the previous UNP government of 2001-2004. The way the government met the CPC strike was to send the military in to forcibly enter the CPC premises and to take over the distributive functions. Striking workers were arrested by the police and bundled into trucks to be taken away to the hoosegow.

They were granted police bail later in the night but the arrested workers had complained to visiting opposition parliamentarians that they had been assaulted by the police and by pro-government thugs as well. There is, in fact, video footage and newspaper pictures of thugs armed with clubs chasing after workers. This strong arm approach to strikes does not come in isolation. At the same cabinet meeting that decided to approve the 99 year lease of the Hambantota port, the other important decision that was made was that all Provincial Council elections will be held on the same day. For all practical purposes, that will be a way of heading off the elections to the three PC elections in the NCP, Sabaragamuwa and the East which will stand automatically dissolved in early October this year. If these elections were held and the government either lost or came close to losing, that would have sealed their fate. A defeat at any election at any level – whether local government, provincial or national will effectively end the government’s ability to govern.

The fact that Cabinet has taken a decision that all PC elections will be held on the same day does not necessarily mean that the elections will be postponed. A cabinet decision cannot postpone a PC election – the Constitution itself will have to be changed for that. Article 154E of the Constitution states: "A Provincial Council shall, unless sooner dissolved, continue for a period of five years from the date appointed for its first meeting and the expiration of the said period of five years shall operate as a dissolution of the Council." According to this provision, the Sabaragamuwa, North Central and eastern PCs will cease to exist after early October. Unless the Constitution is changed, there is no way that the terms of the existing councils in those three provinces can be extended.

The government has a two-thirds majority in Parliament so they can amend the Constitution. However, the sticking point is that if they try to Amend Article 154E of the constitution so as to extend the original term for which the PC was elected, there is the possibility that the Supreme Court may interpret it as an infringement of Article 3 of the Constitution, which speaks of the franchise. Article 3 is an entrenched provision on our constitution which cannot be amended without a referendum in addition to the two thirds majority in parliament. Any move that impinges in any way with the right to vote is interpreted as an infringement of Article 3 and hence necessitating a referendum. This is also why the government has not been able to abolish the executive presidency. Turning the elected president into a non-elected president will be interpreted as a impinging on Article 3 and therefore needing a referendum.

If not for this Article 3, which keeps popping up in the most inconvenient fashion, any provision relating to the president in the constitution can be amended with only a two thirds majority in parliament because none of those provisions are entrenched. Now, if the government in its eagerness to put off the impending provincial council elections seeks an interpretation from the Supreme Court that such postponement does not impinge on the franchise, that may have a knock on effect on the provisions relating to the executive presidency as well and place President Sirisena’s job in jeopardy.

According to Section 10 of the Provincial Councils Elections Act, No. 2 of 1988, once the dissolution of a provincial council takes place under Article 154E of the Constitution, the provincial Councils elections law kicks in and within a week of such dissolution, the Commissioner shall publish a notice of his intention to hold an election to such Council and call for nominations. After the nominations proceedings are over, according to Sections 20 and 22 of the Provincial Councils Elections Act, the district returning officers will fix the date of the poll. One way for the government to postpone holding the PC elections would be to suitably amend the provisions of the PC Elections Act instead of the constitution. The need of the government is avoid holding an election, not to extend the terms of the existing PCs.

The only way to extend the term of a PC is to amend the Constitution but by fiddling about a little with the PC elections law No 2 of 1988, it will be possible to postpone holding elections to a council that has been dissolved. This in fact seems to be the likelier scenario. Thus we may be in for a period when PCs stand dissolved when their five years is up in accordance with the constitution, and then there will be no provincial councils in those three provinces, just as there are no local government institutions. In fact, the government does have an excuse for putting off elections to the PCs, too, because they are planning to bring in a new Constitution, and can claim that it will make more sense to hold elections to the PCs once the constitutional reforms are in place. Thus, we will become the only nation on earth to have good governance without elections.

Should the BOI be shut down?

01 Friday, 28 July 2017 0
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Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe very boldly stated at the Sri Lanka Economic Summit on Wednesday that the Board of Investment should be shut down. The BOI is the PM’s brainchild and an offshoot of the GCEC.

Wijeyadasa went on to say the one-stop-shop has now become a ‘one more stop’ and is destroying the economy. It may sound very harsh, but that is very much the reality. It has outlived its true purpose and no longer connects with our economic needs of our country, other than putting more barriers for FDI and costing the taxpayer more and more money.

The proposed Agency for Development once enacted should hopefully pave the way to radicalise the way we attract FDI into the country and hopefully pave the way for the BOI to be absorbed into the agency.

Sri Lanka no longer looks more attractive than some of the other FDI destinations in the region because they have now all caught up with Sri Lanka. The Board of Investment of Sri Lanka was set up in 1992 to showcase our comparative advantages over the other countries and to attract significant amounts of FDI, increase employment opportunity for our youth and to drive up our exports.

Today to successfully promote our skill sets and national resources in exchange for FDI, requires significant investment from Government in knowledge management, building skills and also leadership to develop new industries and exploit our current or potential comparative advantages. We have so far hardly addressed any of these issues other than at talk shows or on paper.

