Access to nature reduces depression and obesity, finds European study

Trees and green spaces are unrecognised healers offering benefits from increases in mental wellbeing to allergy reductions, says report

Hardcastle Crags, West Yorkshire. The study cites research that 26% of England’s black and minority ethnic populations visit natural environments less than three times a year. Photograph: Rebecca Cole/Alamy

Arthur Neslen-Tuesday 21 March 2017

People living close to trees and green spaces are less likely to be obese, inactive, or dependent on anti-depressants, according to a new report.

Middle-aged Scottish men with homes in deprived but verdant areas were found to have a death rate 16% lower than their more urban counterparts. Pregnant women also received a health boost from a greener environment, recording lower blood pressures and giving birth to larger babies, research in Bradford found.

Overall, nature is an under-recognised healer, the paper says, offering multiple health benefits from allergy reductions to increases in self-esteem and mental wellbeing.

A study team of 11 researchers at the Institute for European environmental policy (IEEP) spent a year reviewing more than 200 academic studies for the report, which is the most wide-ranging probe yet into the dynamics of health, nature and wellbeing.

The project first appeared as an unpublicised 280-page European commission literature review last autumn, before being augmented for Friends of the Earth Europe with analysis of the links between nature-related health outcomes and deprivation.

“The evidence is strong and growing that people and communities can only thrive when they have access to nature,” said Robbie Blake, a nature campaigner for Friends of the Earth Europe, which commissioned the analysis.

“We all need nature in our lives, it gives us freedom and helps us live healthily; yet deprived communities are routinely cut off from nature in their surroundings and it is suffocating for their well-being.”

The report makes use of several studies that depict access to nature as being inextricably linked to wealth inequality, because deprived communities typically have fewer natural environments within easy reach.

The study cites research that 26% of England’s black and minority ethnic populations visit natural environments less than three times a year, compared with 15% of the rest of the population.

Patrick ten Brink, the IEEP’s director, praised cities such as Oslo and Victoria-Gasteiz for taking steps to make nature accessible to all.

“We should be inspired by this and work together so that all Europeans have nature within 300 metres of their homes in the next 10 years,” he said.

Previous US research has found that that hospital patients with tree views from their windows were discharged a day earlier than those whose rooms faced walls.

An extra 10 trees on a Toronto city block provided health benefits to residents equivalent to a $10,000 increase in annual income, or being seven years younger, another study in 2015 found.

The opportunity in Geneva for a fresh start

By Jehan Perera-March 20, 2017, 12:00 pm 

The draft resolution on Sri Lanka that is currently before the UN Human Rights Council gives Sri Lanka the additional two years that the government sought to deliver on commitments made 18 months ago. The extended time frame to be granted to Sri Lanka reflects the confidence that the international community reposes in the good faith of the government headed by President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. It also reflects the absence of other viable options with regard to hastening the transitional justice process in Sri Lanka. Transitional justice as mandated by the UN system consists of truth seeking, accountability through courts of law, reparations and institutional reforms to ensure that there will not be recurrence of human rights violations.

By giving Sri Lanka the two years that the government asked for, the international community has recognized that it is only the Sri Lankan government that can deliver on all of these, and not the international community which can at best play a supportive role.The United States has said it is pleased that Sri Lanka had agreed once again to co-sponsor the resolution, and invited like-minded UN members to demonstrate support for reconciliation and peace in Sri Lanka by adding their names to the list of cosponsors. In a statement, the US applauded the government for its continuing efforts to promote reconciliation.

Although the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in his report to the UNHRC has called for the establishment of hybrid courts, this is not necessarily the view of the UNHRC which passed the resolution of October 2015 and is proposing to give Sri Lanka two more years to fulfil its commitments made in terms of that resolution which Sri Lanka also co-sponsored. This gives the opportunity for a process of give and take. The international community could give due consideration to the government’s concerns about the hybrid court. Indeed, some of them have said that it is up to the government to interpret what participation means.

