Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, July 6, 2017

Raw racism drives monks to say constitutional amendment unnecessary’

Raw racism drives monks to say constitutional amendment unnecessary’

Jul 06, 2017
‘The Asgiriya Chapter has made a statement that we do not need a change in the constitution for now.
I can accept 100 per cent it if a Buddhist monk says the constitution should give priority to Buddhism and that that should not be tampered with. But, if someone says the executive presidency should not be abolished and powers should not be devolved, there is a hidden political agenda. Behind that political agenda is raw racism,” says Gamini Viyangoda.
He was speaking at the launch of a book titled ‘Wilpattu – truth and myth’ recently. Viyangoda also said Lord Buddha had not preached for Sinhala Buddhists only, but for the entire world. Also, Buddhism says racial, religious caste differences should be denounced entirely.

Tolerating Supremacist Ideology In Sri Lanka 

Lasantha Pethiyagoda
In an age of decimation of social justice and selective rule of law, carried out in the name of fighting manufactured enemies of choice purportedly to preserve a vulnerable majority from extinction, any civic choice will shackle us to an interconnected police bias and preferential status, hitherto unprecedented in extent and blatancy in contemporary Sri Lankan political history.
Not too long ago, tyrannic serfdom, where the freedom of the wild ass was no freedom at all, as the popular dictum exclaims, engendered a search for unbridled power and unlimited terms of office, symbolising an abhorrent dynastic dream.
Modern tyrannies are deceptive. In the age of technology, it has to do with the need to hide its true nature from the eyes of those on whose support and indifference its maintenance depends. Successful tyrannies excel at hiding reality from public view, turning the truth on its head and criminalising its manifest victims.
The greatest purveyor of communal violence in the country today must surely have state patronage not merely to survive but thrive. Its varied mechanisms, as well as being the leading exponent of the deadly arrogance that has poisoned the atmosphere for so long and having been whitewashed from the discourse must constitute the biggest threat to civil society.
It will very soon install a far deeper malady within the Sri Lankan spirit than had hitherto been experienced. No significant social problem – wealth inequality, underworld violence, racial and religious disharmony- could be resolved while the state remains an entity that continues year in year out, spending more money on military “defence” than on programs of social upliftment – a most certain recipe for a spiritual death of the nation. It should be incandescently apparent that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of Sri Lanka today can ignore the present status quo.
This is the overarching point that drives our current debates about injustice and religious militancy through today. The debasement of the national psyche, the callousness toward continuous abuse of minority sentiments and destructive violence, the belief that the state has not only the right but the duty to condone violence anywhere in the land that it wants: that is what lies at the heart of Sri Lanka’s ongoing embrace of endless militancy by a fringe group. A rotted national soul does indeed enable leaders to wage endless wars of attrition, but endless incitement to communal violence also rots the national soul. At times this seems to be an inescapable, self-perpetuating cycle of degeneration and degradation.
Sri Lanka’s political elite despise the marginalized, subjugated, poor, malnourished and weak. They feel unequal and want a discriminatory system that lacks any sense of common decency. They are pretentious and cowardly; they encourage religious bigotry without morality or compassion. They help the law-enforcement authorities to criminalise independence and freedom; abuse the minorities; revel in vulgar exhibitionism of supremacist ideology, largely in bad taste.
For Sri Lankans to endure what lies ahead they will have to harness the human imagination. It is this imagination that makes possible transcendence from darkness to light. In order to nourish and sustain this imagination, the people need to form a basis for common grounds.
These will be the forces that they will have in place of the freedom they lack. The oppressed would be the first, because they know their fate, to admit that on a rational level such a notion might seem absurd, but they also know that it is only through the imagination that they or their future generation will survive.
The collective consciousness of ordinary citizens is the most potent power that can turn the tide towards a saner environment.
How this is inspired and sequestered by responsible forces, from within or without in the opposition, will determine what follows in the decades to come.
The powerful elite are particularly interested in moulding their younger generation into becoming a chosen people. They want their offspring to be individuals who esteem power and strength with awe while despising and being contemptuous of economic, physical and social weakness in their serfs.
This young generation will be incapable of being outraged with indignation of a society in which the powerful, influential and rich will invariably have their way while the marginalized majority poor and powerless masses are denied even their impotently ineffectual say; a new generation habituated into perceiving intolerance as the moral-ethical standard and raw violence as the only solution to all problems or differences; future generations only focused on ‘getting ahead’ and incapable of resisting the unrelenting tide of injustice.
Working against this endogenous imperialism is the privilege and the burden of all who deem themselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than the superficial nationalist humbug of racist bigots headed by some militant saffron clad traitors, and which go beyond our nation’s self-defined goals and positions. We must speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for victims of our nation and for those the ruling elite fictitiously refer to as the enemy.

Read More

International convention for the protection of all persons from enforced disappearance -Sudarshana Gunawardana

International convention for the protection of all persons from enforced disappearance -Sudarshana Gunawardana

Jul 06, 2017

A Bill to give effect to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance; to ensure the right to Justice and Reparation to Victims of Enforced Disappearance; and to provide for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.