The BOI to be effective needs to have well-established links to education and industry skills, policymaking and technology development to make a meaningful contribution to the progress of the country. The lack of genuine measurable success is highlighted by the limited amount of real growth in FDI in the last three years.

02Significant driver

For a cash-strapped economy like Sri Lanka, foreign investment is a significant driver of economic development. FDI fills the savings-investment gap and enhances investment and economic growth. FDI contributes to improving work ethics, discipline, skills and knowledge of workers.

It is an important means of technology transfer and transmission of best practices in management and often brings with them international markets. It is the realisation of these economic benefits that has made former communist countries like China and Vietnam and the formerly inward-looking Indian economy actively seek foreign investment. For example, China attracted around $ 60 billion in 2015 and $ 66 billion in 2016, India around $63 billion and Vietnam around $23 billion.

Private sector development 

Despite the policy reforms introduced to facilitate private sector development, the private sector investment is constrained by several factors, which need urgent corrective action, especially the institutional set up.

If Sri Lanka is to achieve 6% +growth, foreign investment has to increase to around 20% of GDP. In Sri Lanka, during periods of relative economic and political stability, foreign direct investment inflows have responded positively.

Sri Lanka expects Foreign Direct Investment to quadruple to $4 billion by 2020. To achieve this we need new thinking, a new institution which has no baggage of the past and new leadership to position Sri Lanka for the future.

Sri Lanka is strategically placed to benefit from a fast changing global marketplace and trade routes.  We are between Europe and Far East on the major East-West shipping lanes. We have easy access to lucrative Middle Eastern markets and rising African markets, while the growth engine that is India lies just 20 miles away.

However, if Sri Lanka is to attract any significant FDI, the investment promotion policies need to be complemented by appropriate policy changes with respect to education and skills development, R&D, regulation and leadership.


(The writer is a thought leader.)

The strike that invited people’s retaliation ! Hypocritical struggle bites the dust – (video footage)


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 28.July.2017, 11.40AM)  The Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) strike that was launched by the JVP and a group of the notorious, mischief creating  corrupt MARA at the instigation of Arjuna simply  frittered away by evening yesterday when the public launched a retaliatory action against the strikers to teach these hypocritical faceless trade union leaders.  assault from the  public.

With the government declaring the fuel distribution as an essential service and enlisting the army , the saboteurs and disruptive ‘heroes ‘ were transformed into ‘zeros’. These disruptive zeros who  were sabotaging the activities at the Kolonnawa petroleum  terminal did not even know that the army had entered the terminal.  After the army evacuated the saboteurs from the terminal , the JVP trade union leader in his characteristic style bragged emptily that the petroleum  bowsers will not be allowed to be taken out tomorrow.  
By noon because these hooligans who were disallowing the train transporting fuel and were obstructing  the roads , the public were naturally and justifiably infuriated.  As their children who were returning after school were facing hardships because of these idlers and  strikers blocking the roads , they told the police that if the latter cannot chase away these so called strikers alias rowdies , they will take the initiative and drive them away.
The police took these saboteurs into custody after that . Thereafter the anti riot squad of the forces cleared the railway line , whereupon the JVP hypocrites and the MARA group of bandits who were parading as great heroes fled the scene. Though the government engaged  the forces for the distribution of fuel , the government was cautious  not to  deploy    them to disperse the saboteurs , and instead used  the police. 
Later when one or two employees reported for work , a large number of others also got ready  to get back  to work , because the government sternly warned that they will be considered as having vacated posts if they don’t resume duties.

Finally , these  strikers who started from nowhere ended there: The strike ended as a fiasco , and the trade union leaders who were flying high even above the sky fell below like dead crows . 
When Weerawansa  the Modawansa who is notorious for fishing in troubled waters  and a  group of the joint alliance arrived to see those  behind bars , these so called trade union leaders could only express their sorrows and the disaster  they have courted  voluntarily through their folly and hypocrisy .  In the end , the defeated and deflated  trade union leaders  could only say , they have ‘postponed their struggle’ which in fact was  a face saving announcement since  these hypocritical bankrupt leaders had no other answer to give  after they got assaulted by the enraged public. 
Now, Anura Kumara Dissanayake the leader of the moribund JVP alleges that the trade  union leaders were arrested while they were   negotiating with the president ,and it was a group of Marikar that launched the assault. The video hereunder belies his allegations and provides the true picture.  
Following this incident and  the hypocritical  trade union leaders meeting the Waterloo, it became  very evident the government is not any longer going to toe a soft line or  policy against the hypocritical trade union leaders and their unjustifiable demands. It is a pity  these union leaders are so hypocritical and their agendas are so  selfish and self centered that they are blind to true national interests . 
By trying  to cash in on the democratic freedom  they are now enjoying under the present government of good governance ( as opposed to the  tyrannical rule of the Rajapakses )  and abuse it ,  they have left such a democratic government with  no choice  except  turn tough  .  In the circumstances   it is these foolish trade union leaders who must be blamed ,for they are the architect of their misfortunes. 
In  1971 , 1988-89  when murderous violence was stoked by the JVP, they   only clearly demonstrated what a destructive and brutal party theirs is to the people when they sacrificed precious  lives of thousands of innocent youths  during those periods only to finally face a worst humiliating defeat without achieving any of their  so called goals – all their leaders after killing innocent citizens and intellects ended up in gaols and faced punishment  . it is very unfortunate  the JVP doesn’t have the capacity to realize its monumental wrongs of its past. Neither do its leaders have any grey matter to see anything in the right perspective .  No wonder they are  committing the same egregious blunders again and again with greater determination  to face worst humiliation and defeat even now. 
No scene or sight in  the world could be  more hideous than to witness   the disgraceful shameless JVP leaders who have lost all their much boasted  policies and ideologies standing  alongside the despicable and discarded henchmen like Piyadasas ,  Dallas and  Dinesh of the corrupt crooked deposed Rajapakses at the rally under the theme ’SAITM Jana pavura’ organized by the JVP .
 It is therefore being widely questioned , whether   the JVP leaders are wearing trousers because they have a sense of shame  or simply to protect the stinking moth eaten remains  of the  ‘threesome’  within , from the outside mosquitoes .
We thank all those who provided the video clips to  enable LeN to prepare this video footage hereunder revealing the true story…..
Watch the humiliating defeat faced by the hypocritical heroes who were finally transformed into disgraced zeros 
---------------------------
by     (2017-07-28 06:22:41)

