Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, April 1, 2017

WE WILL SET UP OUR OWN DOMESTIC MECHANISM - FOREIGN AFFAIRS MINISTER, MANGALA SAMARAWEERA


Homeby Manjula Fernando-2 April, 2017

Rejecting allegations that the government is dancing to the tune of pro-LTTE diaspora in Geneva and making blueprints to drag the country’s war heroes before a hybrid court, Foreign Affairs Minister, Mangala Samaraweera says, on the contrary, their expectation is to put the country in order so that the domestic call for a hybrid court which led to the UN High Commissioner’s recommendation, could be put to rest within the course of the next two years.
Minister Samaraweera was exclusively interviewed by the Sunday Observer upon his return from two important visits, to Geneva and Russia.
The excerpts of the full interview:
Q. Do you believe the Government can fulfil the main pledges made at UNHRC within the extended two year period?

Musali Muslim resettlement in Sri Lanka

I think that Sri Lankan government should rethink its position on this issue and let all Musali Muslims to resettle in their villages. This should not be a communal issue and Sri Lankan government should no longer think in communal line in Sri Lanka.

by Dr SLM Rifai-
Views expressed in this article are author’s own
(April 1, 2017, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) Resettlement of Northern Muslims has been an unresolved issue since 2009. Sri Lanka managed to end the 30 years’ war and yet, resettlement war continues in Sri Lanka even today. Most of Tamil and Singhalese community who were displaced from North & East provinces have been resettled long time ago and yet, resettlement of Musali Muslim has been somewhat a controversial issue for Sri Lankan government. This government has been compelled to listen to some far right extremists Singhalese groups and president was under immense pressure to declare some traditional parts of Muslim villages belong to national Welpattu forest. President signed a Gazettes notification declaring this on 24/03/2017. I think that this is one of the darkest days in the life of these northern Muslims who have been living in this area for more than 500 years, most of them are poor farmers who work day and night to make end meets in their life. It is a responsibility of government to settle them in their own villages and yet, Sri Lankan government has been indifferent to Musali Muslim community for some reasons. Only God knows why it has been like that.
The bitter truth is, since Sri Lanka got its independence from British rule, successive Sri Lankan governments have been settling Sinhalese communities in North & Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. A large proportion of Sinhalese communities have been settled in Trincomalee, Kandalai, Amparai, Baticaloa, Vavuniya, Mannar and Mullaitivu districts with the support of successive governments. A large parts of forests have been destroyed for these settlements in the past and yet, all those who care about Wilpattu forest did not care about deforestation in these areas of Sinhalese settlements and yet, today Muslim resettlement in their own villages have created an outcry. Some far right extremist monks, media professionals, and politicians have been objecting to Muslim resettlement in their own villages. This is nothing but a clear cut institutional racism. What is the difference between LTTE who chased out innocent Muslims, and these elements of Sinhalese extremists who do the same thing as LTTE did in 1990. Only difference is LTTE is unofficial outfit and Sri Lankan government is democratically elected government.
1n 1990 Muslim communities of North forcefully chased out by LTTE and Musali Muslims were too chased out by LTTE. They have been living in different parts of Sri Lanka for more than 27 years now and today they want to go back to their own villages and yet, Sri Lankan government denies them right to live in their own villages in the pretext of forest preservation. Their homes, shops, schools and mosques have been deserted and abandoned for the last 27 years and they managed to clear up the forest and bushes with their hard works and studious labour. Today, these people are willing to go back and resettle in their villages and yet, SL government says that those places belong to national forests. What a twist of fact and what an institutional discrimination is this?
In previous government Richard Badurdeen has been the Minister for rehabilitation & resettlement for more than five years. During his tenure he made some historical mistakes. He gave preference to Tamil and Sinhalese community in resettlement process. He resettled them first in North & East and he ignored Muslim community during his tenure as a Minister for resettlement. SL government was forced and compelled to resettle Tamil community to appease international community for that reason, he was forced to speed up resettlements of Tamils. Sinhalese people too managed to get on board with Tamil in this process of resettlement and yet, Muslims were deliberately ignored and left out in this process of resettlement. Now, Muslim community of Musali pays the price for the mistake that was committed some time ago by their own Minister.
Muslim community, like any other indigenous communities, have cared for natural resources of this country and especially they have cared for the preservation of forest in Sri Lanka. They have preserved Sri Lankan forest. Indeed, Most of Muslim in North& East are farmers and they too cultivate their land and preserve the forests in their areas. Yet, who destroyed the fertile forest resource of Sri Lanka in South. Sri Lanka is blessed with natural resources. Its forests and its animal varieties are one of beautiful and riches in the world.
It was previous government that destroyed thousands of acres of fertile forest with unsustainable mega projects of Mattala airport, Hambantota hotel, sport ground and port projects. |Thousands of birds and animals may have been killed or migrated due to these projects. These projects have made more deforestation than what has been done by Musali Muslim. Muslims did not do any harm to forest at all. All what they did was they cleared the lands that have been deserted for 27 years. Please do not take me wrong. Each and every natural resources of Sri Lanka should be protected and persevered. There is no second thought about that. Sri Lanka is one of beautiful country. I fully support any legal mechanism that Sri Lankan Government takes to protect the natural resources of Sri Lanka, its historical places, its animals, its birds and its landscape, its ecology and its geography and its plantation and forest. Yet, in this particular issue I would say that Sri Lankan government should have sought the experts’ opinion to make sure that justice is done for these poor farmers of Musali.
It has been claimed that this episode of Musali problem is created by some elements in Sri Lanka. Some political elements in Sri Lanka want to revenge the former Minister for resettlement for some political reasons for that reason; this drama is created to revenge from him. I think that it would be unfair to revenge Musali Muslims because of political grudge with some politicians. Sri Lankan government should treat these innocent Muslim fairly and equally. Prof Hezbollah of Peradeniya University hails from that part of Sri Lanka. He is born and brought up in that area and he knows the entire history of Northern Muslim problems from A to Z. He has done some extensive researches on problems of Northern Muslims and indeed, he has published some books on this issue. He has carried out his research objectively without any bias. I think he is an expert on this issue. Rather than seeking experts’ view on Musali land disputes, how on earth Sri Lankan government signed this Gazette declaration without consulting experts on this issue.
I think that Sri Lankan government should rethink its position on this issue and let all Musali Muslims to resettle in their villages. This should not be a communal issue and Sri Lankan government should no longer think in communal line in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has been taking some good reconciliation measures in recent times and this should not be a big issue for any communal disharmony. Recently, Sri Lanka has appointed a national reconciliation commission to look into these types of inter-communal disputes, it would have been better for politicians to entrust such commission to look into this issue and come up with solid solutions to this problems. We no longer could afford to have any pity disputes among us as Sri Lankans. We have wasted our human natural and human recourse for more than 30 years and we have had enough of blood bath. Now is the time to take this country out of those unwanted disputes among us.