Presented to the Parliament by the Prime Minister on 07th March, 2017 and published in the Gazette on February 09, 2017.
Sri Lanka faced three rebellions after independence and especially during the second insurrection of JVP in 1989 and during the rebellion in the North, there were large scale enforced disappearances committed by both the State and non-state elements. Soon after the insurrection was over President Premadasa appointed a commission to probe into the reasons for the revolt headed by the then vice chancellor of University of Colombo G.L.Peiris. Similarly President Mahinda Rajapaksha appointed Lessons learnt and Reconciliation Commission headed by a former Attorney General C.R.De Silva after ending the Northern Rebellion. As a responsible State, firstly it is the duty of the Government to take steps not to have any rebellions in the country and secondly the Government should not be engaged in any illegal actions in suppression of such rebellions. The State should not fall into the level of rebels under any circumstances.

Therefore, Lessons learnt and Reconciliation Commission recommended as follows in relation to enforced disappearances. “….In order to address this issue comprehensively and to eliminate this phenomenon in the future as well as to fill an existing lacuna, the Commission strongly recommends that domestic legislation be framed to specifically criminalize enforced or involuntary disappearances.” 2011 (5.46)
Sri Lanka signed the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED) in December 2015 and ratified it in May 2016. In order to give legal validity to the ICPPED in Sri Lanka, the Government of Sri Lanka introduced the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance Bill (Bill) which was gazetted on the 09th of February 2017 and subsequently tabled in Parliament.
This bill has no retrospective effect. The base clause of this Bill is the third clause where it is stated that who is responsible and under what circumstances that person is responsible. Those are tabulated below.
Enforced Disappearance
Clause 3(1)
Clause 3 (2)
Clause 3 (3)
Who
Any person who, being a public officer or acting in an official capacity, or any person acting with the authorization, support or acquiescence of the State
Any person
A superior of a person in clause 3(1)
Does What
arrests, detains, wrongfully confines, abducts, kidnaps, or in any other form deprives any other person of such person’s liberty; and
(i) refuses to acknowledge such arrest, detention, wrongful confinement, abduction, kidnapping, or deprivation of liberty; or
(ii) conceals the fate of such other person; or
(iii) fails or refuses to disclose or is unable without valid excuse to disclose the subsequent or present whereabouts of such other person,
wrongfully confines, abducts, kidnaps or in any other form deprives any other person of such person’s liberty; and
(i) refuses to acknowledge such wrongful confinement, abduction, kidnapping, or deprivation of liberty; or
(ii) conceals the fate of such other person; or
(iii) fails or refuses to disclose or is unable without valid excuse to disclose the subsequent or present whereabouts of such other person,
knowingly or consciously disregards information which clearly indicated, that subordinates under the effective authority and control of such superior were committing or about to commit an offence under subsection (1);
exercises effective responsibility for and control over activities which were concerned with the offence of enforced disappearance;and
fails to take all necessary and reasonable measures within his power to prevent or repress the commission of an offence under sub section (1) or to submit the matter to a law enforcement authority for investigation and prosecution,

These rights are the rights of the citizens of a just fair and civilized society and also these rights are in line with the values of any religion, especially Buddhism. It should be appreciated that the State of Sri Lanka which can be the possible oppressor in future, taking the initiative of introducing this Bill. It is praiseworthy in the point of view of the citizens of Sri Lanka who could be eventually the oppressed.

Sumanthiran calls on the government to keep its initial pledge to the people

Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP M.A Sumanthiran today called on the Government to keep its initial pledge to the people and complete the task of Constitutional reforms circumventing the snags it has come across.
Speaking at the debate in Parliament, the MP urged the Government to put the draft Bill on Constitution before people and seek their opinion at a referendum.
“I am confident, the majority of people, if they are well informed and advised, will endorse the legislation. The Government has to have the courage to do the right thing,” the MP stressed.
“If the religious leaders are deciding the laws of the country, why do we sit in this Parliament in the first place?” he questioned.
Sumanthiran, insisting that the country needs a new Constitution, cautioned the Government not to lose the golden opportunity before the country to bring in meaningful Constitutional reforms acceptable to all communities.
“The sub-committees sat for many months and completed their reports and the Steering Committee has already conducted over 60 meetings. We should not concede defeat at this level. People gave their mandate to this Government to bring in a new Constitution and this mandate must be respected. The very purpose of forming a ‘Unity Government’ was to bring in a new Constitution. Both the JVP and TNA, though in the Opposition, support the Government in this endeavor,” said Sumanthiran. 

SRI LANKA VOWS TAMIL AUTONOMY DESPITE BUDDHIST RESISTANCE



Sri Lanka’s president Maithripala Sirisena, pictured after being sworn in at the Independence Square in Colombo, on Jan 9, 2015. — AFP

Sri Lanka Brief06/07/2017

COLOMBO: Sri Lanka vowed Wednesday to grant greater autonomy to its Tamil minority in a new constitution after an influential Buddhist monk said the clergy opposed the plan.

President Maithripala Sirisena has said the new constitution will grant extensive autonomy to Tamils concentrated in the island’s northern and eastern regions.

He has said he wants to prevent a repeat of a bloody separatist conflict that claimed 100,000 lives between 1972 and 2009.

On Tuesday the senior monk Anamaduwe Dhammadassi said the clergy opposed the plan, which would “create unnecessary problems”.