Crisis of credibility

  • The Government has no control and authority over the functioning of the State 
  • Society is made to believe the Government messing up everything Right Royally 
  • Uprooted from social life and being blind to what people need as “development” this Government has not been able to deliver on any of the promises it made in two consecutive elections within a year. 
  • JO claims it would reduce the Government to less than two-thirds (majority) in Parliament that would stall its Constitutional making process. 
  • Economy is nothing the Government can boast about. 
  • This Government has no alternative to the Rajapaksa economic model with further liberalising of the market, depending very much on Chinese projects brought by Rajapaksa. 
  • This Government thus is more like the Meethotamulla solid waste dump that came tumbling down, but still remains a waste dump

CPC strike: The trade union action was not about workers’ demands

2017-07-28

Thirty four years ago on 24 July 1983, a Sunday that triggered an organised pogrom against Tamil people and set Colombo and its suburbs on fire the next morning, Senior Thondaman Saumyamoorthi was to tell a then Madras audience that in Sri Lanka, “It is Sunday Sil. Monday kill”.

While most moderate, peace loving citizens and their organisations in Colombo observed this day as “Black July”, the present “Yahapalana” Government is harping but not working towards much needed “reconciliation”.

They are instead being willingly dragged into one crisis after another on a Sinhala Buddhist platform within just 30 months of them being heralded to power on what was proudly called a “Rainbow Revolution”.

On this very day the peace loving citizens in Colombo remembered “Black July” this year, the DM Online edition carried news items with captions, (01) “Petroleum trade unions to strike from midnight today” (02) “Law and order collapses in Jaffna – Ganesan” (03) “Power failures in several areas” (04) “GMOA to stop work from 08.00 a.m tomorrow” (05) “Aloysius told to handover mobile phones to CID” (06) “President directs IGP to strengthen security of judges”.

Elsewhere in media, the Police Spokesman admitted the white van used in the alleged abduction attempt of medical faculty student activist belongs to the Colombo Crimes Division and said the Police need not necessarily be in uniform to make an arrest.

At another occasion he blotched up the shooting at the Jaffna High Court Judge’s convoy saying the Judge was not targeted and the man who shot at the Judge’s convoy was a drunkard.

Canadian PM has once again stressed the need for Sri Lankan Government to be ‘accountable’, while Corbyn, the new Labour Leader wants the British Government to redefine diplomacy with Sri Lanka to stress on conditions agreed upon in the co-sponsored UNHRC Resolution.

Two visiting UN Rapporteurs had nothing good to say about Sri Lanka but hard words. For the first time a State agency was involved, “Sathosa” rice imports were said to have had a massive load of cocaine that provoked Rajapaksa to ask, who the king of cocaine is now.

Added were news reports in the past two weeks about conflicts within the two ruling parties and their affiliates. UNP high command had instructed its Ministers, MPs and electoral organisers to refrain from criticising the SLFP in public.

JO claims it would reduce the Government to less than two-thirds (majority) in Parliament that would stall its Constitution-making process.

Economy is nothing the Government can boast about.

This Government has no alternative to the Rajapaksa economic model with further liberalising of the market, depending very much on Chinese projects brought by Rajapaksa.

While talking of per capita income, GDP, more exports to EU with its GSP ‘Plus’ and a plethora of FTAs signed with numerous countries, the majority 70 per cent rural folk remain outside the heavily urbanised and unceasingly liberalised market with growing inequality in income and wealth distribution.

President not long ago was quoted in media as having said, people who watch TV are made to feel there is no Government in this country. Said in a resenting tone about news reporting, it also holds him responsible for such failure as the head of State with PM constitutionally defined as Head
of Government.

Any and all that breaks down in Governance, is his responsibility too though the Government is led by
the UNP.

This Government thus is more like the Meethotamulla solid waste dump that came tumbling down, but still remains a waste dump.