Muslim Law: The need for reform



Photography courtesy Sister-Hood

DR REEZA HAMEED on 04/01/2017

The All Ceylon Jamiyyathul Ulama (ACJU) is opposed to making any changes to the existing Muslim family law.  Mufti Rizvi, who is a member of the Saleem Marsoof Committee appointed to look into reforms to the Muslims Marriages and Divorces Act (MMDA) of 1951, has made the oracular pronouncement that the law is ‘perfect in its present state’ and required no reform. Mufti Rizvi also presides over the ACJU. Regrettably, the views expressed by the Mufti and his outfit are anachronistic and obscurantist.

Presidential politics: As Gotabhaya is studying Donald Trump, Vasudeva flies a trial balloon 


article_image
by Rajan Philips-April 1, 2017, 7:54 pm
There has been active speculation about former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa (GR) coming forward as a presidential candidate at the next presidential election, whenever that is due - 2019 or 2020, depending on whose constitutional interpretation turns out to be convenient to the incumbent president. While he has not formally announced it, Mr. Rajapaksa has given every indication that he is more than inclined to enter the fray. He is not modest about his accomplishments – in the war, which is not surprising, and in what he considers to be ‘urban development’, which is not unquestionable. He was one of the firsts in Sri Lanka to celebrate Donald Trump’s victory in the US and hold it out as an example for Sri Lankans to follow and elect non-career politicians to office. Last week, GR admitted to considering Donald Trump as his ‘model’ and that he was "looking at him and studying him."

There is also a chorus of voices egging him on to do a ‘Trump’ in Sri Lanka. The shrillest and the silliest of them has put on his shoulders the pseudo historic task of delivering Sinhalese civilization into 21st century modernity after its allegedly long interruption by South Indian (Tamil) and European (colonial) invaders. A more convoluted variation of Trump’s "Make America great again" slogan. In fairness to Mr. Rajapaksa, he harbours no such delusions, but he could become a victim of insane expectations. Organizationally, for all intent and purpose, Viyath Maga, the self-styled forum of professionals, might be becoming Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s new van - of the political kind. Socially and politically, Viyath Maga represents a constituency and compulsions among the Sinhalese that are quite different from those that inspired the yahapalanaya movement in the south and opened an inclusive passage for the Tamils and Muslims in the 2015 elections.

What might be common between the two is the frustration with the government of the day and the desire to get rid of it. But there are important differences. Those who now make up today’s Viyath Maga were direct and indirect beneficiaries of yesterday’s Rajapaksa government. Oftentimes, there were allegations that the benefits under the then government were disseminated nefariously and even unlawfully. This constituency is illustrative of the twin allegations of corruption under the Rajapaksa government: rampant, but also ‘egalitarian.’ The beneficiaries were not frustrated with ‘their’ government, but they are frustrated with the new government. They want ‘their’ government back in power. No one is better than Gotabhaya Rajapaksa to lead them back to their lost fortunes. Democracy is too cumbersome and inconvenient to making quick returns in business. What other licence would you need when you invoke the sanction of patriotism?