But government spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said the national parliament would not roll back the process which began in April last year to draft a new statute that will be put to a referendum.
“The monks can have their views, but the people’s mandate at two elections in 2015 was to change the constitution,” Senaratne said.

“We will not work against the people’s will just because Buddhist monks want us to do so.”

Nearly 70% of the island’s population is Buddhist and the monks, who hold huge sway, have generally opposed any political concessions to the mostly Hindu Tamils community.

Dhammadassi said senior monks were united in their opposition to constitutional reforms.

The latest move by the Buddhist leadership is seen as a new challenge to Sirisena, also a Buddhist from the Sinhalese majority, who is committed to ethnic unity.

Hardline Sinhalese oppose a federal system that would ensure more political power for minority Tamils.

The island’s Tamils took up arms in 1972 claiming they faced discrimination in education and employment.

While many of the grievances were addressed over the years, the militancy grew into a full-fledged guerrilla war with Tamil Tiger rebels controlling a third of the country’s territory before they were eventually crushed in May 2009.

The offensive that defeated the rebels prompted allegations of widespread war crimes, including accusations that at least 40,000 Tamil civilians were killed by government forces.

Sirisena came to power partly on the back of support from Tamils after pledging reconciliation and promising investigations into war-time atrocities. — AFP

Do the monks want to make JR’s constitution a rebirth cycle? Mahanayake’s vacuous statement draws heavy flak at cabinet meeting (Video)


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 05.July.2017, 11.55PM) The communique issued yesterday 04)  by Asgiriya mahanayake and a group which object to the new proposed constitution that is designed to  abolish executive presidency , as well as introduce devolution of powers , and which constitution was ratified by not one but two separate people’s referendums drew heavy flak  from both parties , the UNP and the SLFP . At the cabinet meeting today (05) to reveal the cabinet decisions this traitorous and obnoxious opposition of the mahanayake  group  was roundly and justifiably criticized. 
Cabinet spokesman  Rajitha Senaratne while  asking ‘are the monks saying , the constitution of JR shall be treated like a rebirth cycle?’ bitterly criticized the inappropriate statement made  by the mahanayake that the new constitution is not necessary.
In 1958 because the monks opposed the granting of reasonable use of the Tamil language , Late  S .W. R. D  Bandaranaike had to tear that apart . But when Chandrika his daughter in 1998 ,  40 years later  made Tamil a state language , the monks remained quiet and were patient , by which time  the country had been plunged into a most devastating  ethnic war , he pointed out.
 
When a new constitution is being prepared to ward off another war like what  flared up in the country then , it is most unfortunate and a curse that selfish self centered individuals because of their greed for evil power are mounting opposition , Rajitha bemoaned with concern. How wrongful is the   statement of Asgiriya mahanayake  vis a vis the most  reasonable  statement made by TNA leader  Sampanthan  that the devolution of power shall not be inimical to the Sinhala majority ?  Rajitha questioned. 
Those who are objecting  now are those who are aware they have the right to oppose it at  a people’s referendum in respect of the new constitution , he pinpointed. 
A proper decision pertaining to the new constitution has still not been arrived at and various views are being examined  during discussions . Hence , Dayasiri Jayasekera the co media spokesman should refrain from uttering falsehoods  on outside platforms referring to bits and pieces  that were inconclusively discussed. That must stop ,  Rajitha noted. Devolution of power up to the periphery is necessary , but how that could be done is being discussed , Rajitha went on to emphasize.

In fact a consensual government was formed solely and wholly because a new constitution was  necessary to halt another holocaust – a war  in the country . The new constitution cannot be passed without  the concurrence of country’ s two main political parties, he highlighted.
The video footage of the eye opening speech of Rajitha Senaratne at the cabinet meeting  against the untoward and uncivilized views of chaos  and conflict prone mahanayake  groups seeking to plunge the country into another destructive war is hereunder. 
It is a pity the lay leaders have to impart  pristine Buddhism to the religious leaders  in this country 
---------------------------
by     (2017-07-06 05:02:14)
Welikada Prison deaths; Eyewitnesses ready to back those denied justice




2017-07-05

The failure to promptly open and carry out a criminal investigation into the deaths of 27 inmates in Welikada prison during a riot and its aftermath on November 9 and 10 of 2012 has become a stigma to the justice system in Sri Lanka. Human rights activists and organisations had expressed concerns at the lack of a prompt and expeditious investigation and the impunity of the culprits.

SRI LANKA: TEACHER TRANSFERRED ON CHARGES OF WRITING POEMS ON FACEBOOK




Image: Kushan Shalika Herath at school (Sunday Times photo)

Sri Lanka Brief06/07/2017

(AHRC) The Asian Human Rights Commission has received information regarding Mr. Kushan Shalika Herath (30) a teacher at Kuliyapitiya Central College. He teaches Science for Technology for Advanced Level students at Kuliyapitiya Central College. On the side, he has published some of his poems on Social Media. According to Kushan, he has taught this particular subject, ‘Science for Technology,’ at Kuliyapitiya College for three years. According to recently issued Advanced Level results, his students have had excellent results within district ranks.