It remains with issues unsolved and without answers. The Government gets dragged along, unable to make decisions in sorting out the chaos, the people are fed on a daily basis.

SAITM is one such putrefying crisis. It should have been sorted out 07 months ago in December last year, or even before had the government decided on what they would do with it.

Health Minister could have easily told the SLMC to remain as the regulatory body it is constituted and mandated for and leave policy making to the Government for which purpose the people elected a government for.

So is the issue of urban solid waste disposal. Over the past two years, this Government was asking for trouble, when it avoided providing answers to the Meethotamulla waste dump, the people were agitated against.

The Government evaded discussions with people in finding a reasonable answer and allowed the police to resort to judicial orders in banning people’s protests. That incompetency of the government was the result of the Meethotamulla tragedy and it still remains unsolved.

 Then came the alleged ‘white van’ abduction of the Convenor of the Joint Medical Students’ Federation on 20 July at the OPA premises. Minister in Charge of Law and Order has told GMOA representatives, he nor the Government has anything to do with it. While that says much about how the Police decide on what they do, it also says this Government has failed in disciplining the Police as a civil department.

All such incidents and the general life in public service goes to prove this Government has absolutely no control and authority over the functioning of the State.

They have not been able to tighten their hold in the governing process. To take hold of the State with authority, a government needs a plan of action for State reforms and for the economy including for major areas like education, health, transport and in today’s Sri Lankan context, for environment too.
It is the total lack of any of it that has left the government wholly limited to the Colombo urban life. Wickremesinghe Government’s obsession with market liberalisation does not make them relevant as a Government to any outside the urban middle class and the money minting crony businessmen funding their social life and status.

Uprooted from social life and being blind to what people need as “development” this Government has not been able to deliver on any of the promises it made in two consecutive elections within a year.
Everything bad and ugly the people wanted removed, still remain with a “Yahapalana” image and its label. In such context, it has been easy for Rajapaksa to encroach into public life once again.  With almost 60 years of active politics (was appointed Beliatte SLFP Organiser in 1968 November) behind him, he is far more street smart than any politician with any record in politics.

Having proved he owns the SLFP vote bloc almost en masse, he seems to have left Parliament manipulations with the JO leaders and turned to his favourite game of playing
advocacy politics.

The SAITM campaign on the streets is no trade union campaign. It is not about “free education” either. Slogan for safeguarding “free education” and the demand for “abolition of SAITM” are completely incompatible slogans.

But the two together have allowed the marginalised rural polity to be dragged into agitations as parents of students who would be deprived of their only social opportunity in earning a future.  Dragging the campaign along bringing universities to a virtual closure and without allowing a possibility for serious negotiations has resulted in projecting the government both as incompetent and as very repressive.

Next came the petroleum workers’ strike over oil tanks in the Hambantota port. Again, the trade union action was not about workers’ demands.

What do all these conflicts and disruption of daily life, leave in the social mind?
In plain language, society is made to believe this Government is messing up everything “Right Royally”.

It goes to say the 2015 January change had been to an administration that is far too inferior to that of Rajapaksa. The old belief it is the UNP that always resurrect the economy the SLFP ruins has been proved otherwise by this “Royal” team of economic managers. They’ve lost whatever credibility they had pre-2015 January, while Rajapaksa is fast regaining his lost credibility.

“De-stabilising society” is the name of the game, even anti Rajapaksa campaigners have this time got
dragged into.

LAW OF CRIMINAL PROCEDURE


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By Chandra Tilake Edirisuriya-2017-07-28

Ever since Sri Lanka went under western domination a little over 500 years ago the westerners were dictating terms to us treating this country as their vassal state. Even though the Portuguese did not impose their laws on us so much, to make up for it their barbarity was unsurpassed. The Dutch introduced their laws into the country and what is prevalent today is an amalgam of Roman-Dutch Law and the English Law bequeathed to us by the British who ruled us during the last 150 years of the colonial era.

Though the then Ceylon received dominion status under the British Crown in 1948, real freedom began to manifest itself only after 1956, when Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike took over the Royal Air Force base at Katunayake and Trincomalee Royal Navy base, culminating in the promulgation of the First Republican Constitution of 1972 which severed all connections with the British Crown. However, almost the first ever change effected to the British-given law, for good reason, by the Administration of Justice Law No. 44 0f 1973, is an important area in the Law of Criminal Procedure, in abolishing the preliminary inquiry before a Magistrate's Court, on the recommendations, as elucidated below, of the Law Commission of Sri Lanka, established under the Law Commission Act No 3 of 1969, was reversed after the change of government in 1977.

