Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, June 11, 2017

IN THE HOLY MONTH OF RAMADAN ATTACKS AGAINST MUSLIMS IN SRI LANAKA HAS INCREASED- SHREEN SAROOR AT CESCR 61



Image: Chairperson, Secretary of the CESCR and Sri Lanka ambassador  at the podium of UN CESCR 61 held at Palais Wilson on 9th June 2017. ©s.deshapriya.

Sri Lanka BriefBy Shreen Saroor.-10/06/2017

Violent attacks on minority religions have continued with impunity specially against Evangelical Christians And Muslims in Sri Lanka. The government of Sri Lanka accepted recommendations of the UPR on religious freedom in 2012, however, since then over 500 incidents of violence, discrimination and intimidation have been recorded against evangelical Christians and Muslims. These incidents have been documented by the National Christian Evangelical Alliance and Muslim Peace Secretariat of Sri Lanka. Last 5 months alone over 30 incidents against evangelicals and in the last three weeks alone 22 incidents against Muslims have been recorded. The attack on Muslim community increases during holy month of Ramadan and this trend has been there since 2011. Most of such attacks have been on the mosques or insulting faith and its doctrines in public spaces and provoking counter attacks.

Shreen Saroor making her statement at the briefing for members of the CESCR at Palais Wilson.
Grave concern of the minority religious community is that in the last 2 years there has been an increase in state involvement concerning persecution of Christians and Muslims. There have been incidents where local government officials have been actively involved in supporting violent attacks, discrimination and intimidation apart from Buddhists extreme religious groups. Notably, in some instances basic needs such as water, land, housing and electricity connection have been denied to Christians by local government officials in Sinhala majority areas. Furthermore, in contravention of the law, local government authorities claim that churches and mosques are unauthorized, demanding them to register with the state. A misapplication of a discriminatory circular issued by the Budha Sasana (religious affair) Ministry in 2008, serves as the basis for such demands.

It is interesting to note that this circular is not applied when Buddha statues and Dhagapas are erected over night in the areas where Muslim and Tamil communities are majority. Such Budhisization is overtly promoted by the ministry of Budha Sasana with the help of local officers, Sinhala extreme groups and leading politicians.

We kindly request the committee to include in its concluding observation as recommendations:
1. State inaction to a certain extent patronage to the well-known perpetrators specially Buddhist Extremists groups should be addressed immediately.

2. Cancellation of the Circular 2008 issued by the Ministry of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs, which is used as a discriminatory tool against religious minorities, particularly the Muslim and Christian community

3. A mechanism needs to be implemented to hold local government officials responsible for discrimination / active participation of persecution of religious minorities in the country.
We request the committee to ask the SL govt. the following question:

Why is the state not ensuring that the law and order is upheld, particularly in the backdrop of scaled up and overt violence and intimidation against minority religions?

(Presentation made by  Shreen Saroor in relation to Article 15 – Right to culture of the ESC rights convention on the Attacks on Minority Religions at the briefing held at Palais Wilson in 8th June during the CESCR 61.)

Violent act against media is condemned - FMM

Violent act against media is condemned - FMM
Jun 11, 2017

The Free Media Movement vehemently condemns the intimidating response of John Amaratunga, Minister of Tourism Development and Christian Religious Affairs, where a few regional journalists were trying to obtain some clarifications on an environmental issue related to Muturajawela wetlands on 08th June. Free Media Movement believes that such immature and violent behavior cannot be considered as a positive symbol of a better media culture and a healthy democratic future of this country.

The foremost tool of the process of obtaining information for a journalist, which is the main mission of journalism, is questioning. The attempt to silence journalists who are making reasonable and professionally important questions is seen as an obvious threat to the process of free information flow.  
It has been reported that not only the Minister, but also his supporters and the police officers who were on duty have obstructed these journalists’ professional work. The Minister threatens the journalists using offensive terms and obscene words.
Free Media Movement believes that obstructing journalists who are involved in reporting incidents that matter to the public benefit, can be considered as a hinder to the public benefit.
Several similar incidents were reported recently and apparently the lack of law enforcement for such incidents has made the situation worse. Therefore, Free Media Movement urges the President and the Media Minister to conduct a fair investigation and take necessary actions against the Minister, his supporters and the police officers who were on duty.

Horse Trading While Sri Lankans Are Drowning

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Emil van der Poorten
The contents of the middle pages – reputed for balanced commentary –  of an English-language Sunday newspaper contrasted very starkly with a piece on the travails of those who were inundated by flood-waters in many parts of the country on the very next page. Both pieces were authored by respected journalists who have a reputation for accuracy and objectivity, eschewing bombast.
The centre pages contained a description of the sniveling to and fro-ing of political “brokers” in the current coalition trying to hold together an agglomeration of discredited politicians who have displayed a penchant for doing little other than promoting their own well-being.
The work of one Wickremesinghe confidante in particular in running back and forth trying to put out this fire here and that fire there, can only provide amusement to someone with a penchant for gallows humour. The fact that Kabir Hashim – one of the few UNPers who has hitherto displayed at least a smidgen of principle – ended up with the short end of the stick in the matter of departments under his Ministry being taken away and delivered as some sort of peace offering to another high-profile Minister affected by the shuffle did not surprise me. Mr. Hashim stands to lose several pivotal departments in his Ministry to a man whose connections to the head honcho of the previous regime came to the fore again when our wannabe-potentate was the first (and only?) prominent politician to commiserate with the high-profile Cabinet Minister rumoured to be in line for what amounted to a demotion of sorts.  The scurrying back and forth of Hashim (the biter who got bit!) and Malik Samarawickrama has to be viewed against the backdrop of a nation reeling under the devastation of a flood of historic proportions. It epitomizes the “Nero fiddling while Rome burns” predilections of this government. Worse yet, it provides proof, if proof be needed, that we are governed by a group of self-seeking and unprincipled individuals to whom personal aggrandizement takes precedence over attending to a national calamity. 