It would be unfortunate if the UNHRC resolution of October 2015 is not amended to take into consideration the realities on the ground. The international community could require that the Sri Lankan government should agree to a time bound process of implementation with deadlines for specific commitments. The continued suffering of those who were victims of the war who have not yet been benefited by the proper implementation of the UNHRC resolution is not acceptable. The victims of the war continue to live in difficult circumstances and often out of the mainstream of life, struggling to survive without viable livelihood opportunities while being burdened by uncertainty about the fate of their missing family members. The importance of having a time frame for the delivery of transitional justice targets to which the government has committed itself comes from this reality.

STRONG OPPOSITION

However, the problem for the government with delivering on its commitments in a timely manner is the strong internal opposition it is facing. One source of internal opposition is from the defence establishment which fears that any accountability mechanism will target them. This concern is even more so with regard to a hybrid mechanism which will have foreigners in it. The other source of internal opposition is from the political opposition. They are using the call of the UN and other international actors for hybrid courts to generate nationalistic concerns amongst the general population. They are strident in alleging that the hybrid courts will be biased against the military and those who won the war, and that it will debilitate the sovereignty of the country. The government needs to counter these negative messages by having more positive messages of its own, but has yet to visibly improve its communications strategy.

The basic challenge for Sri Lanka today in regard to dealing with issues of the past is for the government to break free of the shackles being imposed on it by those who oppose the reconciliation process. In a post war setting, such as Sri Lanka’s, those who have fought and won the war and continue to be in positions of authority will very likely be held in high esteem by much of the population. Ensuring accountability for war crimes that might also have been committed will be a major political problem. In Sri Lanka, it is a problem with the potential to even unseat the government if not properly handled. But it is also a problem that needs to be fixed in order to break the cycle of impunity.

The major weapon the opponents of reconciliation have is to bring up the issue of foreign judges and hybrid courts and generate opposition to them amongst the defence establishment and sections of the political elites. They see the transitional justice mechanisms such as the Office of Missing Persons and Truth seeking Commission as laying the foundations for their indictment before hybrid courts. It is a travesty that the Office of Missing Persons (OMP) which was passed into law by Parliament in August of last year still continues to be only on paper. It has not yet been gazetted and so the OMP has not been put into action even though tens of thousands of people continue to be with their lives on hold, waiting for any news about their missing family members.

UNBLOCKING SYSTEM

The draft resolution as currently constituted, which has been presented by the UN Human Rights Council at its ongoing sessions, consists of a rollover, which extends the life of the previous resolution of October 2015 by a further two years. It has been reported that the government sought to also obtain a change in the resolution to reflect its position regarding the issue of international participation in the judicial accountability mechanism. Both President Sirisena and latterly Prime Minister Wickemesinghe have publicly stated that there will be no role for foreign judges as decision makers in hybrid special courts which have foreign and local judges sitting in judgment together. The resolution of October 2015 affirmed "the importance of participation in a Sri Lankan judicial mechanism, including the Special Counsel’s office, of Commonwealth and other foreign judges, defense lawyers, and authorized prosecutors and investigators."

On the other hand, the report of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, ZeidRa'ad Al Hussein, states that Sri Lanka should "Adopt legislation establishing a hybrid court, which should include international judges, defence lawyers, prosecutors and investigators, to investigate allegations of violations and abuses of international human rights law and violations of international humanitarian law, and provide it with the resources necessary to enable it to try those responsible promptly and effectively." This is at variance with the resolution of the UNHRC. A reading of the wording of the resolution shows that itneither insisted on foreign participation nor called for a hybrid court. It further states that the judicial mechanism should be a Sri Lankan judicial mechanism.

Foreign Minister MangalaSamaraweerahas said that the government cannot bring in foreign judicial officers under the existing constitution but they were also looking at all their options where the recommendation of the UNHRC was concerned. "As a sovereign nation we are entitled to look at all options. We cannot bring in foreign judicial officers under the existing constitution, but we are exploring all our options," the minister said. He also said that the resolution that is once more to be co-sponsored by Sri Lanka at the UNHRC is the same that was presented previously in 2015. He stated the government had requested for an extension of two years to implement it. He added that "But nowhere is there an insistence for foreign judges to be part of a war crimes tribunal."