The yahapalanaya forces, on the other hand, were fed up with the Rajapaksa government’s corruption; its concentration and abuse of presidential power; and its coercive and authoritarian suppression of dissent and even the elimination of dissenters. Those who were in the forefront of the yahapalanaya campaign did not become material beneficiaries of the new government. They became political beneficiaries, like all Sri Lankans, insofar as the new government put an end to authoritarianism and suppression of dissent and critics. But the yahapalanaya campaigners are frustrated with the government for different reasons: its inability to do anything conclusive about the previous government’s alleged corruption and the perpetually unresolved ‘emblematic’ cases. Worse, the new government has opened its own account on corruption and the partakers include its traditional supporters as well as leftovers and crossovers from the previous government.

Unlike the Viyath Maga organizers who are over the moon with their new presidential candidate, the yahapalanaya forces are scrambling for a saviour to salvage whatever that is left of the 2015 election victories. President Sirisena is still their best hope, if not the last, provided he does not make a reverse defection to the one he executed so dramatically in November 2014. He could end up third in a presidential race if he were to run as the ‘official SLFP’ candidate. He would have his best chances only as a ‘common candidate’ of an alliance of forces similar to what propelled him to victory in 2015. What about Prime Minister Wickremesinghe?

There must be serious disappointment even among Ranil Wickremesinghe’s staunchest supporters about their leader’s inexplicably fatal mistakes. The most grievous of them all has been his handling of the Central Bank from Day One. There is no point in regurgitating what everyone knows and what everyone has said on the Central Bank and its goddamned bonds. But the question that will be endlessly speculated upon and might never be answered is: why? Why do this after making the supreme sacrifice of foregoing one’s party’s candidacy twice in five years? The more consequential question is what is Ranil Wickremesinghe going to do now? What will the UNP do with or without him? What is funny, perhaps not funny, is that Sri Lankans can change their president despite the constitution that the UNP gave them, but nobody can displace Ranil Wickremesinghe as leader of the UNP. Will he make a graceful exit before it is too late? Politics will be a boring business without speculation.

Vasudeva’s trial balloon

Enter Vasudeva Nanayakkara. In his heyday, the old LSSPer was famous for his film star looks, political theatre and sincere camaraderie. It is gratifying to see that the Left’s penchant for viewing politics as a manifestation of the pulls and pushes of class and social forces has in turn left a mark on his thinking. Philip Gunawardena, it used to be said, could "smell the mass mood months ahead." We do not know what mood Vasudeva Nanayakkara is smelling; but he has let fly a trial balloon proposing a realignment of political forces. That he has let loose a cat among political pigeons may turn out to be more accurate, figuratively speaking. He has called for protecting the presidency of Maithripala Sirisena by the Joint Opposition, progressive SLFPers in government and, lo and behold, anti-Ranil forces in the UNP.

To turn to a third metaphor, Vasudeva Nanayakkara (VN) is trying to hit two birds with one stone: Ranil Wickremesinghe, whom he politically despises (please ignore the echo of the p-word); and Gotabhaya Rajapaksa because VN doesn’t think highly of anyone else other than Mahinda Rajapaksa in the Rajapaksa family entourage. It was one thing to defend Mahinda Rajapaksa as a necessary tool of history, but supporting Gotabhaya Rajapaksa would tantamount to leaping into the dark world of authoritarian politics. VN was also photographed on the front row of the recent Viyath Maga presentations in Colombo. But he may not have felt quite at home there. After all, he had spent the formative years of his political life sitting among giants of a superior kind. I should not get ahead of myself and say that Vasudeva Nanayakkara is starting a new political line as I am describing it here. What is important is that the idea of a new alignment of forces that VN has suggested may take a life of its own, regardless of what VN’s subjective intentions are and what he may or may not do in future. In fact, it already has.

The same commentator who habitually swings from one extreme pole to another, and who has both condemned Gotabhaya Rajapaksa as the most dangerous ‘securitocrat’ in the Mahinda Rajapaksa government and now sees him as the new messiah, has taken to Vasudeva’s idea, calling it Plan A, or Plan B, or whatever, and identifying potential new leaders in the UNP. More significantly, Basil Rajapaksa has shot down the prospect of the Joint Opposition (JO) protecting the Sirisena presidency, or supporting a future Sirisena candidacy. Now Basil Rajapaksa does not speak anymore authoritatively for the JO than Vasudeva Nanayakkara. That’s the whole point: political forces are in a flux and the presidential-cum-proportional representation system has eroded party boundaries and discipline and individuals and group and move from pole to another far more freely than at any time before.

There is another interesting dimension. Basil Rajapaksa has been closer to Ranil Wickremesinghe than he has ever been to Maithripala Sirisena. Adding intrigue to political speculation is another related news report yesterday – that Prime Minister Wickremesinghe has given orders that the Joint Opposition be provided with all necessary state facilities for its upcoming May Day rally at the Galle Face Green. On the face of it, it is a positively democratic government gesture to the opposition. But the cynics would also see it as a provocative shot at the Sirisena faction of the SLFP especially given its shivers about coming up a distant third once again in May Day crowd comparisons. What profound political criteria that preoccupy our political masters!