How else can the conduct of our ruling politicians be described against the backdrop of current events?
The other column in the same newspaper provides a harrowing picture of what is happening in some of the areas devastated by floods and landslides. 
It is cause for some amusement (again invoking gallows humour!) that some of the key players, or those who should have been, were out of the country and displayed no great urgency in the matter of returning to their devastated home turf.  That our Prime Minister should be in the Excited States of Amnesia accessing private medical opinions not available to the rest of us, the great unwashed of this country, epitomizes the status quo in Sri Lanka. It did provoke a wry grin in one who, not so long ago, underwent the travails of treatment in a Teaching Hospital in this country, putting him at death’s door for almost a week because a consultant chose to “outsource” a procedure to a less experienced doctor who proceeded to make a “non-surgical procedure” into a life-threatening situation! 
Let me, at this point, disassociate myself from any suggestion that I am one of the lynch mob howling for the blood of Anura Priyadarshana Yapa. To do so would be to simply find a (very eligible) scapegoat for the sins of an entire government (and its predecessors). No, that would be only too simple and would beg the real issue: a government (and opposition) totally lacking in principle, morality and ethics. I will not hesitate to repeat, ad nauseam if necessary, the need to bring those three elements into this discussion once again because, without their practice no democratic government can fulfill what those who elected it expect of them.

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President assigns some of PM’s functions to new minister


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ECONOMYNEXT -  

President Maithripala Sirisena has taken away some of the functions of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and assigned them to Tilak Marapona, the new minister of Development Assignment.

The cash-rich Employees Trust Fund (ETF) which was under the Prime Minister was also taken away and given to Marapona who will now be responsible, among other things, for the  implementation of the ETF Act of 1980.

Marapona will have to assist the prime minister in monitoring and evaluation of national policies. The Prime Minister’s responsibility of coordinating with other ministries on implementation of policies now becomes a function of Marapona’s ministry.

For the first time ever, two state lotteries were assigned to the foreign ministry giving Minister Ravi Karunanayake control over the National Lotteries Board and the Development Lotteries Board (DLB).

Minister Karunaratne, who was shifted out of the finance ministry in the latest cabinet reshuffle, has been closely associated with a DLB-funded  university  scholarship scheme of his mentor, the late Lalith Athulathmudali.

State banks and the national carrier Sri Lankan airlines remained with the state enterprises ministry of Kabir Hashim.

However,  three institutions under the media ministry — the department of government printing, the National Film Corporation and the State Printing Corporations – were taken out and given to Public Administration and Management  Minister Ranjith Madduma Banadara.

Minister Mangala Samaraweera who gets additional responsibilities over media subjects under an expanded ministry of Finance and Media will have control over state-run media institutions, including Lake House.
‘Good Governance’: Failure of a five-pillared process? 
01Friday, 9 June 2017
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03When troubles come, they come not single spies but in battalions. And these days, the woes of the State as well as those of the Government are legion. Two months ago, the tragic collapse of that colossal trash-heap let loose a stink about the way this and successive previous administrations have mismanaged garbage disposal – much to the dismay of petty politicos who’d rather not have their electorates know how laws are made, or domestic dirt-bags disposed of.

Sri Lanka’s squeaking mouse of disaster management


The Sunday Times Sri LankaSunday, June 11, 2017
The profound disgust felt by citizens of this country towards elected representatives on both sides of the political divide is without a doubt. This week’s adjournment debate in Parliament on the deaths and misery caused by recent catastrophic floods in the country reinforces that disgust.

 Reducing Sri Lankans to beggars

What surfaced predominantly were cheap political shots aimed at each other with some national suit clad worthies evidently glorying in the discomfiture of their fellows. Conspicuously lacking was the identification of the disaster as a grievous tragedy over and above party political lines. No emphasis was laid on the prioritizing of a professional disaster prevention policy along with a mechanism to prevent as much as possible, the awful fury of natural calamities instead of wailing to the heavens and distributing relief after disaster strikes. Reducing once self sufficient members of thriving village communities to the level of beggars waiting for handouts is not something to boast about. That much is clear.
Meanwhile empty promises to appoint yet another parliamentary committee (proposed by the so-called Joint Opposition apparently) or to hold an international conference to bring together donors for flood relief by the Government only arouses more infuriation. Is this all that can be suggested? While the immense sacrifice by parliamentarians giving up their lunch interval to carry on with the adjournment debate, (perhaps a good precedent for the future) must be accorded its due acknowledgement, was this the abjectly squeaking mouse that the roaring mountain gave birth to, as Aesop’s Fables famously satirizes.
That same surreal unreality attaches to the bristling justifications offered by the Minister of Disaster Management. This personage, as pointed out last week, was so imbued with a sense of his own responsibilities that he took close upon a week to return to the country after the disaster hit. The excuses now offered would be funny if they did not grimly reflect the lack of accountability which prevails.
Ignoring core concerns of disaster management

Thus the public was summarily informed that the Ministry and the Centre for Disaster Management worked exemplarily. However, the ‘only problem’ was that centres for evacuation and disaster management had not been set up to enable people affected by oncoming natural disasters to be moved into
Pray is this not the very core concern of a functional and effective disaster management policy? Without such centres, where are the people supposed to go even if the Government blares into their ears from noon till night that disaster may strike? Can you blame occupants if they refuse to leave, particularly in view of the fact that the law and order situation is so chaotic that their meager belongings may well be looted before they return? It is only now that this need is being addressed, apparently again through foreign funding. Why is this not prioritized in utilizing the country’s own monies without always resorting to the begging bowl? Where are tax payers’ monies being diverted to?
In effect, without addressing these key concerns that have been ignored for decades due to the blundering of successive and the present Government/s, all that the responsible Minister and his colleagues (who also formed part of the Rajapaksa government, let us not forget) can bleat is that Sri Lankans are unique in that they refuse to leave their homes when disaster looms. Therefore (we assume), the victims are held to be responsible for what befell them. Is there no limit to this indecency if not idiocy?
Glaring corruption and mismanagement