The Law Commission of Sri Lanka is the main government institution which recommends legal reforms. The Department of Law Commission is constituted to extend administrative and research support. The vision of the Law Commission is to promote reform of the law for good governance. Its mission is to discharge duties and functions imposed under the Law Commission Act for the purpose of promoting the reform of the law. As regards its role, its main objective is to promote the reform of the law. The following functions are performed by the Law Commission for the purpose of such promotion: viz the codification of law; the elimination of anomalies; to take and keep under review the law, both substantive and procedural, with a view to its systematic development and reform; the repeal of obsolete and unnecessary enactments; the simplification and modernization of the law; to receive and consider any proposals for the reform of the law; to prepare and submit to the Minister, from time to time, programmes for the examination of different branches of the law with a view to reform; to obtain such information as to the legal systems of other countries; to keep under constant review the exercise by bodies, other than Parliament, of the power to legislate by subsidiary legislation with a view to ensuring that they conform to well established principles and to the rule of law; to formulate programmes for rationalizing and simplifying legal procedures including procedures of an administrative character connected with litigation; and to formulate programmes for the codification of the law in Sinhala, Tamil and English.

Law Commission

Prof. G.L. Peiris, in his landmark thesis 'Criminal Procedure in Sri Lanka', examines the reasons adduced by the Law Commission, by a Memorandum submitted to the Minister of Justice on 16 September 1970, for the abolition of the preliminary inquiry conducted by a Magistrate's Court into cases which appear not to be triable summarily by a Magistrate's Court, but triable by a higher Court, in the following terms:

The main objectives of the non-summary inquiry, which was regarded by the previous law, the Criminal Procedure Code Ordinance No. 15 of 1898, as an indispensable element in the prosecution of indictable offences, were that the accused should be given notice of the case for the prosecution; and that there should be a judicial review of the evidence available to the prosecution, in order that an accused should not be put on trial unless there is sufficient evidence to establish a prima facie case against him.

The preliminary inquiry by a Magistrate has been described as 'judicial sieve' which protects the accused against improper prosecution and the strain of undergoing a trial which may involve him in considerable expense. The accused was given the opportunity, at such an inquiry, of testing and possibly breaking down the evidence led for the prosecution. Again, the accused by the end of the inquiry, knew well the case which was being presented against him. He would not be taken by surprise at the trial.

The crucial question in this regard was whether these two objectives were of such overwhelming weight that the perpetuation of the earlier system was justified. It had been pointed out that the evidence led at the inquiry by the prosecution was the very evidence which appeared in the statements recorded by the Police in the course of their investigations. If these statements were given to the accused direct without being led in evidence at the preliminary inquiry in the form of depositions, the accused would be furnished with the same information. If the accused was given these statements well ahead of the trial, this would clearly serve as sufficient notice to him of the case for the prosecution.

The Law Commission of Sri Lanka concluded that such a course was unobjectionable. It would serve the purpose of the depositions taken at the preliminary inquiry, just as well. Indeed, the innovation was seen to entail greater advantage to all concerned. Witnesses need not attend the Magistrate's Court on one or more occasions; they need not give evidence both at the inquiry and at the trial; and they would be saved the ordeal of giving evidence of a repulsive nature more than once. The need to give evidence both at the inquiry and at the trial involved unnecessary expense to everyone, unjustifiable delay, inconvenience and a waste of effort. Magistrates can devote their time to hearing summary trials and thereby avoid the delays that occurred previously.

What is treated as even more important than these considerations was that the time-consuming inquiry which in practice delayed the hearing of the trial by months and sometimes by years, would no longer be necessary. The guilt or innocence of the accused would be finally determined at a single judicial hearing in far less time than earlier.

Trial Judge and jury

A relevant consideration in this regard is that 'The more effective deterrent to crime is certainty and swiftness of punishment'. It is important to remember that every day's delay in the hearing of a witness' evidence at the trial affects his recollection of the facts and must necessarily impair the impression he makes on the trial Judge and the jury. Such delays may help an accused because they weaken the case for the prosecution, but they cannot assist the cause of justice. "Injustice is done not only where an innocent accused is convicted, but also when a guilty accused is acquitted. The desirable objective in devising a system of criminal procedure is, therefore, to avoid either situation," states the Memorandum of the Law Commission.

There are many cases in which an accused wishes to plead guilty to a charge at the earliest possible opportunity. There are others where he wishes to plead guilty to a lesser offence, as in the case of homicide where the prosecution will accept such a plea. In such cases, under the earlier system, nothing could be done to dispose of the case until the non-summary inquiry had been concluded, and a mass of evidence recorded which, in the circumstances, would turn out to be quite unnecessary, as there would be no trial except for a plea by the accused as soon as he had been arraigned. The prosecution could not, under the earlier procedure, omit to lead every single piece of evidence which it intended to rely on if the accused should plead 'not guilty'.

Duplication of evidence was seen at its worst in these cases.

If there was only a slip or omission in recording a necessary item of evidence, on the part of the Magistrate, or if the charge had not been correctly framed at the inquiry, the case often went back for further inquiry, and further delay ensued. The average accused is a man of very modest means. However, if he could possibly afford it, he retained a lawyer to appear for him throughout the inquiry. It often happened that, as a result of the inquiry being prolonged, the accused was left with little or no money to retain a lawyer at the trial. This was a particularly undesirable feature of the earlier procedure, as it meant that the accused was not able to retain a lawyer when he most needed one and, under the prevailing system, he may not necessarily be provided with a lawyer at the expense of the State. Undoubtedly, it would cost an accused person much less if he could avoid retaining a lawyer until his case came to trial, and this is the position under the new system of a direct committal for trial.