Instead of dragging the issue any further, and creating uncertainty within Sri Lanka which the political opposition and opponents of reconciliation can exploit even more, it is best that the government should take the bull by the horns. The government could use the forum of the UN Human Rights Council to make known to the international community that its interpretation of foreign participation does not include the concept of hybrid courts as also stated by President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe. At the same time, it could affirm the value of international participation in the judicial accountability mechanism as a means of increasing the awareness of Sri Lankan judges and lawyers about international law pertaining to war crimes. Instead of being tied up with the problem of hybrid courts, the government can get on with the setting up and implementation of the Office of Missing Persons, Truth seeking Commission and Office of Reparations and other commitments of the Geneva resolution.

The new UNHRC resolution and Hybrid Court

2017-03-21

This week under a fresh UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution, Sri Lanka is likely to receive a two-year-extension to fully implement a previous UNHRC resolution approved in October 2015. Like the previous one, the new resolution will be co-sponsored by Sri Lanka.   This would also likely to be flaunted like its predecessor as another triumph of the government. That the European nations and America have softened their earlier stance towards Sri Lanka could well be an achievement of the government’s policy. However, the dagger of a hybrid court, i.e. a war crime court that would have foreign judges alongside Sri Lankan ones, remains the same and the fresh resolution would not make a difference to the status quo. That is in spite of the assertions by the President, and now the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister that a hybrid court would not be feasible.

The most consequential clause of the October 2015 resolution read as, “…takes note with appreciation of the Government of Sri Lanka’s proposal to establish a Judicial Mechanism with a Special Counsel to investigate allegations of violations and abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law, as applicable; and affirms that a credible justice process should include independent judicial and prosecutorial institutions led by individuals known for integrity and impartiality; and further affirms in this regard the importance of participation in a Sri Lankan judicial mechanism, including the Special Counsel’s office, of Commonwealth and other foreign judges, defence lawyers, and authorized prosecutors and investigators.”   Lately the President has come out most conspicuously against the induction of foreign judges in a local war crime court. Most recently addressing security forces personnel and the police in the Airforce Base in Palaly on March 4, he took a swipe at the Prime Minister’s own committee on reconciliation when he said, “There was a proposal made demanding that Sri Lanka must have foreign judges to investigate allegations against the war heroes. I clearly said that I am not ready to accept that. There are some Sri Lankans, who work through NGOs and reach wrong conclusions for the sake of money. They carry out wrong campaigns against the armed forces. I am not ready to govern the country in accordance with their wishes. I am not prepared to bring allegations against the armed forces in accordance with their wishes. I am not willing to hear cases according to their wishes.”   Recently the Prime Minister himself ruled out a hybrid court, citing such a mechanism would require a referendum.     

This week, Sri Lanka should inform the UNHRC about the cross party consensus in opposition to foreign judges. Hiding behind the bush hoping things would be different in two years would not help. The Government’s vacillation and its effort to be nice to everyone, and saying one thing in Geneva and another at home, has aggravated the problem. The government should make it known in no uncertain terms that it would not be signing up to a hybrid court. Commonsense should prevail. A government that acquiesces to a hybrid court would be left with little legitimacy to govern. It would lose power, but before that it would set off a political instability of the magnitude that was last seen during the forced imposition of Indo-Lanka Peace Accord in 1987.

It would certainly be morally right to investigate the conduct of war. However, politics is less about being self-righteous, it is about being practical. Individual culpabilities of certain military and non-military individuals who acted in self-gain, running abduction rackets and settling personal scores need to be investigated and punished. However, efforts to scrutinize the conduct of an entire armed force, worse still with the help of foreign judges,smacks of a dangerous level of appeasement. Those demands for a war crime court spearheaded by the LTTE front groups and later taken up by rights champions of the EU and America (partly because ex-president Mahinda Rajapaksa was unresponsive towards even the most basic of Tamil concerns) are one way of settling scores for defeating terrorism.    The government should address Tamil grievances, as it has been doing during the last two years. However, it should draw a line which it would not cross: the so called hybrid court is obviously a red line. Any investigation into military should also take note the extreme security vulnerability of the state at the time. Why Sri Lanka today has luxury to talk about reconciliation is first and foremost the most formidable threat to survival of this state was crushed by military means. Otherwise, people would be worried about the next suicide bomb and journalists would be busy getting the latest body count from the Northern front.    Two and half decades of brutal war has obviously taken a toll on Tamils, whose grievances can only be addressed by a government proactively investing resources on those matters, be it Tamil speaking public servants, police officers and even district specific affirmative action in education, recruitment for public sector, investment in the worst affected areas in the North in order to rectify existing ethnic anomalies.  