The fundamental issue is not the reluctance of people to leave their homes. Or the lack of law as stated previously. Rather, it is the corrupt and mismanaged way in which development and basic urban planning takes place. Much of this was accelerated during the Rajapaksa Presidency when these same worthies were in government. Ministers wax eloquent now in regard to unauthorized buildings blocking water ways and so on. But it was the same political establishment of which they were very much a part of, which permitted these constructions to take place for hefty considerations passed under the table.
During the Rajapaksa Presidency, bypassing required environmental approvals in major development projects became common. The former President and his supporters (some holding ministerial positions now) should hang their heads in shame if, of course, they understand the concept of shame in the first place. But the fault does not lie with the Rajapaksas alone.
Seeing the calamitous scenes of the flooded Southern Expressway last week, I hunted through old court papers relating to legal challenges brought to the shifting of the Expressway from the original trace and a later approved combined trace. Though it was ultimately built on a final trace, this was not subjected to a Supplementary Environmental Impact Assessment in terms of the National Environmental Act.
Sri Lanka not immune to global anti-establishment anger

This columnist was part of a legal team which challenged the arbitrary re-drawing of the trace without proper environmental approvals in the Supreme Court in a public interest petition filed against the Road Development Authority and other relevant state agencies. Though the Court delivered judgment holding that a Supplementary Environmental Impact Assessment should have been conducted and upholding the right to compensation of the petitioners whose lands in Bandaragama and Akmeemana had been arbitrarily acquired for the Expressway, it stopped short of halting the project (SC Appl 58, 59 & 60/2003, SCM 20/01/2004).
That caution may have been justified at the time due to the enormous costs incurred if a more drastic reprimand had been issued. But thirteen years later, we see the terrifying consequences of unplanned and unregulated development. As politicians of the local kind mouth hypocrisies, many Sri Lankans identify with the anti-establishment fervor sweeping the world, most recently in the general elections in the United Kingdom. This casts caution to the winds with the contemptuous rejection of the ‘old political mindset’ even if the ‘new’ veers dangerously on an unstable unknown. This is an irresistible tide that Sri Lanka will not be immune from.
Even as some are content to make professional and personal hay while the sun shines, it is increasingly evident that even those uncertain and occasional bursts of sunshine under the unity alliance may be short. Indeed, Sri Lanka may soon be gripped in a pall of an icy chill, worse than what we have ever experienced before if its political leadership fails to understand and respond properly to the public mood which (with very good reason) is turning hostile in some parts and downright ugly in others.

SRI LANKA: MEDICAL OFFICERS COLLUDING WITH POLICE REFUSE TO TREAT A VICTIM TORTURED BY INGIRIYA POLICE


Images: Torture marks on Wickrama Aarachchige Nimal’s body.

Sri Lanka Brief11/06/2017

On 17 January, 2017, Wickrama Aarachchige Nimal, 55 years of age, a resident of No: 1/4/A, Wela Ihala, Handapangoda, in the Kaluthara District is a farmer, married with two children and his wife is a housewife. During the season when farming is not being carried out he engages in other minor agricultural work in the area as a daily paid labourer. His family and friends state that he is a peaceful citizen and had never been accused of any crime.

On 17 January, when he was outside his house, several police officers have arrived , inquired about him and when he identified himself, he had been immediately arrested without any reason being given and brought to the Ingiriya Police Station. Nimal states that he was not informed of the reason for his arrest, at any time before his arrest. At the police station, he was accused of a charge of possession of illicit liquor. He categorically denies the charge.

At the police station, Nimal had been severely tortured for denying the charge. He had been brutally assaulted on his face, his back, chest, legs, and shoulders and on his head by the police officers. Nimal had screamed in earnest and had pleaded with the police officers to stop the torture. However, those screams fell on deaf ears, as they continued to torture him into the night. Following the torture, later in the night he had been released on Police Bail under the Bail Act by the Officer-in-Charge (OIC) of the police station.

At the time of his release, he was told that he will need to appear before the Horana Magistrate’s Court on 25th of January 2017. He acceded to the request and he proceeded to return home with the greatest difficulty as he could not walk due to the torture at the hands of the police officers. Nimal states that police wanted to file a fabricated charge against him even though they did not find neither any complaint nor any evidence against him. He categorically states that the police never recovered any sort of illicit products in his possession.

Since he could not bear the pain from the bruises and contusions, he got himself admitted on the same day to the Ingiriya Government Hospital for treatment. The doctor who examined him initially had advised him to be admitted immediately. However, during the following two days while in hospital he was not provided with proper medical treatment and his health did not improve. Nimal states, that he believes that due to the influence of the officers who tortured him, the staff at the hospital deliberately ignored him.

On 19th January, he was discharged from the hospital and since his condition remained the same. Therefore, he got himself re-admitted, this time to the Horana Base Hospital. At this hospital while he was being treated at Ward No 1. he noticed a police officer who tortured him, visiting the ward where he was staying and talking to the house officer for long period of time. He also noticed the doctor in the ward laughing together with the police officer and pointing at him almost as if in ridicule.

Several minutes later, the police officer had approached Nimal’s bed and asked him if “are you going file case against the police” . Then he assaulted him with his fists again, in the hospital bed. Nimal at the time had remained quiet saying nothing in return, as he feared for his life. Thereafter he did not receive any proper treatment for his wounds and bruises, at the hospital. Nimal felt again that due to the influence of the police, and collusion of the medical officers at the ward with the police, he was being deliberately and maliciously ignored not provided with proper medical treatment. Despite the mistreatment he had reminded the doctors in the ward, and repeatedly that he was injured because of being tortured by the police and he notes that the ward doctor did not refer him to a Judicial Medical Officer (JMO) for examinations, as it should have been done.

On 20th January, Nimal was informed that he would be discharged and was asked to go home by the doctor. However Nimal, questioned the doctor for the reason to discharge him without having administered proper treatment and complained that he I still suffering physically due to the abuse and torture. The doctor had not paid any attention to his complaints nor was he provided with any document, medical record etc., upon being discharged and Nimal had to return home still in pain and to-date suffers from the abuse.

Nimal being unable to bear his pain, he returned to the Horana Town and sought an appointment with a private medical doctor for treatment. The doctor upon examination had advised him that given his situation he cannot treat him and to please seek treatment at the Horana Base Hospital and gave him a referral letter to be admitted to the hospital again.