He engages in creative writing, writes poems as a hobby and has published many of his poems on the Internet in Social Media. Some of his poems were published on his FB page as well. Mr. Kushan said that his creative writings are highly appreciated by his peers as well as senior teachers specializing in literature.

Meanwhile several officials of the Education Ministry’s Counter-Fraud Unit visited Kushan’s school on 23 January 2017. They questioned him about writing and publishing his poems and their content. Unfortunately, on this occasion, the school Principal remained silent about Kusan’s situation. It was learned that the Principal yielded to the Authorities demands and did not openly support Kushan.

The Ministry of Education officials made the following point. Kushan insulted both the School and the Education Ministry by publishing his ordinary poems while being employed as a State Sector Teacher. Kushan was asked if he was trying to persuade teachers and students to speak against the government. The investigators recorded statements from several teachers and students.

Kushan states that he had not written anything detrimental to the school. He has only written of interesting happenings in the school. When the two Ministry of Education senior officials questioned him, he opened his Facebook (FB) and showed them all the poems he had written. The officials concurred that the poems did not in any way damage the reputation of the School or of any individual.

Later, however, he received a letter from the Ministry of Education transferring him to Mayurapada Central College, Narammala, effective 11 June 2017. He states that he joined the Kuliyapitiya Central College to teach the newly introduced subject, Science for Technology to Advance Level students. The new school does not have any vacancies in that subject.

Kushan states that he has not been accused of any other misdemeanors that justified his transfer. As far as he was aware, he neither violated any principles as a teacher nor had he failed in carrying out his duties as required by the School.

According to the transfer, Kushan has been directed to teach Mathematics in his new workplace. He is not up-to-date on this particular subject. In effect, this transfer is only to replace a teacher who has gone on sick leave for two weeks. He believes that there is no justifiable reason for his transfer. This transfer was not made in line with the established National Transfer Policy Circular No. 2007/20 on teacher transfers.

On Wednesday, 14 June, the Education Ministry’s Media Unit, stated: the transfer was made due to an administrative requirement and had nothing to do with their investigation.

Meanwhile, Mr. Joseph Stalin, the General Secretary of the Ceylon Teachers Union (CTU), made a pronouncement. He said that the transfer had been done in a haphazard manner, without conforming to the National Transfer Policy Circular No. 2007/20, on teacher transfers. He has written to the Ministry of Education in protest against the injustice and will keep abreast of the problem. If nothing is done to reinstate Kushan,the CTU will take legal action against the Ministry.

Kushan states that he has the right to enjoy free speech and expression guaranteed by the Constitution. He has never engaged in anything illegal. He has not caused any damage to the reputation of an individual or Institution. While he has behaved like a peaceful citizen, the Ministry of Education officials have violated his rights.