Non-summary inquiry

Furthermore, there was no absolute guarantee that the procedure of holding a non-summary inquiry provided a safeguard against rash or speculative prosecutions. It was the professed object of the earlier system to save an innocent man from the ordeal of a trial and from the expense which it involved, if this could be avoided. But this purpose was not invariably achieved. All that a Magistrate decided at the end of an inquiry was whether or not a prima facie case had been made out by the prosecution. He was not required, nor indeed entitled to place himself in the position of a trial Judge or juror and decide upon the veracity of a witness.

It was not his task to decide whether the evidence led by the defence at the preliminary inquiry should be preferred to that offered by the prosecution, nor did it fall within the purview of the Magistrate to decide whether a plea of self-defence or a similar plea, put forward as a ground of exoneration, should be accepted. In the result, many prosecutions which failed in the Court of Trial passed through the magisterial sieve instead of being discontinued at the inquiry stage. So long as there was 'a probable presumption of guilt' arising from the evidence led by the prosecution – which means in practice that a Judge or jury 'may' accept it – the case was committed for trial at a higher Court.

As regards this unsatisfactory position which obtained under the previous law, under the Administration of Justice Law No. 44 0f 1973 (AJL), it was the duty of the Director of Public Prosecutions (or a subordinate officer) before he signs an indictment to consider with the greatest care whether the evidence available to the prosecution is sufficient to establish the guilt of the accused beyond all reasonable doubt. He must observe the established conventions touching the duty of a prosecutor. "He is a representative of the State and a Minister of Justice assisting in its administration. He has the sole authority to decide whether a suspected criminal offence should be the subject of a prosecution, and whether the evidence is sufficient to justify a man being put on trial".

The Law Commission reached the conclusion that the launching of a prosecution under the system of direct committals (of the kind which prevails under the present law), may result in less reckless or speculative prosecutions than under the previous system. It sometimes happened under the earlier procedure that the Police initiated a prosecution in every case where there was some evidence in support of the charge, regardless of the final result.

The Law Commission commented: "It is unthinkable that the accused should be put on trial in any case on an indictment unless he is given a copy of all the statements of the prosecution witnesses which have been recorded by the Police, and so given notice of the case to be presented against him". This safeguard was enshrined in the provisions of the AJL.

An especially cogent consideration was that the hardship previously caused to the accused who may have been on remand from the commencement of the investigation until the termination of the trial, would be considerably relieved by the reduction of the interval between arrest and trial, for there was no doubt that the intervening preliminary inquiry by a Magistrate which was previously indispensable, was often spread out over many months.

A possible objection to the new procedure is that a witness, who had made a statement to the Police during the investigation, may with impunity offer a contradictory version at the trial. But this is a risk which could not have been averted even under the earlier system, and instances were not wanting where such behaviour on the part of the witness had brought a trial, conducted under the Criminal Procedure Code, to an abrupt termination.

Similarly, it may happen that the Police officer, through dishonesty or carelessness, records the statement of a witness inaccurately and leaves the record in that condition; or an accused may be dishonest enough to persuade a prosecution witness to contradict his written statement. Such action can undermine the entire foundation upon which the trial rests. Indeed, these are situations which may arise at any time in any case. "No perfect precaution is possible against fools and knaves who choose to foul the pure spring of justice".

For these reasons the Law Commission recommended the abolition of non-summary proceedings in a Magistrates' Courts, and this recommendation had been given effect in the provisions of the AJL.

Criminal Courts Commission

The Criminal Procedure Code Ordinance No. 15 of 1898 adopted the magisterial inquiry as an essential preliminary to criminal proceedings in the context of grave offences. The scope of the preliminary inquiry was commented on by the Criminal Courts Commission in the following terms: "The nature of such an inquiry held by a Magistrate has changed considerably since the amendments made to Chapter XVI of the Criminal Procedure Code Ordinance No. 15 of 1898, in the year 1938. It should no longer be any part of a Magistrate's functions to 'work up' a case. His proper function is to ascertain in a judicial manner whether the prosecution has produced evidence upon which the accused ought to be sent for trial. We therefore think that a Magistrate, having judicially sifted and weighed the evidence led before him, should decide whether there is such evidence given by witnesses entitled to a reasonable degree of credit that, if it be contradicted at the trial, a judge or a reasonable-minded jury may convict upon it. It is not the Magistrate's function to decide whether the accused committed the offence or not. But 'if, from the slender nature of the evidence, the unworthiness of the witnesses, or the conclusive proof of innocence produced on the part of the accused', the Magistrate thinks that a prima facie case is not made out against the accused, he should discharge the accused.

However, the Criminal Procedure Code Ordinance No. 15 of 1898 did not envisage that the decision made by a Magistrate at the conclusion of the inquiry, should be final. Thus, the Attorney General was given power, under the earlier law, to order committal or a fresh inquiry when he was of opinion that the accused had been wrongly discharged by the Magistrate.

Conversely, where the accused had been committed for trial, the Attorney General was empowered by the provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code Ordinance No. 15 of 1898, to quash the commitment and to issue appropriate instructions to the Magistrate.