Mr. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa may read all he wants about Donald Trump. But he would do well to focus on how Trump won the election rather than try to learn from him as how to run a government. America is a big country and it can easily survive the Trump presidency, but a similar offering for a small country like Sri Lanka will be truly disastrous. I for one would like to think that deliberately or otherwise, Vasudeva Nanayakkara has thrown open the discussion for considering a range of alternative possibilities of political alignments. This may not be to the liking of Viyath Maga organizers. But the yahapalanaya forces have more than one option.

Judge Lochana by granting bail illegally to suspects in Noyahr’s case condemned by legal fraternity


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News -01.April.2017, 11.30PM) The release of the army criminals on bail in connection with the abduction and torture of Nation newspaper editor Keith Noyahr by Ms. Lochana Pradeepa Abeywickrema  the additional magistrate , Mt. Lavinia on the 30 th of April was roundly condemned and frowned upon by the legal fraternity as absolutely illegal because  she has thereby shamelessly acted in excess of her powers as a magistrate . Indeed the legal fraternity is rudely shocked over her deplorable unlawful  decision despite being a judge .
The 6 suspects including major Prabath Seevali Bandaranaike Dissanayake were charged under the Cruel torture Act and the firearms Act  by the CID. Hence the  magistrate court has no powers whatsoever to grant bail to those suspects indicted  under those Acts .
It is therefore the view of the legal fraternity that magistrate Lochana by releasing the criminals on bail who have committed heinous crimes has demonstrated to the world most disgracefully that the courts in Sri Lanka are incapable of meting out justice duly. In addition, she has immensely contributed to the promotion of the ‘Hybrid court’ concept proposed internationally , the legal fraternity said with concern. 
In order to curb and control this portentous and ominous trend as well as to safeguard the judicial Institutions and the  image of the judiciary of the country  which are  being soiled irretrievably  by judges like Lochana  , the Attorney General (AG) must intervene and introduce another revised   charge sheet to the higher court countering such unlawful actions ,the legal fraternity opines. 
Though Lochana released these criminals ,her unlawful action did not reap dividends because the Gampaha additional magistrate Lalith Kannangara re remanded these criminals until the 7 th when  the case in which these  same suspects who are indicted on charges  of assaulting the former editor of Rivira newspaper , Upali Tennekoon was taken up on the 31 st of March. 

Who is this Lochana ?

Who is this Lochana Pradeepa Abyewickrema delivering rudely shocking  unlawful judgments as though to deliberately tarnish the image of the entire sacrosanct  judiciary ?
Following the probe conducted by LeN  courts inside information division ,  it has come to light she was a so-so absorbed into the magistrate rank  sans any eligibility requirement fulfillment by notorious corrupt Chandra Jayatileke who was the secretary of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) during the period when  most infamous Sarath Nanda Silva who earned the rare fame as the worst chief justice the world had ever known was the  chief justice . 
We are in possession of evidence that bears testimony that , at the time she was appointed  she did not have the necessary qualifications. The only area  in which she was best skilled  was ‘raising’ at the right time to suit the wrong individuals , Sarath N. Silva and Chandra Jayatileke . After taking over duties , in keeping with her favorite pastime she served as a mistress of notorious  corrupt judge Aravinda Perera.  Therefore , Lochana who is full time occupied with  ‘raising’ and ‘peddling’ activities on the sly , has only  proved beyond any doubt she has no capacity or  time to think legally or act legally even in the pursuit of her judicial duties, our court inside information division reports with regret.
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by     (2017-04-02 00:12:53)

Will Keith Noyarh harbour Lasantha killers?

Will Keith Noyarh harbour Lasantha killers?

Apr 01, 2017

When the case pertaining to the abduction and assault of ‘The Nation’ former editor Keith Noyarh was taken up on the 30th, the court ordered the dissolution of an identification parade and gave bail to the suspects, as Noyarh was not present for the identification parade.

Mt. Lavinia additional magistrate Lochana Abeywickrema dissolved the identification parade as Noyarh continued to disregard notice to be present at the court. Presently living in Australia, he has been informed through diplomatic channels to attend the identification parade, but due to whatever reasons, he has not made an appearance and that will be advantageous only to the barbaric Rajapaksa gang. There lies the question.
 
Evidence found during the investigation into the Noyarh case are also crucial in the investigation into the murder of ‘The Sunday Leader’ editor Lasantha Wickrematunge too, because information has come to light about the existence of a killer group during the Rajapaksa terror regime, to hunt down journalists. The CID has seized the van that was used for Noyarh’s abduction. There is suspicion that that very same vehicle had been used in the Wickremetunge murder too. As the legal process is taking its course, Noyarh fails to appear before courts and that will also pave the way for Wickremetunge’s killers to escape.
 