He took the referral letter and admitted himself again at the Horana Base Hospital where he was admitted to Ward No: 15. This time he was properly examined and received treatment for the next 4 days. While he was treated there, the JMO examined him and recorded a statement and the nature of the injuries and scars on his body. When he was discharged after 4 days he was provided with a Diagnosis Card which indicated several marks of injuries of contusions and two more injuries which were described as two fractions of his ribs.

After returning home he still suffers from pain and the injuries because of the torture at the hand s of the police officers he had to receive treatment again as the pain in his eyes, face and the legs worsened.

Nimal has since, lodged several formal complaints against this gross violations of his rights requesting for an independent and efficient and impartial inquiry with regard to his ordeal at the police and in the two government hospitals, to the Inspector General of Police (IGP), the Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission (HRC), and the Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG), in Kalutara.
However Nimal states that he did receive any justice whatsoever. He states that none of above mentioned authorities have taken any reasonable steps to provide him with any relief for all the injustices done to him and made no actions whatsoever towards the prosecution of the wrongdoers all whom acted contrary and in violation of the law of the land. Nimal seeks JUSTICE against the perpetrators and reparation for his injuries.

– Courtesy of The Asian Human Rights Commission.

Suggested Action:

Please send letters to the authorities listed below expressing your concern about this case. Request an immediate investigation into the allegations of illegal arrest, detaining and the filing of fabricated charges by the Police. Those proven to be responsible under criminal law for misusing the powers of the State should be prosecuted. All officers involved must be scrutinized by an internal investigation for breach of Police Departmental Orders. Finally, please appeal to the National Police Commissioner and the Inspector General of Police for a special investigation into the malpractice of police officers who abuse their powers.

Please visit www.humanrights.asia for a sample letter.

What is the ulterior motive behind appointing a sex maniac cum dipsomaniac who got assaulted in public as ambassador ?


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 10.June.2017, 4.45PM)   It is a well and widely known incontrovertible fact that under the last government a number of individuals without eligibility , experience and qualifications were sent irresponsibly as foreign diplomats , and one among them was Buddhi Athauda. His unsuitability and ineligibility apart , owing to his gross misconduct the entire foreign diplomatic service lost its prestige and dignity .
It is with  deep regret we reveal that  this same debauched and debased individual is going to be appointed as the Sri Lankan (SL) Ambassador to France.  We understand this is to accede to the request made by   a certain minister .
Lately , the hot topic of discussion was the issue of  ineligibility  of a dual citizen to become a SL parliamentarian. Simultaneously , on the instructions of the present minister of foreign affairs , a search has been commenced  to determine whether there are dual citizens among the foreign diplomats and officers in the foreign diplomatic missions of SL.
While this is the prevailing situation , the president himself appointing Buddhi Athauda who has American citizenship as an ambassador  would be most inconsistent and  conflicting . When the relevant minister taking a right decision  is seeking to rectify the past wrongs , it seems   the president is taking a dubious route.
Moreover , when it is a glaring fact that Buddhi Athauda is already  tainted with a number of criminal  charges , the president paying no heed to these just because to please a minister of his is to clearly demonstrate the  retrogressive politics and political backwardness . 
Based on the information available at the ministry of foreign affairs, there are  a number of accusations and charges against  Athauda of sexual harassment  testifying to his sex starved and dangerously maniacal nature.
One grave charge is , when he was a Consul in Germany , he molested  a clerk (lady) within the office premises itself. This unmarried lady at that time informed this incident in writing to the foreign minister and the secretary , but no action was taken. All what happened was , only she was given a transfer. 
Based on the revelations in her  affidavit  and what Athauda did to her , it is very evident Athauda is suffering from a serious sexual mania and is a sex pervert .On one occasion he had suddenly squeezed the ‘private area’  of a pregnant woman within the office . The lady  was so embarrassed that she fell unconscious . In addition , complaints have been received by  the foreign ministry of  the molestation he inflicted on a 65 years old woman (domestic ) who came to work at his residence.
Even his official duties he had been openly neglecting so much so that during Athauda’s period  in the consul office in Germany , that office turned into a liquor bar in the night.  His favorite hobby was dancing with  women while in a drunken state. 
Since the office driver noticed Athauda’s sexual misbehavior and was aware of his weaknesses , the driver  capitalized on it  and was keepimg  Athauda under his thumb . The driver performed his duties in a state of somnolence while using  the office vehicles, and he was even given lodging in the office itself. 
Taking advantage of the weaknesses of his superior , the driver also followed in Athauda’s  footsteps throwing parties within the precincts of the Consul office which is absolutely illegal . Moreover during the period Athauda was holding office, it was the same driver who had issued passports . He  harassed the Tamil nationals  viciously and collected illicit payments from them . Sadly , it was  beyond Athauda to stop those wrongful and unlawful activities for obvious reasons.
Even though there were opportunities to buy a vehicle in Germany out of government funds , Athauda took  a Benz vehicle on leasing terms at exorbitant rate. Yet his traveling derived no benefit for the country . Mind you it were  state funds Athauda was sending down the drain. Strangely , so far no probe has been launched into this.
 
In Netherlands too , when Athauda under the influence of liquor   tried to molest a woman  he was well and thoroughly assaulted. The foreign ministry took no action despite the fact he tarnished the country’s image. 
Disgraceful Athauda who is as cunning as he is sex starved , after his term of service  was over , while pretending he is an officer still active in the SL foreign diplomatic service , started an association in the name  of ‘ Diplomatic Association’ in Germany , and acted on behalf of the SL government unlawfully. This association is being run with the aid of a Right wing extremist political association in Germany.
 The president must therefore carefully ponder how improper and perilous it is to appoint a member of such an association as an ambassador representing the motherland  , because this country belongs not to Maithripala alone but to the people. Foreign diplomats are not personal representatives  of Sirisena  ,rather  they are representatives of the State . Whoever appointing them has an inescapable responsibility towards the people , and must realize its gravity .  
No matter what , when taking decisions in country’s best interests and its  security, one should not give primary and paramount consideration to one’s own personal agendas, whims and fancies. That is totally wrong and is to put the country at risk . One must realize stakes are greater and goals are loftier because  it is a  country and not self that is at stake.