The Aftermath: Aluthgama Three Years On



THYAGI RUWANPATHIRANA-on 

“Mewa dakala danwath meka nawaththuwoth monawa nathath, eka mokakhari”
(If they see these and put an end to this, if nothing else, that’s something)
The words of a Muslim man I met on my visit to Aluthgama, two weeks after the violence broke out in 2014 rang hollow as I returned to Aluthgama a few weeks ago, three years later.
“Kauruthma hitiye na geval wala… Raththarang badu okkoma aragena, vatina deval, deed okkoma aragena api giya. Api Gihilla sathiyak withara akkalage gedara indala thama awe”
(Nobody stayed in their houses… We took our gold, deed, everything valuable and left. We stayed with our sister for about a week and came back)
 Those are the words of a woman in 2017, fearing a repetition of the same violence from three years ago on the 15th of June, 2014. Against the backdrop of a series of attacks on mosques and Muslim-owned businesses recently, and two arrest warrants for the General Secretary of the hard-line Buddhist group, the Bodu Bala Sena (who were the instigators behind the violence in Aluthgama in 2014), the Muslim residents fled for safety fearing backlash and fresh violence in 2017 from the agitated Sinhala minority community in Aluthgama.
Returning to Aluthgama three years later and walking the same streets was a surreal experience. The town had transformed to a point of unrecognisable. Burnt houses that were no short of slogans written in the soot calling for the BBS to be held to account, were now rebuilt by the Army with whitewashed walls and new kitchens.
A two-story house I photographed, where walking through room after room painted a fresh picture of violence with its burnt wood-work, furniture, sewing machines and bicycle, was now rebuilt with barely any indication of the destruction that was.
The grass appeared greener in another backyard, recovered after the debris of the violence had been dumped there for weeks.
A short, orange wall, vaguely reminiscent of the formerly vibrant, typically colourful houses down the road, stood at the entrance to a house, now painted a gleaming pure white.
A village mosque, worshippers admitted, was built much better than what it was previously, with added spaces for children’s religious studies.
A resident eagerly showed a personal album of photographs of their old house, burnt down to pieces, complete with snaps of their vehicles set on fire. The damage was extensively and immaculately documented in the album, which I couldn’t help notice had little pieces of cotton wool inserted into some photo sleeves – an age-old trick to protect prints from going bad due to moisture. The album cover carried the title ‘Golden Collections’, and adorned a photograph of the former President extending his hand in good will to the proprietor. The irony didn’t escape me. It was the tacit approval of the then government and inaction against hard-line Buddhist groups that emboldened the audacity of the likes of BBS that culminated in the rampage in Aluthgama in 2014.
Some built better than before, some not yet finished. Residents claimed that their houses were however only ostensibly rebuilt, unconvinced that the real issue had been rooted out. Three families lost their loved ones three years ago and many of those injured struggle with the scars that remain.
Although tedious assessments had been carried out by government authorities to document the damage, there has been little to no compensation for the affected families for property damage. Worse still, perpetrators of the violence and the looting are still at large, with lawyers working on the cases alleging that law enforcement is deliberately delaying taking the cases forward. A citizen-led Foundation supports many of the affected get back on their feet, stepping in to provide assistance where the State has failed to fully compensate and provide reparations for victims.
Life goes on in Aluthgama, albeit a little differently.
Inter-ethnic and religious relations between neighbours have soured. Sinhala and Muslim families living side-by-side now feel suspicious, with Muslims wondering how the mobs had so much insight into which houses were Muslim-owned. A woman described her now tense relationship with her Sinhala neighbour who she grew up with. She said that because their family house was bigger than the Sinhala family’s next door, they even offered their house for their Sinhala neighbour’s wedding. It’s not like how it was before, she says, as awkwardness now consumes most of their interactions. The damage to community relations seems irreparable, at least for a very long time.
Residents are cautious and prepared in case of repeated violence. Aside from leaving their homes during the third anniversary of the Aluthgama attacks fearing repeated attacks, residents said they also keep their most valuable documentation (identification documents etc.) away from their houses for safekeeping. Basically whatever that’s necessary to start afresh next time all their homes and life’s earnings are destroyed and looted.
Similar sentiments were echoed in “Demons in Paradise”, a new documentary directed by Jude Ratnam reflecting (mostly) on Tamil militancy during Sri Lanka’s civil war. Although the scale and violence during 1983’s pogrom that resulted in many Tamils fleeing to the North for safety is by no means an equal comparison, a parallel in how the Tamil community felt, and arguably still feel today thirty-four years later, is starkly similar to how the Muslim community in Aluthgama still feel to this day: visitors in their own home towns. Even during times of peace, an unbeatable sense of fear overwhelms minority communities, not knowing when they will next be persecuted or hurt. This is no way to live. This is no way to reconcile.
“Apita hari sathutui Sinhala kattiya api gena balala mewa gena maadhyata liyana kota”
(It makes us very happy to see Sinhala people checking up on us and writing to media about these things), said one Muslim resident beaming away after stopping his bike curiously to see why I was taking photos of the newly-built houses. He was understandably surprised to see some continuing media interest in Aluthgama, since mainstream media in 2014 gave limited coverage to the incident, downplaying the extent of violence.
There’s however more to this issue than just a media blackout. While the Prime Minister condemned the recent violence against the Muslim community, the Minister of Justice seemed intent on denying the continuing violence against other religious minorities such as the Christians, going to the extent of threatening to take action to disbar an activist lawyer who shed light on the status quo. He seems unaware that acknowledgement, is the first step to positive change.
All the photos referenced in this story, taken in June 2017 can be seen here. All the photos from 2014 can be seen here
###
Editors note: Also read The aftermath: Aluthgama two weeks on by the same author, published on 30 June 2014 and Aluthgama Three Years On, an interactive long-form photo story by the site’s co-editor, Raisa Wickremetunge, published in June this year. Ruwanpathirana’s 2014 article published on this site featured the very first photos of the devastation in Aluthgama after the anti-Muslim riots. Access those ninety-eight photos here, some of which have been featured in local and international reports, journals and news stories on the Aluthgama incident since 2014.

Occasional Stories: Eating Dog Meat!