If the complainant is not interested about the case, the accused will most likely be acquitted at the next hearing. Then, they can seek redress at court over having been accused falsely. All these will happen despite Noyarh had actually been abducted and assaulted. Only the swollen face of Noyarh after his hospitalization following the attack remains visible to the world, and this will mean he himself will release his attackers. Almost a three-third of the suspects in the Wickrematunge murder have been arrested. What is needed now is to get them to reveal the identity of their boss, to find out the Rajapaksa who had given the order to former state intelligence chief Hendavitharana. Due to whatever reason, Noyarh is trying to prevent that from happening. In comparison, ‘Rivira’ former editor Upali Tennakoon needs to be respected. He came all the way from the US, together with his wife, and gave evidence in the case by him. But, Noyarh is not coming forward to see that his attackers are punished.
 
During the Rajapaksa regime, what had happened was making evidence to disappear for the sake of lawlessness. Now, it is two years since that had ended. By what name a journalist should be called if he is not coming forward to identify the ‘war heroes’ who had assaulted him, and that matter is crucial in the Wickrematunge murder case too. Please do not call him Keith Noyarh Rajapaksa!!

‘Whodunnit’ high noon duel between Gota and Fonseka


The Sunday Times Sri LankaSunday, April 02, 2017

Field Marshall Sarath Fonseka fired the first shot. When CID detectives, probing the daylight killing of former editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, came to question him in January and obtain his testimony, he laid the blame squarely at the doorstep of former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa.  He claimed that a ‘death squad’ run by military intelligence but who took their orders from Gotabaya was responsible.
Last Monday, the CID presented his explosive testimony in a Mount Lavinia court room and stated that their investigations, solely on the strength of Field Marshall Fonseka’s testimonial to them, had been carried out  by a special group, operating under military intelligence and that the same group had been responsible for the attacks on journalists, Keith Noyah and Upali Tennekoon and abducting several other media persons.
FONSEKA: Former Army Commander
The revelation in open court implicating Gotabaya Rajapaksa by claiming  he directed a top secret death squad that targeted journalists and dissidents was picked by the international TV news channel the Qatar-based Al Jazeera and the French news agency AFP and presented to the world as another instance of the Rajapaksa regime’s ruthless crackdown on the media.
The flare up occurred when Al Jazeera and AFP reported that the CID’s report was read in open court which alleged that “Testimony from the former army commander Sarath Fonseka shows that there was a special secret unit outside his authority and controlled by Gotabaya Rajapaksa through the then-chief of national intelligence and that unit was operated outside the army command structure and was used to target journalists and other dissidents.”
But an allegation in court remains an allegation if not backed by solid evidence acceptable by a judge and jury as beyond reasonable doubt. But though Fonseka’s bullet didn’t quite hit the bull’s eye in the archer’s target, it did, however, narrowly hit a line cutter and scored a few points and drew enough blood to hit international news stands.
But now that the first salvo had been fired by the then Commander of the Lankan Army, General Fonseka, the then Defence Secretary assumed his legal right to defend his patch and shoot back from the hip and claim that if such a shotgun unit existed in the armed forces, the then Army Commander Fonseka would have known of its existence; and to charge that it would have been a dereliction of duty on his part as commander to have been ignorant of it. In other words, he shot back the missile to Fonseka’s arena.
On Monday, Rajapaksa denied Fonseka’s allegations carried in news reports published by Al Jazeera and AFP that he operated a death squad with the intention of silencing his critics. Sending a letter through his lawyer to Al Jazeera and AFP news, he said that the news was a blatant ‘lie’ because the Police Report did not refer to him per se and that, in any event,  no report whatsoever was read out in court implicating him as mentioned in the news item.
GOTABAYA: Former Defence Secretary
His lawyer’s letter stated: “It was not possible to operate any Army unit and/or deployment without the sanction and/or approval of the Army Commander. In any event, my client, during the said time period was a civilian and had no direct links to operate any military or other deployment. Therefore, I’m instructed by my client to write to you demanding an immediate correction of the distorted and false publication carried out by you,”
Gotabaya was to pull the trigger again in this high noon duel between him and Sarath Fonseka but this time it was more in self-defence than a direct blast at his friend turned foe. He told the Colombo-based foreign journalists group on Wednesday that with regard to “top-secret death squads” during the Rajapaksa regime, there were no such units and claimed that “a lot of things happened without my knowledge” and that he was working more at “policy and strategy-level and not on things at the tactical-level”.
The investigation into the murder of former Sunday Leader Editor which occurred on January 8th 2009 has still not resulted in the killers being brought to justice – as has been in the case of Lankan rugby player  Thajudeen who met his death in a mystery car crash on May 17th 2012. Investigations into their deaths had remained in limbo until the coming of Sirisena to power in January, 2015 when the probes were resurrected as were their bodies raised from their early graves to shed more light on their murderers.
In the case of Sunday Leader Editor Wickrematunge’s killing consider the following log:
  • On January 8, 2009, Lasantha Wickrematunge was murdered in broad day light at Attidiya, Dehiwela.