Hence , if the president is to appoint this notorious character as an ambassador despite so many  objections and opposition from every quarter , separate  attention must be paid to ascertain  whether there is any ulterior motive  behind this based on clandestine grounds.

By a Diplomutt 

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by     (2017-06-10 11:25:05)

Some Questions about Violence and Theravada in Buddhism?

It might not be correct to make a direct link between Theravada thinking and violence in these countries. Because there are various other factors that have influenced violence in general and the monk’s involvement in violence.

by Laksiri Fernando- 
( June 11, 2017, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian) Recent attacks on Muslim mosques instigated by certain sections of Buddhist monks, as well as the post-independence orientation of the Sangha almost in general (aside admirable exceptions) against the Tamil community in Sri Lanka raises serious questions about the theory and practice of Buddhism in the country, commonly declared as Theravada Buddhism. One could surmise that such a dichotomy between the theory and practice is common to all organized religions. However, the contrast appears drastic particularly given the fundamentals of the Buddhist teachings and the practical implications that this has brought to the political surface in recent times. Most alarming is the active involvement of at least some Buddhist monks in violent politics.
Not only that the Buddha’s teachings were extremely moderate, pacifist and peaceful, but when Buddhism came to Sri Lanka in the third century BCE through the initiatives of King Dharma Asoka, the guidelines were to tolerate other religions. The four immeasurable concepts of Karuna (compassion), Metta (unconditional love), Mudita (empathy) and Upekkha (equanimity) do not appear together in any other religion in that clarity or prominence. Dharma Asoka’s advice also was to ‘respect other religions as much as you respect your own religion’ (Edict XII).
Early Religious Plurality
After the arrival of Buddhism, it spread through the length and breadth of the country as evident from pagodas, inscriptions and chronicles. However, the country preserved the plurality of religions and plurality of interpretation of Buddhism allowing different schools to survive side by side. The prominent schools or nikayas were Mahavihara, Abhayagiri and Jetavana. In this sense, Theravada led by Mahavihara was only one school, but the most prominent one.
The proper origins of Theravada could be traced to the Fourth Council held in Sri Lanka during the first century BCE. There was another Fourth Council held in Kahsmir in the First Century CE which gave birth to Mahayana tradition. It is during this time that Abahayagiri came to prominence in the country, following Mahayana convictions. That tradition was quite liberal and open to new ideas including the worship of bodhisattvas.
There is no question that Theravada school or Mahavihara contributed immensely to preserve, interpret and enhance the teachings of the Buddha for posterity. Some of the contributions came from visiting scholars like Buddhagosha in the sixth century and his compilation of Visuddhimagga is testimony to this fact. However, there was another side to its contribution. In a sense, Theravada tradition was rigid, doctrinaire and in certain respects sectarian. There was a clear attempt to portrait Sri Lanka as a sacred land (dhammadipa) and to emphasize purity and lineage both in terms of sangha and kingship. Mahavamsa, authored by one of the key monks of this tradition is an example.
The above aspects of Theravada tradition became boosted after challenges from several South Indian invasions and occupations. The other reason was the unification of the three schools or the abolition of the other two (Abhayagiri and Jetavana) and the establishment of the predominance of Mahavirhara in the twelfth century. It is this Theravada which went to Burma, Thailand and Cambodia.
Some Questions
Last year, John Clifford Holt edited a book on Sri Lanka titled ‘Buddhist Extremists and Muslim Minorities: Religious Conflict in Contemporary Sri Lanka’ contributed also by three Sri Lankan academics. Holt stated in his Introduction that “The rise of a Buddhist militancy victimizing Muslim communities strikes most Euro-American observers as surprising.” The reason he gave was while the West ‘profile Buddhists as peace loving, meditative and representing pacifism and gentility, Muslims are often branded or imagined in almost polar opposite manner.’ He also observed,
“Before addressing the situation specifically in Sri Lanka, I need to point out that Sri Lanka is not the only Theravada Buddhist dominated society where tensions and violence between Buddhists and Muslims have flared in recent years.” (p. 2)
He was particularly referring to Burma and Thailand and observed many similarities between the violent Wirathu movement in Burma and the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) in Sri Lanka.
Over two decades ago, when I was doing my doctoral studies on human rights, I selected Burma, Cambodia and Sri Lanka as case studies given the magnitude of violence and human rights violations that had occurred in these countries in contemporary times. What struct me later was that all these countries are Theravada Buddhist countries. Although violence in Cambodia was not directly related to the monks or Buddhism there, during the Khmer Rouge violence, the Cham Muslims were overwhelmingly killed. I also had occasion to visit where the Chum Muslims lived and perished. I also came across the Khmer word ‘Thimil,’ which was used to mean the enemies of Buddhism. There were all indications to believe that the word originated during the Sinhala Buddhist (Theravada) influence in Cambodia.
A Possible Link?   
It might not be correct to make a direct link between Theravada thinking and violence in these countries. Because there are various other factors that have influenced violence in general and the monk’s involvement in violence. In the case of Cambodia, the monk’s involvement in violence during 1970s or thereafter is minimal. On the other hand, they were victims. The Cambodian monks also do not generally get involved in politics. It is prohibited by vinaya and law. This is also more or less the case in Thailand. Therefore, the question is more general than specific. But in the case of Burma or Sri Lanka, the question is both general and specific.
Is there anything doctrinal within Theravada thinking/tradition which makes (at least some) monks or the general adherents intolerant of other religions and disposed towards aggression and violence? That is the question which I am posing in this article. One may dismiss or denounce the question as anti-Buddhist or Western conspiracy. In my sincere opinion, that would not render any good for Buddhism which I respect immensely or the country. According to Kalama Sutta, this kind of questioning is necessary to understand the reality. I would not say the ‘truth’ which is generally relative in my opinion.
There should be a dialogue within the Buddha Sasana and in general (if not to find the reasons or any connection) to bring the peaceful teachings of the Buddha to the forefront. The lateral way might be the best, avoiding intractable issues. That is the way to spread Buddhism to the world without confining it narrowly to one ethnicity. Likewise, there should also be moderation on the part of the other religions and communities without exacerbating the frictions. Violence does not serve any purpose, even for the perpetrators. As I have stated at the beginning, Theravada tradition itself has rendered a major service to Buddhism by preserving, interpreting and enhancing the teachings of the Buddha. If there is anything wrong in the order, the discipline (vinaya) or the way the teachings are interpreted today, those must be corrected for the general good.
A Way Out
Visuddhimagga (path of purification) of Buddhagosha might be one way out. Not only individuals, but also the whole country must be mindful (the principle of mindfulness) of ‘what is being done, not being done and how things to be done in the future.’ There is an abiding duty on the part of the Maha Sangha, the Sangha Nayakas and the Buddhist scholars to address these issues. As predominantly a Theravada country, there were periods where religious tolerance and plurality prevailed. As Robert Knox recorded (1681), the Kandyan kingdom was such a period. This was apart from the glorious Anuradhapura period which spanned over a millennium. Same was of most of the Kotte period.
With reference to the Sinhalese, after describing their way of charity, Knox said, “Nor are they charitable only to the poor of their own nation; but as I said to others”’ There were Moorish pilgrims coming from the other coast, he said. What he meant by ‘the other coast’ was India. They were Mohametans by religion, he said. “These have a temple in Candy. A certain former king gave this temple this privilege – that every freeholder should contribute a pannam to it” (p. 171 in Part III, ‘An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon in the East Indies’). Knox’s descriptions of religions in the Kandyan kingdom were about plurality.
While critically commenting on Portuguese destruction of some Buddhist shrines, he also noted that the people ‘respect Christians’ because “They love a man that makes conscience of his ways.” While making a distinction between Buddhist temples and others, he said, “But these Arms are not in the Buddou’s Temples, he being for Peace.”
‘He being for peace,’ was Knox’s understanding of the Buddha.
The purpose of the whole article is not to blame Theravada for violence, but to search for answers in curtailment of violence in the country and beyond.  As the history of many organized religions show, there were priests and monks who involved in violence at times in the name of religion. The reason might be the erroneous belief that ‘their version of the world is the absolute truth.’ The Crusaders were one such example from Christianity. There are more recent examples from the Islamic faith. However, none should be an excuse on the part of the Buddhists to indulge in violence. One may argue that Buddhism could be considered the most peaceful religion in its philosophy and teachings. There is nothing wrong if each religion considers or argues itself as the most peaceful. But that must be put into practice on everyone’s part.