Dr. Laksiri Fernando
I had a terrible time during the first week of my stay in Hanoi. The year and month were 1987 and February. This was my first visit to Hanoi or Vietnam and had some official business to perform. My brief was to meet with the Ministry of Education and select and agree upon where our scholarship program could be implemented. This could have simply been done through sitting in a ministry room and going through the relevant papers, but my host thought otherwise.
I was taken to almost every higher education institution called ‘universities’ and even had to speak to some potential recipients of scholarships, of course through an interpreter. There were around 34 institutions in the Hanoi province if I remember correct. Therefore, my days were hectic and gruelling. Hanoi is a nice old city, and Hanoi meaning ‘the city of lakes.’
I was staying at Danchu Hotel and danchu means democracy, I was meant to believe. But everything was quite nicely regimented of course for my own sake. The days of February were quite cool or rather cold and in the hotel, there was no proper heating. It is a hotel obviously built during the French colonial times, but neglected thereafter particularly during the war times and only now there were new improvements after the economic reform programs two three years back. 
I had to wake up early morning and get ready by 8.00 after having breakfast. Then I was taken out. Every morning I was given an itinerary for the day and I didn’t have any say on the matter. If we were in the city area, I was brought back to the hotel sharp at 12.00. Then I was asked to take lunch and have a rest and get ready sharp at 1 O’clock. When we go out in the afternoon, sometimes it was late in the evening when we came back. Dinner was taken out. 
I was not sure whether this strict regimentation was followed to impress upon me or that is the way the government bureaucrats operated under still an ‘orthodox’ communist regime. When I arrived in Hanoi, the first thing they did was to take my passport on the pretext of some official reporting, but that was never returned to me until my day of departure. I was little annoyed about the matter but for the sake of politeness or tact decided not to make an issue of it.
My main host was Dong Ho and he was the Second Secretary to the Ministry of Education. Then there were two interpreters, a young man and a young woman, and they both were extremely nice in their own ways but awfully obedient to Mr. Ho. I cannot remember their names off hand. Dong became exceptionally friendly with me eventually and one reason for this change perhaps was my patience and the other being my nationality.
I understand that the Ministry has had a bitter experience previously dealing with NUFFIC, an organization based in the Netherlands, a person like me visiting but indulging in some espionage work or propaganda against Vietnam using the information he gathered during his visit. That is what they told me. This could be one reason why they were quite careful about my visit as well.
One unusual day, I was brought back to the hotel quite early, perhaps around five O’clock in the evening. The two interpreters were rather excited. Dong asked me whether I eat some meat and I couldn’t gather what it was but nevertheless said “yes, yes.” I remember that the woman interpreter had an amusing smile in her face, but I couldn’t understand what it was.
I could have a decent rest that day and a second shower. I only had to get ready by 7 O’clock. What a luxury, I thought.
I was in a fancy shirt and a mild pullover. I knew that we were going out for dinner. Dong wore a tunic. The young woman interpreter was in a colourful gown and a shawl and the young man, the other interpreter finally was not there. I think we travelled for about twenty minutes from my hotel. My notes say it was Tay Ho area or district in Hanoi.
It was a square like place and in the middle, there was a small park with colourful lanterns and some people were selling flowers, sweetmeats, pots, decorations, paintings and curious. The place reminded me of what Thomas More described as a market place in his ‘socialist’ Utopia. This was just after or the last days of their national Lunar New Year. Most colourful were the mandarin plants in pots with full of fruit. They were excelled in hybrid plants. On all four sides, there were small restaurants built with timber and wood. I was taken to one of them and at the entrance there were three other officers from the Ministry who joined us. It appeared that they were subordinates of Dong from their behaviour until all loosened up after some drinks.

Read More

Modi mantra might help in marketing Sri Lanka

01Wednesday, 5 July 2017
logo
02While the US President continues to agitate the world with his out-of-the-box decisions that have resulted in his approval rating dropping to a low of 36%, Indian President Narendra Modi gave him a bear hub which sure shook the world.

Knowing the marketing skills of President Modi, analysts were quick to highlight the moment but speculated over the tough decisions that were to be taken over the next few days of his meeting with President Trump. Initial reports coming in say that the meeting did not go well. I guess time will bring out the exact details of the decisions made by two of the world’s most powerful countries, along with their implications for countries like Sri Lanka.

"மஹிந்த தரப்பினரை கூண்டில் ஏற்­றுவேன்"