  • Nine days after on January 17, 2009 The Sunday Leader reported that the initial post-mortem examination, carried out at the Colombo South Hospital in Kalubowila, is inconclusive with regard to the cause of death. The report claimed that medical teams have expressed mismatching views with regard to the murder weapon.
  • On February 26, 2010, two suspects, P. Jesudasan and Kandegedara Piyawansa, were arrested by the Terrorism Investigation Department over the murder and alleged terrorist activities. A bystander who had stolen Wickrematunge’s phone from the crime scene is also arrested. He is detained for six months and then released. Later on, seventeen other army officers are arrested with regard to the murder. However, each suspect was released over the course of three years.
  • On October 13, 2011 the suspect P. Jesudasan is found dead of a suspected heart attack in prison.
  • On September 6, 2013* the second suspect Kandegedara Piyawansa was released on bail after making a statement to the courts. He was released due to lack of evidence.
  • On February 17, 2016 the CID released composite sketches of two suspects who are believed to have carried out the murder.
  • On July 15, 2016 the CID arrested an officer of the Directorate of Military Intelligence in connection with the murder. The suspect was charged with abduction of an eye witness, assault, conspiracy, and making death threats.
  • On July 27, 2016 at an identification parade, Wickrematunge’s driver identified the arrested DMI officer as one of the suspects present at the crime scene.
  • On August 8, 2016 the Mt. Lavinia Magistrate’s Court granted approval to exhume the remains of slain journalist Wickrematunge.
  • On September 27, 2016 the CID exhumed Wickrematunge’s remains for a new autopsy. The remains were handed over to the Colombo Judicial Medical Officer.
  • On October 14th 2016, an ex-Army intelligence officer who hanged himself at his home in Kegalle with a nylon rope, leaving  a suicide note saying that he was responsible for the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge and requesting that his friend, a suspect in the Wickrematunge murder, Udalagama should be released.
  • On March 20th last week the CID claims in court that on the basis of their investigations and the testimony of former army chief Fonseka that a death squad run by military intelligence had carried out the execution; and that a group of medical experts who examined the Wickrematunge’s exhumed remains had concluded that he was killed with a sharp weapon.
Wickrematunge’s death was a tragedy, both on a personal note to his family and to the nation as a whole to have witnessed a voice of free speech silenced in cold blood. But due to a shabby investigation that has tottered for the last eight years on political crutches and marks its every twisted hobble with some announcement of some breakthrough in the probe mainly designed for public consumption which serves only to justify its procrastination in reaching its ultimate destination, the shocking killing of an  editor eight years ago has put both the former army commander and the former defence secretary in the dock of international opinion and transformed the incident  from a mere tragedy to a calamity.
Both men can justly say they won the war.  In their own way: with Gotabaya Rajapaksa, as Defence Secretary, providing the logistics, ‘policy and strategy’ and Sarath Fonseka, as Army Chief, planning and executing battle tactics and directing the troops. It’s a tragedy indeed that the glorious victory won by these two war heroes should now be traduced in the dust by a bullet-for-bullet  battle to shoot down the canard of the existence of a ‘death squad’ by a shadowy military intelligence unit. But if they were unaware, as Gotabaya told the Colombo based Foreign Correspondents on Wednesday, that “a lot of things happened without my knowledge” and Fonseka issuing an affidavit to the contrary, the question must inevitably arise in the public mind, ‘Who Dun It, then?’
Thus the sooner the CID completes its investigation and brings the real culprits to book the better it will be. Especially since President Sirisena also decided to step into the ongoing battle between these two war heroes.
This Wednesday, speaking  at the opening of the newly constructed three-storied building at the Defence Services School in Kurunegala, the President, perhaps  in reference to the ongoing battle of allegations between these two knights who once occupied the top most floor of the war edifice, said that though he would always take the fullest responsibility on behalf of any problem faced by the officers, staff members and war heroes who fought against the LTTE, he was “unable to protect those who are found guilty of acts that are not connected to the national security and those who are guilty of killing media persons or sportsmen.”
One day, perhaps, in the not too distant future, if the CID pursues or is allowed to pursue its investigation to its logical conclusion, the truth will be out? And if it happens while Sirisena remains in office, the people responsible for the dastardly attacks will be unable to find shelter in a presidential cove of protection to guard them from the winds of justice, war heroes or not.

IMF trying to ‘foist’ Ghana’s tax laws on Sri Lanka?

Business groups convey concerns to PM & FM

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ANNUAL TAX RATES-Ghana Revenue Authority
Chargeable Income (GH¢)Rate (%)Tax (GH¢)Cumulative Chargeable Income (GH¢)Cumulative Tax (GH¢)
First 2,592
FreeNIL2,592.00NIL
Next 1,296564.803,888.0064.80
Next 1,81210181.205,700.00260.00
Next 33,18017.55,806.5038,880.006,052.50
Exceeding 38,88025
Exceeding 38,880 – 25%
MONTHLY TAX RATESGhana Revenue Authority
Chargeable Income (GH¢)Rate (%)Tax (GH¢)Cumulative Chargeable Income (GH¢)Cumulative Tax (GH¢)
First 216NILNIL216NIL
Next 10855.403245.40
Next 1511015.1047520.50
Next 2,76517.5483.883240504.38
Exceeding 3,24025
Exceeding 3,240 – 25%
imf-buildingby Suresh Perera-April 1, 2017, 7:41 pm

The proposed new Inland Revenue Act has run into stiff opposition from key industry players, who described the controversial move to replace the existing law, as a "retrograde step that’s bound to create confusion and impinge on the overall revenue collection mechanism".