The position under the AJL was that no comparable powers need be exercised by the Attorney General, in relation to decisions already made by a Magistrate, as the entire responsibility for determining whether an accused person should be indicted or not, devolves directly on the DPP who acts in the name, and under the supervision, of the Attorney General.

The Law Commission recommended that trial on indictment should be restricted, as far as possible, to cases of a serious nature and that all other cases should be tried summarily by a Magistrate. By cases of a serious nature, the Law Commission meant those cases where an offence had been committed and the circumstances were such that a heavy penalty was likely to be inflicted; other cases were those in which the same offences had been committed, but there were extenuating circumstances which called for the infliction of a relatively light penalty.

The Law Commission observed: "It will rest with the Attorney General and the Police, acting in consultation with each other, to decide whether a particular case, in the light of all the circumstances disclosed by the investigation, should be tried on indictment or summarily by a Magistrate. It is a matter of common experience that many cases of housebreaking, theft and mischief – to mention only a few offences – can appropriately and conveniently be tried summarily by a Magistrate, because the circumstances are not complicated and the commission of the offence has not been attended with grave consequences. They were being so tried daily in Magistrate's Courts. But, as they will also be triable on indictment, it will be for the Attorney General and the Police who will know best all the circumstances of the particular case to decide whether a plaint should be filed in a Magistrate's Court in order that a summary trial may be held, or whether an indictment should be presented in the District Court or even in the High Court.

The AJL provided that a Magistrate's Court has jurisdiction to hear and determine prosecutions for any offence in respect of which the maximum punishment prescribed is not in excess of seven years' imprisonment or a fine of seven thousand rupees, but that the punishment actually imposed by a Magistrate's Court can only be imprisonment for a term not exceeding eighteen months or fine not exceeding one thousand rupees.

Gentleman politician A.R.M.Munsoor

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Ardent advocate of Tamil- Muslim Unity is no more

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Written by Latheef Farook-Friday, 28 July 2017

Gentleman politician Abdur Razak Mohamed Munsoor, ardent advocate of Tamil-Muslim– Unity and known for his honest politics and commitment to the country, left us on Tuesday 25 July 2017.Munsoor, the best of the last generation of Muslim politician, will be buried in his hometown in Kalmunai following day.

Summing about Munsoor his classmate Mrs. Ms. Rajes Kandiah had this to state for a souvenir to honour his services to the country;

A.R.M. Munsoor“The people of  Batticaloa District, claim A.R.M. Munsoor as their own son; while I claim him as a dear friend, whom I can call by his first name. We were at school together until we parted ways, but the bond of friendship continues up to date. Even as a student, Munsoor at high school or law-college was diligent and showed promise of attaining great heights. He always had the welfare of the people at heart and worked tirelessly to uplift the poor. This he did, with dedication, not for fame or popularity, but for the sake of helping the less-fortunate in the community.

Munsoor could have plunged into the lucrative practice of law, but decided to enter the field of politics to serve the nation as well as the people of his constituency. As the Minister of Trade and Commerce in the U.N.P. government, he established positive relationship with foreign countries. As an Ambassador to Kuwait and Bahrain he established peace and goodwill between Sri Lanka and International partners.

Munsoor, is a gentleman to the finger tips. He could have minted money as a lawyer, Parliamentarian, Minister and Social worker. But his hands were clean and his modest life did not demand wealth. He continued to live a simple life.      His charm and stature endears him to the people he associates with. Thus, concluded Ms Rajes Kandiah.
Munsoor always worked for communal harmony and his thoughts were on his people till his death. During my many conversations he often told me that;

"In the east Muslims and Tamils need to live together in harmony in their own interests as the other communities need to live in harmony in the rest of the country? I always remember that together with Muslims large number of Tamils too voted for me and elected to represent them in the parliament. I still cherish those golden days of communal harmony and peace which were devastated by the unfortunate subsequent developments due to short sighted and selfish politics ".
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In a message to a souvenir to mark a reception to Munsoor by his people in Kalmunaikudy on 28 August 1992 in recognition of his service late Neelan Tiruchelvan said;

“Munsoor was an intimate friend of the family and late M Tiruchelvam with whom he worked held in high esteem. He was sensitive to the political struggle that grappled the imagination of the youth of the country, from the time that he was a law student in the mid fifties. During the language agitation in 1958, he was the victim of an arbitrary assault by unruly mobs which disrupted the Satyagraha campaign in Galle Face”.

However, subsequent political opportunism managed to sell lies and deception to hoodwink the people to politically isolate him. It took almost quarter century for the people in the east to realize the historic blunder of abandoning Munsoor and turning to suicidal divisional politics. To undo the damage people in and around Kalmunai organized a reception for Munsoor on 19 October 2013.
Prominent people who contributed articles for the souvenir regretted their mistake and hailed the sincere service of Munsoor. They said in one voice that his services remain ever green in the hearts of both Muslims and Tamils alike.

Munsoor once told me that when he was Minister of Commerce and Trade a leading businessman went to see him with a proposal to sell a ministry business to him indicating that Munsoor would be rewarded. Enraged Munsoor got up from his seat and showed the billionaire businessman the door saying” never to enter the office so long he remains a minister”.