Published by RasmilaD on 2017-07-05
சட்­டமா அதிபர் திணைக்­க­ளத்­தையும் பொலிஸ் திணைக்­க­ளத்­தையும் மூன்று மாதத்­திற்கு என்­னிடம் தாருங்கள்,  தந்தால் மஹிந்த தரப்பு உட்­பட சகல குற்­ற­வா­ளி­க­ளையும் கூண்டில் ஏற்­றிக்­காட்­டுவேன் என்று  ஜனா­தி­பதி மைத்­தி­ரி­பால சிறி­சேன  தெரி­வித்­துள்ளார். 
மஹிந்த தரப்­பிற்கு ஆத­ரவு செலுத்­து­வதன் மூலம் ஐக்­கிய தேசி­யக்­கட்சி ஆட்­சி­யினை உரு­வாக்­கலாம் என  கன­வு­ கா­ண­வேண்டாம். மஹிந்த தரப்­பி­னரை விட்­டு­விட்டு என்­னுடன் செயற்­ப­டு­ப­வர்கள் மீதே வழக்­குகள் தாக்­கல்­செய்­யப்­ப­டு­கின்­றன.  இவ்­வா­றான செயற்­பா­டுகள் மூலம் எமது கட்­சியை ஓரம்­கட்ட பார்க்­கின்­றீர்கள் என்றும் ஜனா­தி­பதி  சுட்­டிக்­காட்­டி­யுள்ளார். 
 ஜனா­தி­பதி மைத்­தி­ரி­பால சிறி­சேன தலை­மையில் நேற்ற ஜனா­தி­பதி செய­ல­கத்தில் அமைச்­ச­ரவைக் கூட்டம் இடம்­பெற்­றது.  பிர­தமர் ரணில் விக்­கி­ர­ம­சிங்க உட்­பட அமைச்­சர்கள் பங்­கேற்ற இந்தக் கூட்­டத்தில் கருத்து தெரி­விக்­கை­யி­லேயே ஜனா­தி­பதி இவ்­வாறு கூறி­யுள்ளார். 
 வழக்­குகள்  தாம­திக்­கப்­ப­டு­கின்­றமை கடந்த ஆட்­சிக்­கா­லத்தில் இடம்­பெற்ற  ஊழல் மோச­டிகள் தொடர்பில் இது­வரை உரிய நட­வ­டிக்கை எடுக்­கப்­ப­டாமை குறித்து  அதி­ருப்தி தெரி­வித்த ஜனா­தி­பதி  இவ்­வி­டயம் குறித்து கடும்­தொ­னியில் கருத்து தெரி­வித்­துள்ளார்.  
 இங்கு ஜனா­தி­பதி மேலும் தெரி­விக்­கையில்  சட்­டமா அதிபர் திணைக்­களம்,  நிதிக்­குற்­றப்­பு­ல­னாய்வுப் பிரிவு, குற்­றப்­பு­ல­னாய்­வுப்­பி­ரிவு ஆகி­ய­வற்றின் அதி­கா­ரி­களை  அழைத்து நான் கலந்­து­ரை­யா­டி­யி­ருந்தேன். முன்னாள்  ஜனா­தி­பதி மஹிந்த ராஜ­பக்ஷ குடும்ப வழக்­குகள் தாம­த­மா­வ­தற்கு  என்ன காரணம் என்று நான் அவர்­க­ளிடம் கேட்­டி­ருந்தேன்.  இதற்குப் பதி­ல­ளித்த அவர்கள் மேலி­டத்­தி­லி­ருந்து அழுத்­தங்கள் வரு­கின்­றன என்று  தெரி­வித்­தார்கள்.  
 இவ்­வாறு ஜனா­தி­பதி தெரி­வித்த போது யார் அந்த அழுத்­தத்தைக் கொடுப்­பது அவர்­க­ளது பெயர்­களைக் கூறுங்கள் என்று அமைச்­சர்கள்  கேள்வி எழுப்­பி­யுள்­ளனர்.  ஆனால்  பெயர் எத­னையும் குறிப்­பி­டாத ஜனா­தி­பதி மேலும் கூறு­கையில்;
 சட்­டமா அதிபர் திணைக்­க­ளத்­தையும் பொலிஸ் திணைக்­க­ளத்­தி­லுள்ள  நிதிக்­குற்­றப்­பு­ல­னாய்வுப் பிரி­வையும் மூன்று மாத­கா­லத்­திற்கு  என்­னிடம் ஒப்­ப­டை­யுங்கள்.  அவ்­வாறு ஒப்­ப­டைத்தால் அந்­தக்­கா­லப்­ப­கு­திக்குள் மஹிந்த தரப்­பினர் உட்­பட சகல குற்­ற­வா­ளி­க­ளையும் நான் கூண்டில் நிறுத்­திக்­காட்­டுவேன். தற்­போது அவர்­களை கைது­செய்­வ­தற்­கான அதி­காரம் என்­னி­டத்தில் இல்லை.  நீதி­ப­தி­களை  நிய­மிக்கும் அதி­கா­ரமும் என்­னி­டத்தில் இல்லை. அர­சி­யல்­யாப்பு சபையே அதனைத் தீர்­மா­னிக்­கின்­றது.  
 ஊழல் விசா­ரணை செய­லகம் பிர­த­மரின் கீழேயே உள்­ளது.  இந்த செய­ல­க­மா­னது வழக்­கு­களை  அர­சுக்குப் பாத­க­மா­கவும்,  எதி­ர­ணிக்கு சாத­க­மா­கவும் தயா­ரித்து  சட்­டமா அதிபர் திணைக்­க­ளத்­திற்கு அனுப்­பு­கின்­றது. இந்­த­தி­ணைக்­க­ளத்தில் நான்கு ஆலோ­ச­கர்கள், மற்றும்  ஓய்­வு­பெற்ற நீதி­ப­திகள் பலர் உள்­ளனர். இவர்­க­ளுக்கு பெரு­ம­ளவு சம்­பளம் வழங்­கப்­ப­டு­வ­துடன்  வாகன வசதி உட்­பட சகல வச­தி­களும்  வழங்­கப்­பட்­டுள்­ளன.  ஆனால்  எது­விதப் பிர­யோ­ச­னமும் இல்­லாத நிலை காணப்­ப­டு­கின்­றது. முக்­கிய நபர்­க­ளுக்கு எதி­ராக வழக்­கு­களை தாக்கல் செய்­யாத இவர்கள் சிறு­த­ரப்­பி­ன­ருக்கு எதி­ரா­கவே வழக்குத் தாக்கல் செய்­கின்­றனர். எனது தரப்­பி­லுள்ள பிர­தேச சபை உறுப்­பி­னர்கள்,  மாகா­ண­சபை உறுப்­பி­னர்கள், பாரா­ளு­மன்ற உறுப்­பி­னர்கள் ஆகி­யோ­ருக்கு எதி­ரா­கவே 76 வழக்­குகள் தாக்கல் செய்­யப்­பட்­டுள்­ளன. 
 மஹிந்த தரப்­பி­ன­ருக்கு எதி­ராக உரிய நட­வ­டிக்கை எடுக்­கப்­ப­டு­வ­தாக இல்லை. மீளவும் முன்னாள் ஜனா­தி­பதி மஹிந்த ராஜ­பக்ஷ ஆட்­சிக்கு வந்தால்  சரத் பொன்­சோ­கா­வுக்கு நடந்­த­தை­விட  எனக்­குத்தான் அதிக தீங்கு இழைக்­கப்­படும்.  மஹிந்த தரப்­பிற்கு ஆத­ரவு தெரி­விப்­பதன் மூலம் ஐக்­கிய தேசி­யக்­கட்சி ஆட்­சியை கைப்­பற்­றலாம் என்று  ஒரு­போதும் கன­வு­கா­ண­வேண்டாம். அவர் ஆட்­சிக்கு வந்தால் எனக்கும் எனது குடும்­பத்­தி­ன­ருக்­குமே  ஆபத்­துள்­ளது.  நான் பெரிய கட்­சி­யொன்­றி­லி­ருந்து துணிந்தே ஜனா­தி­பதி தேர்­தலில்  கள­மி­றங்­கி­யி­ருந்தேன். அன்று நான் தோற்­றி­ருந்தால் எனது  மக­ளையும் மரு­ம­க­னையும் கைது செய்து எனக்கும் ஆபத்தை உரு­வாக்­கி­யி­ருப்பர்.  உங்­க­ளி­டத்தில்  அவ­ருக்கு கோப­மில்லை என்று எண்­ணி­வி­ட­வேண்டாம். மஹிந்த மீண்டும் ஆட்­சிக்கு வந்தால் ஆயுள்­காலம் வரை நீங்கள்  மீண்டும் ஆட்­சிக்கு வர முடி­யாது. இரா­ணுவ அதி­கா­ரி­க­ளையே அவர் அமைச்­சர்­க­ளாக நிய­மிப்பார். எனவே  அவ­ருக்கு ஆத­ரவு அளிப்­பதன் மூலம் ஐக்­கி­ய­தே­சி­யக்­கட்சி  ஆட்­சிக்கு வர­மு­டியும் என்று நீங்கள் எண்­ணக்­கூ­டாது. 
 எனவே சட்­டமா அதிபர் திணைக்­க­ளத்­தையும், பொலிஸ் திணைக்­க­ளத்­தையும் என்­னிடம் மூன்று மாதங்­க­ளுக்கு தாருங்கள் மஹிந்த தரப்­பையும் ஏனைய குற்­ற­வா­ளி­க­ளையும் நான் கூண்டில் ஏற்­றிக்­காட்­டுவேன் என்று ஜனா­தி­பதி கடும் தொனியில் தெரிவித்துள்ளார். 
 இதனையடுத்து கருத்து தெரிவித்த பிரதமர் ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்க முன்னாள்  ஜனாதிபதி மஹிந்த ராஜபக்ஷ  புலிகளுக்கு பணம் கொடுத்து  ஆட்சிக்கு வந்திருந்தார் என்று கூறியுள்ளார். 
 ஜனாதிபதி  இவ்வாறு கடும் அதிருப்தி  தெரிவித்தமையானது அமைச்சர்கள் மத்தியில் பெரும் சலசலப்பை ஏற்படுத்தியுள்ளதாக  தெரிவிக்கப்படுகின்றது.  இந்த அதிருப்தியின் பின்னர்  அமைச்சரவைக் கூட்டத்தை அடுத்து பிரதமர் ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்கவும்,  அமைச்சர் மலிக் சமரவிக்கமவும் ஜனாதிபதியை சந்தித்து பேசியுள்ளதாகவும் தெரியவருகிறது.