Asserting that the proposed law departs from the very foundation and fabric of the existing Act, financial sector experts warned that if the new proposals are adopted and implemented in their current form, hardly any judicial precedence, interpretations, practices and principles could be applied in the imposition, payment and recovery of income tax in Sri Lanka.

Apart from the phraseology used, which has no relation to the present Act, the new law attempts to fundamentally change the sources of income, method of calculating the taxable income, claiming deductions, assessment procedure and the administrative provisions, they pointed out.

"The biggest disaster is that the envisaged Inland Revenue Act was inspired by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in a bid to generate more tax revenue but, instead of drafting a law to suit the country’s needs and demands, what this international lending agency did was to impose word by word the tax law of Ghana on Sri Lanka", the experts noted.

"The IMF didn’t do anything extraordinary for Sri Lanka.It was a case of merely foisting Ghana’s tax law on us", they said.

The IMF was good at imposing tax laws on dictatorships in countries such as Congo, Ghana, Libya and Myanmar, which had no history of laws. But, there was no fundamental basis to introduce a new tax regime without any knowledge of Sri Lankan businesses and the fundamentals of taxation, which have existed in the country for over 75 years, they said.

"The IMF will not be here everyday; they will slap it on us and go away".

"If the objective was to modernize the law, the government should have drawn examples from developed systems such as in Singapore or Malaysia for adoption. The objective of falling back on a country like Ghana to enact legislation on taxation was necessarily flawed; the whole approach to this process was flawed", they observed.

Any new tax law takes at least 10 years to settle down. Under these circumstances, who will take care of the loss of revenue? Moreover, there is no guarantee that the proposed Act will increase revenue. People will interpret it the way they want as nobody will know the correct definition of the new law, industry officials said.

"What happened was that the government discussed with the IMF the financial crisis facing the country and the relief package to stave off the balance of payment crisis. At that point, the IMF had observed that the tax law in Sri Lanka is too complicated and insisted on strengthening revenue collection. It would have been acceptable if this process was accomplished through more computerization, better HR resources, IT and software", the experts explained.

The government, instead of saying the situation could be rectified by asking the Inland Revenue Department to draft a new tax law, had wanted the IMF to shoulder this task. It was entirely the government’s fault, they said.

"It will be a big achievement for IMF’s CV to say they drafted the tax law of Sri Lanka. For that matter, even an individual credited with drafting our tax law can secure a top job in the US, they added.

Any tax law in the world is complicated. There are no uncomplicated tax laws as taxation itself is inherently complicated, and it’s not everybody who can understand it. What was the fundamental concept and principle behind the attempt to replace the present Inland Revenue Act and change the status quo in a sphere that generates enormous tax revenue for the government?, they queried.

The fundamental question that arises in this backdrop is: who wanted these drastic changes through a new tax law? Was a new Act being envisaged because revenue collection is poor or the existing law has drawbacks due to bad drafting that people cannot understand it? If mistakes exist, the relevant provisions can be redrafted and there is no reason to kick out the whole Act, they explained.

The Sunday Island understands that representatives of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Sri Lanka, Ceylon Chamber of Commerce and industry practitioners had raised their concerns with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake at a recent meeting.

"The premier understood our position that there was no requirement for a new Act, but it was too late as the IMF had warned that the reversal of the process would mean there will no tranche forthcoming. As there was no choice, the IMF was asked to go ahead, the experts asserted.

"On examining the draft law, we wanted certain amendments incorporated, and it was with great difficulty that we managed to get something in, not everything. However, the proposed Act is still fundamentally flawed",

Financial sector experts who have evaluated the Inland Revenue draft law believe that the proposed Act does not add any new sources of revenue and instead of plugging the existing loopholes would add new ones due to the brevity of the drafting. The existing knowledge of Inland Revenue officers will be obliterated overnight and they will need at least four to five years to study and understand the new law.

"The wealth of knowledge acquired over the past few decades by the Inland Revenue Department, judicial system, practitioners, students and tax payers will be lost overnight", they cautioned.

The proposed Act is also not consistent with the existing law and until the transitional period ends, two regimes of law will continue. For example, taxation of finance leasing will change dramatically and until existing leasing agreements expire, two regimes will continue creating confusion and making administration more difficult, they pointed out.

The experts were of the view that the current law has more depth, better drafting and most parts of it are consistent with international best practices. The proposed Act also gives undue emphasis to less important sections, which have little relevance to the economy and ignores the more important sections on imposition and recovery.