Police Say Arsonist Who Torched Muslim-Owned Shops Is BBS Supporter, BBS Denies Links


The police said today that the suspect arrested in connection to several arson attacks on Muslim shops in Nugegoda and Wijerama areas is a resident of Maharagama and has been identified as a member of the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS).
Police Spokesman DIG Priyantha Jayakody said the suspect is a 32 year old man, and he is currently in detention and is being questioned. Another three suspects were arrested on several other charges including for insulting Buddha on social media, and for damaging properties in Danthure.
However, Bodu Bala Sena’s Chief Executive Dilanthe Withanage in a video message issued this evening denied his group’s involvement in any of the attacks against the Muslim community. He claimed there was a ploy to carry out such attacks and blame it on his group. “We are denying these charges, and we have always tried to amicably solve issues and have always told the youth to never take the law into their own hands,” he said.
He said that just because a person came to their meetings, that doesn’t make them responsible for that person’s actions. “If someone who attended a meeting of Ranil Wickremesinghe, Maithripala Sirisena or Mahinda Rajapaksa committed a crime that should not be blamed on them” he said.
Withanage added that today the minorities in Sri Lanka get all their demands met but it is the majority Buddhist community that has to fight for their rights.
He also said that his group had the necessary power and strength to launch terrorism and violence but they chose to find solutions through amicable means. “If BBS wanted to launch extremism, terrorism or violence, we have the necessary power and strength, but we won’t, and even Ven. Gnanasara always tries to find solution to issues through discussions,” Withanage added.
However, despite Withanage’s claim that both his BBS group and Gnanasara have always resorted to finding solutions to issues in an amicable manner, the Colombo Telegraph possess several videos where Gnanasara himself admitted that he was behind the Aluthgama riots in 2014. In another incident in May last year, when a supporter of his group was arrested by the police Gnanasara threatened to launch a blood bath from the Muslim dominated Maligawatte.

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Gnanasara and the Muslim community



by C.A.Chandraprema- 

Even though police teams are supposedly scouring the country for him, the monk Galagodaatte Gnanasara has not been arrested as this goes to press. He is supposed to appear in courts tomorrow but it seems unlikely that he will. He has evaded two court appearances already and if he was going to make an appearance tomorrow, he may not have evaded courts on the previous two occasions. Rumours are rife that Gnanasara is being protected by a prominent minister, and the name mentioned in this regard is that of Justice Minister Wijedasa Rajapakshe. The reason why speculation swirls around Rajapakshe is probably because he had facilitated meetings between the President and some radical monks including Gnanasara to sort out some issues. However, hiding fugitives and that kind of thing would be out of character for Minister Rajapakshe and it is unlikely that he would get involved in any such thing as the Minister of Justice.

The surprising thing is that nobody has yet suggested the possibility that Gnanasara could be hiding in Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s house. During the previous government, everything that Gnanasara did was ascribed to Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and that was one of the reasons why the Muslims voted en masse against the Rajapaksa government. Given the propensity of the present powers that be to blame everything on the Rajapaksas, it is surprising indeed that nobody has tried to lay the blame for Gnanasara’s latest antics on the Rajapaksas. Even though the Rajapaksas are not in power, you can always blame the supposed pro-Rajapaksa ‘deep state’ for protecting Gnanasara. Instead they seem to have fixated on a different Rajapakshe. Be that as it may, to have a proper understanding of who is actually behind the Bodu Bala Sena, you have to trace its history.