That is in addition to proposed constitutional reforms that the government is planning to enact to address Tamil aspirations. Such constitutional reforms would require consensus in the South. However the danger is that this single issue agenda of a war crime court, paraded in a lofty phrase of a ‘transitional justice’ would obstruct the government’s reformist agenda.    The sad truth is that Tamil political question, with its both real and imagined grievances has obstructed this country’s progress since theindependence. Internationalization of the Tamil problem partly as means of intimidating Colombo dates back immediate after the independence. Later in the 1960s, when the then Dudley Senanayake administration lobbied for membership of ASEAN, then foreign minister of Singapore S. Rajaratnam (and later deputy prime minister) blocked Sri Lanka’s entry citing Sri Lankan Tamil concerns. (That is quite a way of returning a favour from a man whose parents, Jaffna Tamils domiciled in Malaya, had come to Jaffna to give birth to their child in the Tamil cultural capital).   

Sri Lanka’s democratic credentials were distorted by the maximalist posturing of Tamil politics. Perhaps what Sri Lanka could not do, a Singapore in terms of economically and synchronized ethnic harmony was our politics then (and now) did not allow to lock up dissenters and politically incapacitate political opponents through trumped up liable cases.    Maximalist posturing of the most articulate in Tamil politics did little good for the Tamil people themselves. It took them from Vadukkodai to Nandikadal. During those three decades of conflict, the loss of the status of Tamil people is unparalleled. Their status quo in the Sri Lanka state need to be restored, but internationalization of a local problem would do little.    However, it is exactly what Mr. Wigneswaran, the Northern Chief Minister and many other lesser mortals still keep doing. For the time being, they are a local, Jaffna-specific, phenomenon. However, they can have national implications by fanning a reactive Sinhala ultra nationalism in the South, which Mr Rajapaksa is eagerly awaiting to fume into a bushfire.    The government has to navigate through these two extremes, and address the legitimate grievances of the Tamils, while also heralding a greater democratization of the entire country. It cannot compromise one for the other. To do whats necessary, it should avoid political instability, first and foremost in the South. To that end, it should avoid a hybrid court like a plague.   

Follow RangaJayasuriya @Rangajayasuriya on Twitter  

Suicides on the increase due to high interest loans, a death trap in north

Mar 20, 2017

An increasing debt burden due to the absence of a proper postwar programme to uplift the lives of the people of the north is forcing them to take their own lives, reports say.

Various financial institutions had offered loans at very high interest for self-employment and farming ventures. Especially women who had lost their husbands or male members of the family to the war mostly fell into debt.

Last January, a 32 year old mother of three killed herself after leaving a suicide note saying she could not repay the loans she obtained for a self-employment venture. A resident of Vishvamadu in Mullaitivu, she had obtained money from several micro-finance institutions and commercial banks. Together with the interest, she had to pay back Rs. 80,000.

In February, Sivalingam Satyendran, a father of five, took his own life after failing to repay Rs. 200,000. In Omanthai, Nagendran Sugandhini, aged 23, committed suicide along with her 2 ½ year old child due to her debt burden.

There have been more such instances from these difficult areas. In addition, those who had failed to repay the loans had been beaten up by the recovery officers sent by the lenders. It has been revealed that certain micro-finance institutions were behind the Ava Group of thugs that had been used to recover the loaned money.