This is far cry from the reputation of present politicians accused of deals and corruption.

He contributed a great deal for the establishment of South Eastern University which appreciated his role and honoured him by conferring a doctorate at a function attended by President Maithripala Sirisena.

Sri Lankan community in the Australia city of Melbourne felicitated Munsoor who was there last year to attend the swearing ceremony of his daughter Maryam Nalimudeen as a Barrister/Solicitor by the Adelaide South Australian Supreme Court. Ends

Inna Lillahi Wa Inna Ilaihi Rajihoon

Thursday, July 27, 2017

My child died before my eyes


A Palestinian child with cancer receives treatment at a Gaza City hospital in June.Mohammed AsadAPA images

Sarah Algherbawi-27 July 2017

Wisam, a 6-year-old boy, coughs harshly as his father watches over his bed. Wisam has cystic fibrosis; Gaza’s hospitals lack the enzyme treatments he needs to stay alive.

The uncertainty about what will happen to Wisam is causing his father, Bahjat Abu Rashid, great anxiety. Two years ago, Bahjat’s only other son, Muhammad, died. Bahjat said that Muhammad had a heart problem and was prevented from receiving surgery in Israel.

“If this situation continues, I will lose my second son,” Bahjat said. “We’re paying the price of political conflicts.”

Wisam is being treated in Gaza City’s Abdelaziz al-Rantisi pediatric hospital. Doctors have told Bahjat that his son could die at any moment.

As treatment for cystic fibrosis is expensive, providing for the medical needs of people with this genetic disorder is difficult under any circumstances. Yet the problems of patients in Gaza have worsened a great deal recently.

The Palestinian Authority, which is based in the occupied West Bank, had been allocating around $4 million per month to Gaza’s hospitals until earlier this year. That sum was reduced to $2.3 million in April and to just $500,000 the following month.

The Kryon pills required by the more than 300 people in Gaza with cystic fibrosis, many of them children, are now unavailable.

Cutbacks by the PA have been introduced amid the latest friction between Fatah, the party dominating the authority, and Hamas, which is in charge of Gaza’s internal affairs. These reductions have inflicted enormous suffering on Palestinians in Gaza, who had already been under an Israeli siege for a decade.

Not even babies have been spared. Stocks of therapeutic milk needed for around 240 infants with enzyme deficiencies have also run out. Those children “will suffer life-long developmental problems” as a result, Physicians for Human Rights-Israel states.

“Shameful”

The cutbacks are additional to a freeze on funding for energy. In April, the PA announced that it was halting payments to Israel for the supply of electricity to Gaza. Since then, the energy supply has fallen to an all-time low. On many days, Gaza has only received three hours of electricity – or less.

Hospitals have been hit especially hard by that move. Operations that require a continuous supply of energy for several hours have frequently been postponed. Additionally, kidney dialysis machines have not been able to function.

Huda Abu Madlala, 44, is among more than 300 people relying on the 45 dialysis machines in al-Shifa, Gaza’s largest hospital.

Abu Madlala is worried that she will die. She has had to forego dialysis because of power outages.

“We are dying because there is not enough electricity,” she said. “That is shameful. To politicians, we are just numbers. I do not know how my children will be able to live without me in a place that shows pity to nobody, not even sick people.”

Ashraf al-Qidra, a spokesperson for Gaza’s health ministry, said that the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank “deals with us in a malicious way.”

When patients in Gaza require treatment outside the Strip, their cases are referred to the PA’s headquarters in the West Bank city of Ramallah. According to al-Qidra, the PA has delayed signing off on hundreds of such cases over the past few months. No reasons have been given for the delays, al-Qidra added.

Twenty-two patients have died so far this year awaiting permission for treatment outside Gaza, according to health ministry data. Nearly half of them were children.

The true number of deaths is likely higher, however, as the ministry is not aware of all cases.

Three-year-old Yara Ismail Bakhit, who had a heart condition, is among the patients who have died because they have not been able to get a Palestinian Authority transfer out of Gaza.

Patients requiring transfer out of Gaza have to deal with different layers of bureaucracy. Even when patients are referred to hospitals inside Israel, their applications for travel permits go to the Palestinian Authority first.

More than 90 percent of Gaza patients whose files were submitted to the PA in May received no reply, according to Physicians for Human Rights-Israel.

“Living in a cemetery”

Maysa Ashour is seeking a transfer from Gaza to Jerusalem for her daughter Liyan, who has stomach cancer. After a few months of waiting, Maysa is running out of hope.

“It seems that Liyan will die unless she has her operation,” Maysa said. “We have appealed to everyone but it has been no use.”

Faris Afana, a paramedic, has lost Anas, his 9-year-old son. Anas died earlier this month. He needed surgery for a heart condition. His family, too, was unable to get a permit for treatment outside Gaza.
“Anas died before my eyes,” Faris said.

Despite spending a decade working for Gaza’s health ministry, Faris could not secure the papers needed for his son’s treatment. “I could not save him,” he said.

“We are living in a cemetery,” said Anas’ mother, Inas al-Najjar. “My son was not the first one to die. And unfortunately he will not be the last.”

Sarah Algherbawi is a freelance writer and translator from Gaza.