The BBS first made its appearance on the scene in 2012 with the anti-halal campaign. This a few months after several monks including Gnanasara returned from a trip to Norway where he met Erik Solheim among others. From that time onwards, every step of the way, the Jathika Hela Urumaya made common cause with everything that was done by the BBS. The street action was taken by the monks of the BBS led by Galagodaatte Gnanasara while the JHU held press conferences, defending or encouraging the action taken by the BBS. Whether it was the anti-halal campaign, the anti-cattle slaughter campaign, and even the Aluthgama riots, the JHU was behind the BBS fully. In the wake of the Aluthgama riots, Champika Ranawaka distributed aid to the Sinhala victims of the riots. What ignited the Aluthgama riots was the accusation that a Buddhist monk had been assaulted by Muslims. When President Mahinda Rajapaksa wanted to take action against the BBS, it was Ranawaka who had opposed any such move in cabinet and said that the monks should not be touched and if any monk is arrested he would bring the entire monkhood onto the streets.

The missing link

The previous government allowed themselves to be blackmailed into inaction by such threats. Gnanasara was an activist of the JHU for many years. He contested in Colombo at the 2004 parliamentary elections on the JHU ticket and lost. After 2005, he is supposed to have ‘left’ the JHU and joined the UNP and he was active for a while in the UNP bhikku front. The JHU has always held that the majority of their vote base were disillusioned UNPers and it stood to reason that they would want to have their moles in the UNP. The fact is that Gnanasara never severed his link with the JHU. For irrefutable proof of the continuing link between the JHU and the BBS, one has to read the book ‘Yuga Peraliya’ written by JHU activist Asoka Abeygunasekera. This book explains how the BBS was formed and how the JHU ‘tactically’ got Ven. Hedigalle Wimalasara to sever his links with the JHU and join the BBS just as the earlier anti-Muslim campaign kicked off. Ven Wimalasara was thus sent into the BBS as Gnanasara’s immediate handler. That was Gnanasara’s debut as a public figure and he needed to have someone guiding him.

After the Rajapaksa government was toppled, Having achieved the immediate objective, Ven Wimalasara reverted to the JHU and is now its President. When the JHU was weighing its options at the tail end of the Rajapksa government as to what course of action it should take at the presidential elections in 2014, one of the options considered was for Champika Ranawaka to contest as the Buddhist candidate. In such an eventuality, Asoka Abeygunasekera stated that Champika would have got the support of the BBS as well. This mind you was to contest against Mahinda Rajapaksa who the Muslims still think was behind the BBS. Having sent the Muslims en masse onto the other side, the BBS then contested against Mahinda Rajapaksa at the 2015 August Parliamentary elections to split the remaining Sinhala Buddhist vote. What people are seeing now is another attempt to split the Sinhala vote.

If the BBS appeared to have patronage from within the Rajapakasa government till the very end, it was because they did. It was only a few weeks before the Presidential elections that the JHU defected to the opposition. The Muslims were thrashed by the BBS to make them turn against the Rajapaksa government. Having sent the Muslim community to the other side, the main perpetrator also followed them! When the yahapalana government was formed, both the victims as well as the perpetrators were on the same side. Muslims may be asking themselves how it is that even after the defeat of the Rajapaksas who they thought was behind the BBS, that Gnansara has become active with the same impunity? The answer to that question is that the same elements that provided protection for the BBS under the Rajapaksa government, are providing protection for them under the yahapalana government as well.

The yahapalana project is unravelling and Gnanasara’s patrons have to carve out a political future for themselves. The JHU may not get anywhere next time by contesting from within the UNP. Since the JHU cannot rely on Muslims and Tamils to vote for them, they have to claw back a part of the Sinhala vote since they may have to contest separately or in alliance with the SLFP (Sirisena faction) at the next elections. Even when contesting under the UNP banner, the JHU managed to get only Champika Ranawaka elected to parliament. Athureliye Rathana thera was appointed on the UNP national list only due to the kind consideration of the UNP and not because the JHU brought a significant number of votes into the UNP. At the next parliamentary election, the JHU’s only objective would be to get Champika elected to parliament. If he contests on the UNP list next time, the chances are that he will lose because the UNP voters of the Colombo district have little or no reason to vote for him again.

Last time, Champika may have been able to get a preference vote from UNP voters because he played a leading role in the ‘game’ that ousted the Rajapaksas but the UNP voter will have no such reason to vote for him next time. On the contrary, the UNP voter in the Colombo district may have every reason to vote against Champika for the role he played in the ‘game’ to prevent President Sirisena from fulfilling his pledge to abolish the executive presidency. Furthermore, if the electoral system is changed he will have no chance at all of getting elected through the UNP. So this is a time when the JHU is looking for other options. The reactivation of the BBS to claw back a part of the Sinhala Buddhist vote is a part of this survival strategy. Quite apart from the local environment, the international situation is also propitious for an anti-Muslim campaign. Not a day goes by without some outrage being committed by Muslim extremists somewhere in the world. At times such outrages feature as the lead news story even in the local TV news bulletins. The action taken against Qatar by other Arab states has bolstered the allegation that Muslim extremists in Sri Lanka were being funded from overseas - Qatar in particular. Thus there is fertile ground for a Sinhala extremist force to carve out a niche entirely on the anti-Muslim card.

Akila’s admission of

extremist activity

Minister of Education Akila Viraj Kariyawasam making a special statement in Parliament last Wednesday, regarding his decision to remove the former Director General of Archeology from his position, made some admissions that were quite startling coming as it does from a Minister in the present government. Kariyawasam admitted that while Archeological conservation especially in the north and east had not been possible because of the war, in the years after the war, the destruction of archeological sites had worsened. He said that the main reason for the removal of the DG Archeology had been his inaction when illegal structures were put up on land coming under the purview of the Archeological authorities especially in the north and east. Kariyawasam pointedly stated that the activities a handful of ‘extremists’ had contributed to the destruction of archeological sites and he said that this was acting as an impediment to reconciliation as well.