The UN committee against discrimination of women has called on the government to pay immediate attention to this matter. This is becoming a serious social issue. Recently, a protest was held in Vavuniya town by the women in debt who carried placards with slogans such as ‘guns during the war, loans under Yahapaalanaya’, ‘micro-finance is a death trap’ and ‘don’t give loans to make us starve’.

The Central Bank has admitted receiving complaints about the high interest loans given by micro-finance institutions in the north.

D. Manjula Kumara - Sathhanda

Dr. Devanesan Nesiah, CCS: Things Work For The Good Of The Faithful

By S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole –March 20, 2017

Prof. S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole

On 20 March, 2017 Dr. Devanesan Nesiah (DN) will be honoured by the President on the National Honours list. By tradition, he only knows he is on the list but not exactly for what award. Nonetheless, I think it is useful to say something about him, his attitudes, and his will of steel even as he took all punishments that life handed him with composure and equanimity. As a matter of transparency, let me say he is my cousin-brother (we being the children of two sisters) and was my God Father at my baptism by my father at St. Paul’s Milagiriya. He hates the limelight so writing without consulting him, I accept responsibility for any minor mistakes in this.

Educated at CMS Chundikuli Girls’ College and St. John’s College initially, he moved to St. Thomas’ College when his father moved from St. John’s to teach there. He read “Maths Special” at the University of Ceylon (Colombo) and got an ordinary pass. He says he enjoyed life as a student should, focusing on all the nonacademic activities. It was a time when his father had been invited by Vice Chancellor Ivor Jennings to lead the Department of Education at Peradeniya. He sat the civil service exam, taking time off to study. Coming at the top in the exam portion and the bottom for the interview section, he made it into the 1959 CCS batch, the third batch before CCS’s abolition in 1963 and merger with the Divisional Revenue Officers’ Service into the CAS. I have become so cynical of our leaders that every time the government makes a speech purporting to advance a principle, I suspect it really wants to help a relation; in this case putting a related DRO into the CAS while berating the elitism of the abolished CCS.

DN’s early years were happy as AGA Badulla, GA Mannar and GA Batticaloa with happy holidays for all of us. However, by the time the CAS became SLAS, the deterioration through discrimination and corruption were readily obvious. Also DN’s father, K. Nesiah, played a major role in persuading the FP and Congress leaders in May 1972 to form the Tamil United Front, which later became the TULF; at which point, K. Nesiah resigned disagreeing with the Vaddukoddai resolution of 1976.   It is said that K. Nesiah’s engagement in forming the TUF led to Mrs. Bandaranaike sending DN to the pool (where there is not even a desk to sit at and the officer goes in the mornings, signs in and returns home).

Every debacle somehow turned into something positive for DN. When the ILO team under Prof. Dudley Seers, Director of the Institute of Development Studies of the University of Sussex, came to examine the economic reasons for the 1971 JVP insurrection, DN was assigned from the Pool to the near-clerical task of coordinating Sears’ movements. Sears was impressed with DN and towards the end of the project offered him a scholarship at Sussex to read for an MA in development economics.

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Team under ex-head of intelligence was behind Lasantha’s murder




March 20, 2017

A team functioned under former Director of the State Intelligence was behind the assassination of newspaper editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) informed the Court on Monday. 

The CID had made this revelation based on the statement obtained from former Commander of the Sri Lanka Army, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka. 



The CID officials told the Mt. Lavina Magistrate’s Court this group under ex-Director Major General Kapila Hendawitharana has functioned as a dedicated team to carry out attacks against journalists and media organizations as well. 

According to the CID, details on five SIM cards used by the members of this team have also been disclosed. 

The investigations have too found the involvement of this team in connection with assaulting incidents on journalists Keith Noyahr and Upali Tennakoon, the CID said.

 A CID officer also informed the Court that a statement was recorded from former Army Commander and Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka. According to him, Fonseka in his statement has said that it was retired Major General Ajith Perera who handled situations in Colombo and suburbs that time, and Fonseka has accused Perera of failing to carry out his professional duties.

 It was also disclosed a sharp object had been used to assassinate Wickrematunge as suggested by the second post-mortem examination carried out recently, the Court was told.