If revenue collection falls below expectations, the main reason for loss of potential revenue is poor administration and collection effort and government policy on continued tax incentives. Introducing a new Act will not increase revenue collection, but instead reduce it due to lack of understanding of the law amongst tax payers as well as revenue officers at least in the short to medium term, they elaborated.

Recommending the rationalizing of tax incentives over a period of time to enhance the tax net, the experts called for the consolidation of the IR Act of 2006 and subsequent legislation enacted each year into one Act and remove repugnant sections, change the language, if certain sections are unclear or in doubt and introduce some sections drafted in the new Act especially on transfer pricing, international tax and advance rulings into the existing law without changing its fundamental structure.

If the government’s concern is to enhance tax collection, what needs to be done is to plug the loopholes in the law that leads to tax avoidance or evasion and make the IR department a more efficient and vibrant tax collection body. The solution is not to abolish the existing Act which was in force for over a century and replace it with a new law unknown to the IR department and the public, which, in any case, will not guarantee a higher collection of tax revenue, the experts noted.

Commissioner-General of Inland Revenue, Mrs. Kalyani Dahanayake, said that the proposed Act drafted by the IMF was referred to her department for observations.

There are some good aspects in the proposed law, she emphasized. "In fact, they agreed with us to a certain extent on the proposals we made".

On the proposed adoption of the new law, she said it was the wish of the government that the Inland Revenue Act be replaced in keeping with international best practices.

With some amendments proposed by the Inland Revenue Department, professional bodies and industry practitioners, the draft law has now reverted to the Legal Draftsman for incorporation, The Sunday Island learns.

The Politics Of Tobacco Control Policy-Making In Sri Lanka


Colombo Telegraph
By Nimesh Samarasinghe –April 1, 2017
Dr. Nimesh Samarasinghe
The harms associated with tobacco use are well documented in the scientific literature and articles published in national newspapers. However, less information is available on the politics inherent in tobacco control policy-making and the factors that explain tobacco control policy outcomes. This article will concentrate on this information gap, focusing on the key stakeholders, ideologies, power and politics inherent in tobacco control policy-making in Sri Lanka. I am applying a policy science approach that encourages diversity of perspectives to understand tobacco control policies situated in the history as opposed to content analysis of the prevailing national tobacco control policy. Therefore, I will endeavour to answer questions such as; who are the tobacco control policy actors?, who has been influential (or not)?, what are some of the beliefs and ideologies of tobacco control policy actors?, have there been any consensus and contradictions inherent in tobacco control policy-making?
External influences
Paying close attention to the external environment and how external factors influence the national stance taken on tobacco control is an important area often ignored in tobacco control policy analysis. Two main external influences on tobacco control include transnational tobacco companies (TTC) and external health experts, often led by the World Health Organisation (WHO). While the former is more concerned about increasing profits, the latter focuses on tobacco control strategies, primarily aiming to reduce the harm caused by tobacco use.
Sri Lanka signed and ratified the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) in 2003. Countries signatory to the FCTC are expected to give priority towards protecting public health and address the demand and supply of tobacco through a multitude of strategies. The six key components of the WHO tobacco control framework, which is popularly known as the MPOWER package include; monitoring tobacco use and prevention policies, protecting people from tobacco smoke, offering help to quit tobacco use, warning about the dangers of tobacco use, enforcing bans on tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship, and raising taxes on tobacco.
Although a signatory to the FCTC, Sri Lankan action to implement the FCTC convention generally has been slow in some areas and swifter in others. Legislative changes to give effect to the WHO FCTC have been realised faster when national legislation was passed in 2006. This includes measures relating to restrictions on smoking in public places; packaging and labelling requirements; tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship; establishment of the National Authority on Tobacco and Alcohol (NATA); and offences and penalties.  Although national dissent against tobacco use had existed prior to signing the FCTC and is described further in this article, it was the WHO which influenced the passing of national legislation against tobacco and the establishment of (NATA).
Despite this, implementation of the legislation concerning tobacco control was slow to begin with e.g. introduction of pictorial health warnings (PHW) on the packaging of tobacco products and increase in tobacco taxes as per WHO standards. According to research conducted in low and middle income countries, tobacco control policy implementation lag is attributed to the influence of powerful transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) lobbying politicians and misguiding them with information and presenting or funding research that is tainted with the economic benefits of the tobacco industry and the contribution it makes to the economy through taxes and the livelihoods created. These take place in the context of other external economic development agencies such as the World Bank arguing for spatial restrictions to reduce opportunities to smoke and advocating on raising taxes on tobacco as a means to reduce the consumption. Such strategies are particularly aimed at young smokers who are especially price sensitive. Across all smokers in low and middle income countries, the World Bank estimates that a 10% rise in price will cause an 8% decrease in demand. Additionally, the IMF also recommends increasing taxation of tobacco as part of their economic stabilisation programmes. These are external drivers and it is noteworthy that Sri Lankan policy-makers do not act in isolation- they are influenced by a number of external pressures.