He has thus admitted that there were extremists in the north and east who were either acquiring or putting up illegal structures on archeological sites. Since no one has heard of Hindu extremists in the north and east, these references are obviously to Muslim extremists. The last time we saw Gnanasara in action was in the east, trying to reclaim what was said to be an archaelogical site from its purported Muslim ‘owners’. So what Gnanarasa was shown saying during his most recent visit to the east has more or less been confirmed by the Minister in charge of the subject as well. There is thus fertile ground for a Sinhala force opposing Muslim extremism. The spiel of this new force will be that nobody - not Sirisena, or Ranil Wickremesinghe or Mahinda Rajapaksa or even Gotabhaya Rajapaksa will raise their voices against Muslim extremism and that it is only THEY who will take up the issue on behalf of the Sinhalese.

The BBS and indeed Gnanasara himself has been saying that if he is to be arrested for making extremist statements, Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran and Sivajilingam have to be arrested before he is taken in. He has also said that Rishard Baithiudeen who has been creating new settlements in the Wilpattu forest reserve should also be arrested. This line has resonance among the public. It is not only Gnanasara who has been heard making extremist statements. The whole nation heard Sivajilingam telling the President not to visit the North. In Tamil Nadu, the Tamil Nadu police arrests Tamil politicians for trying to commemorate Prabhakaran. But nobody gets arrested in Sri Lanka for doing so. None of this is lost on the public.

This latest round of anti-Muslim violence is destabilizing this government as it did the previous one. But the government is unstable even without Muslim-Sinhala tensions and things are now at a stage where no one is bothered about what happens to the government. It is now every conspirator for himself and may the devil take the hindmost.  The government has been saying that they will bring the BBS to book. The President has said that they will deploy army intelligence to arrest Gnanasara if the police are unable to do the job. But nothing has happened up to the time of writing. After the yahapalana government came into power, Gnanasara had to lie low for a while but he is not the type who can remain out of the limelight for long. He made a scene at the Homagama courts and had to spend time in remand which he did not relish. This sojourn in remand appears to have been outside the script and his patrons in the government were placed in an embarrassing position. They could not get Gnanasara released and apparently he had been cursing his patrons while in jail. Gnanasara obviously likes his creature comforts and jail time is not to his liking.

Now once again he is being looked for by the law and is in hiding. He started a fast at the Malwatte Viharaya but then gave it up and vanished because he thought it might be easier for the police to arrest him if he remained in the Malwatte premises. Now he is hiding obviously with the help of his patrons in the government. The Muslims who voted en bloc for Sirisena and are a significant presence in this government, will have to get Gnanasara arrested and incarcerated under the ICCPR Act if they are to have any peace. Under the ICCPR Act, creating religious and ethnic disharmony is a non-bailable offence and those arrested are kept in remand until the conclusion of the court proceedings. If they fail in that, they would have voted in their own nemesis. Whether arresting Gnanarasa will stop the present trend is another question. The poison is spreading with a momentum of its own. Even as Gnanasara remains in hiding, attacks continue to take place on Muslim owned business establishments in a far more widespread manner than anything took place under the Rajapaksa government.

Muslim leadership at the

crossroads

The arrest of one suspect in Maharagama has not stopped the spate of attacks. In 2014, the Muslim leaders knew only too well what the BBS was. All of them knew its relationship to Norway. In fact it was Azath Salley who made the most comprehensive public expose of the Western connections of BBS. Knowing only too well that the BBS was a creation of the Western powers to weaken the Rajapaksa government, they chose to put all the blame for it on the Rajapaksas saying that Gota was sponsoring the BBS. That is what they told the Muslim voting public and made them vote en mass for Sirisena. Instead of telling the Muslims that this was a classic divide and conquer tactic, the Muslim leaders chose to portray this as a creation of the Rajapaksas. They are now at a loss to explain how these attacks are taking place under a government that they had a major role in creating.

As things started going wrong and the economy deteriorated under the yahapalana regime, ordinary Muslims were heard to say that even if they don’t have food to eat, their physical security and the security of their businesses, homes and lives were assured by the yahapalana authorities, so the change of government was worth it. Today however they have neither economic prosperity nor security. While it is true that the Rajapaksa government did not take adequate action against the BBS, neither is the present government. What the Muslim community does not realize is that the very patrons who protected the BBS during the Rajapaksa government is also protecting it under the present government as well. The Colombo Telegraph posed the question "A strategy to drive the Muslims away from this Government is in full swing. Who is the architect of this strategy?" It does not take much to understand that whoever is giving succor to the BBS is within the government, not outside it.     

Islamist terrorists may have caused mayhem in many countries, but there have been no instances of Islamic terrorism in this country. Islamic terrorism is just not feasible in Sri Lanka. Given what happened to the Sinhala terrorists and Tamil terrorists, any attempt at jihadi terrorism in this country would be a joke. Some Sri Lankan Muslims may have joined ISIS, but this is a negligible minority and all that needs to be done is to prevent them from coming back into this country. Some Muslims in Sri Lanka may be preaching extremist views, but this is meant simply to please themselves. What is mainly causing tensions between the Muslims and other communities in Sri Lanka are mainly expressions of radicalism such as wearing of skull caps and burquas and beards and especially the apparent bargaining power that Muslim leaders have with the two main political parties in the country.

Muslim leaders are believed to be able to get away with anything because of this bargaining power. The prime example of this is the Wilpattu settlements being made by Rishard Baithudeen. Unlike during the Rajapaksa era, the BBS is now tapping into a pool of resentment that is much wider than it ever was, and it is being fuelled by developments in the international arena as well. So the Muslim leadership should handle this situation carefully.  In a way, this is the nemesis of ethnic and religion based politics. Gnanasara is doing on behalf of his patrons in the government only what the Muslim leaders did earlier. The difference however was that the Muslim leaders did not have to resort to violence or street action to promote tribalism among Muslims. Muslim leaders starting with Ashraff have been promoting exclusivism, talking about communal interests and teaching people to look upon other communities with mistrust. Gnanasara and his patrons are ethno-religious political entrepreneurs just like Rauff Hakeem, Rishard Baithiudeen, Azath Salley, C.V.Wigneswaran, R. Sampanthan and everyone else. Where these tendencies are going to take the country in the next few years is anybody’s guess.