ABDUCTION AND TORTURE OF KEITH NOYAHR : THREE ARMY PERSONNEL ARRESTED

by Maneshka Borham-19 February, 2017

 The Three Sri Lanka Army personnel who were arrested in connection with the 2008 abduction, assault and false imprisonment of senior journalist Keith Noyahr have been remanded till March 3 after being produced before Mount Lavinia Acting Magistrate Rathna Gamage at her residence yesterday. According to the Criminal Investigation Department the suspects will also be produced for an identification parade on February 23.

Sources from the CID claimed that mobiles used by the trio and that of Keith Noyahr were traced to the Dompe area during the same time frame through mobile triangulation technology while also checking their Army camp records to determine the whereabouts of the suspects. According to the Police Media Unit the arrests of an Army Major and two Sergeants were carried out by a special team of officers of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID). The trio was brought in for questioning to the Criminal Investigations Department on Friday and was later arrested at the CID yesterday morning. Statements were recorded from the trio prior to being presented before Mount Lavinia Acting Magistrate later in the day. They have been charged with abduction of an individual, unlawful detention, assault, torture and intimidation using firearms.

While investigations into the incident had stalled during the previous government, officers of the CID had recently visited Noyahr in Australia to record a statement regarding the incident prior to these arrests.

As Police investigations commenced Noyahr returned to his residence the next day having been severely beaten and assaulted by his abductors for over seven hours before being set free. He later fled the country with his family following the incident fearing for his life.

Noyahr was known to write independent, often critical analyses of Sri Lanka’s security situation in his column ‘Military Matters’ under the pseudonym ‘Senpathi’. Releasing a statement following the incident the publishing company claimed the abduction followed a series of threats against Noyahr.

The sudden kidnapping of the editor had taken place following Noyahr’s May 11, 2008 column on the newspaper’s Web site is headlined “An army is not its commander’s private fiefdom.”

Though the Police set up three investigation teams the arrests have come after nine years into the incident despite protests and calls by journalists for severe action against the perpetrators. At the time the former Sri Lankan military spokesman Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara denied that the security forces had any involvement in Noyahr’s abduction and assault.

What is Joseph camp? A new accusation of a torture cell

 Mar 20, 2017

It has come to light during the UNHRC sessions in Geneva that a torture cell by the name Joseph camp had existed in Vavuniya during the war.

Foreign affairs minister Mangala Samaraweera has told the media that he would invite ITJP executive Directress Yasmin Sooka to make a visit for investigation.

Previously, a torture cell named Gota’s camp and run near the Trincomaleee Navy camp was exposed and was investigated by international investigators.

D. Manjula Kumara - Sathhanda

Wimal Supporters In Britain Threaten To Beat Up Tamils

By TU Senan –March 21, 2017

TU Senan

On 18 March, to mark the UN international anti-racism day, trade unions in Britain supported a demonstration held in London. Tamil-speaking people also took part in this demonstration with a sizable contingent. In addition to putting forward slogans against racism, they also demanded rights for refugees such as an end to deportations, closure of the detention prison centres, etc.

Significantly, they also demanded that the health service in Britain remain a public service free at the point of use. This is a decisive step by the Tamil community living in Britain towards linking up with the struggles of the working class in Britain.

In a desperate attempt to prevent such solidarity a few members of the racist organisation English Defence League (EDL) turned up with British flags. This small number was held back by the police. But to the surprise of everyone a few also turned up with the Sri Lankan flag. With slogans such as “one nation, one country” they mirrored the EDL in their outlook and behaviour. They were standing alone. But to any onlookers’ amazement they started to abuse Tamil protesters in filthy racist language including shouting “go home – you are a terrorist”. They shouted that they are all Sri Lankans.

It was clear that they came to provoke the Tamil protesters. The news that the Tamil Solidarity campaign is organising to take part in this demo was very well circulated in social media. These racists had organised to try to oppose Tamil working class and young people taking part in the anti-racist protest. When a few protesters pointed out the bankruptcy and danger of their slogan and questioned why they were there, their answer was to shout aggressively that they have a right to be in Britain but ‘Tamil terrorists’ do not. Protesters could not believe what they were hearing from Sri Lankan flag holders. There was a threat of physical attack amid the pure chauvinist filth they shouted. Anti-racist protesters in Britain for the first time learnt about the character of Sinhala chauvinism.