‘No issue for UNP if Rajapaksas came to power again’ – President

‘No issue for UNP if Rajapaksas came to power again’ – President

Jul 05, 2017

“Prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe or top members of the UNP will face no issue at all if the Rajapaksas came to power again”, an agitated president Maithripala Sirisena told the PM to his face at yesterday’s (04) cabinet meeting. But, the PM remained impassive as usual.

Noting that he had taken a big risk by contesting the presidential election, the president said had he lost, the Rajapaksas had planned to imprison his son and son-in-law and kill him. His remarks came when the cabinet discussed if the Anti-Corruption Secretariat should continue after having completed its tenure on June 30. When the president asked as to who would account for the secretariat, the PM said he had nothing to do with that.
Angered by his answer, the president said firmly, “the Attorney General’s Department is under you, police is under you, FCID is under you, CID is under you. But, none of the big thieves had been caught for the past one and a half years. Instead, cases have been filed against minions like provincial councilors and Pradeshiya Sabha members who support me. I know the politicians who speak to the FCID and the CID and influence them. They don’t know that all those calls get recorded. If you say no, I will get them to say so to your face. If you cannot do this, at least give me those institutions to me for three months. I will show what I can do.”
Backing the president, Champika Ranawaka and Rajitha Senaratne said he was telling the complete truth. They alleged the AG’s Department was protecting the Rajapaksas. To that, justice minister Wijedasa Rajapakshe said he was helpless, as he would not interfere with it since the AG is appointed by the Constitutional Council. Sarath Fonseka said, “We cannot do this by keeping this justice minister. He does not know which side he is in. the biggest hurdle to ensure justice in the country is the justice minister.”
However, the cabinet failed to decide on the future of the Anti-Corruption Secretariat. After a heated meeting, Rajitha Senaratne took the president and the PM upstairs and settled the matter. Both leaders agreed to his remark that if things went the way as they were now, all would be ruined, and asked what their choice would be. Accordingly, they decided to initiate court action with regard to 10 of the major charges within the next fortnight.