They also displayed hand-written signs demanding the release of Wimal Weerawansa. They shouted that the Ranil-Maithri government is a selling out the country to imperialism. It was clear that the Wimal faction of the former JVP is now mobilising with the same technique as the racist BBS (a racist Buddhist organisation).

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Nonentity Malith proves his insanity and imbecility beyond doubt by accusing Prof. Wijesuriya as Dheerasekera

-Prof. challenges : ‘ get the murderers you safeguard to kill me if you can prove’

(Lanka-e-News -21.March.2017, 6.00AM)  Following our  news report captioned   ‘ Maithri sends his National list lackey to save the Navy criminals who killed innocent students..! Why is Maithri at pains to wash away the blood stains for others’ sake?’  which was written  by Wimal Dheeerasekera ,    Malith Jayatileke M.P who was criticized in it ,  after having read   the report had wrongly assumed that the article was written by professor Sarath Wijesuriya . Malith the noted nonentity and imbecile had therefore berated and insulted the professor who has in turn sent a letter to Lanka e news in that connection . The full text of the letter is hereunder :

Malith Jayatileke M.P. spoke to me via  mobile phone on march 18 th at about 7.45 a.m. The call was pertaining to the article written by Wimal Dheerasekera  published by Lanka e news. In that article criticisms were leveled against Malith over his attempts to rescue his friend a Naval officer facing grave criminal charges. 

There had been   grave allegations  mounted  in connection with Malith ‘s action, though  I have so far never written in that regard to any media. Yet Malith has assumed that it is I who had written in the name of Wimal Dheerasekera. This is a most foolish assumption , and a joke.

I have never written to any media under a pseudonym , and it is in  my true name I have written my articles. I have leveled my criticisms against   Mahinda Rajapakse , Gotabaya Rajapakse , the incumbent president and prime minister openly and directly  .

Even the criticisms against the book of  Malith Jayathileke  titled ‘January 8 th that I saw’ were published in my own  name . Hence I have no necessity at all to write about Malith under a pseudonym. Neither do I have any blind fears. 

Indeed the foolish and faulty assumptions of Malith truly amused me and made me laugh. I sympathize with him for making wrong and stupid conclusions. Though I explained to him most respectably and rebutted  his charges , he persisted in his false  accusations against me , and terminated the phone conversation abruptly.

I began to wonder if these are the individuals who are so close to the president , what amount of damage they may be doing to the president owing to their unscientific illogical thinking and mental debilities. These drawbacks afflicting the president because of such individuals clustered around him need to  be described  at length.

In any event , I request the Lanka e news editor to clarify whether I am Wimal Dheerasekera or not.

If Malith Jayathileke M.P. can prove that I who am professor Sarath Wijesuriya  is Wimal Dheerasekera , I am ready to resign from the post of professor , Sinhala division of the Colombo University as a self inflicted punishment . If that does not satisfy him , he can even enlist a murderer who the government exalts as ‘war hero’ and is providing protection , to kill me. I shall hand over  my written consent to Malith to do that.

By Prof. Sarath Wijesuriya

Lanka e news editor’s comments :

Firstly let us tender our apologies to the professor for the embarrassment  and insults ,if any  he had to face owing to a nincompoop and nitwit  because of the article written by Wimal Dheerasekera .

Wimal Dheerasekera is not professor Sarath Wijesuriya   by any means. Wimal Dheerasekera began writing articles for us somewhere in the middle of  the year 2005 – the year  Lanka e news was inaugurated . He wrote on inside information on politics and as a political critic. 

Since that time , Prageeth Ekneliyagoda and Wimal Dheerasekera who wrote on politics were political critics of a distinct lofty caliber , and were therefore invited by Lanka e news editor  to write on analytical politics . Because Ekneliyagoda wrote in his true name he was abducted and murdered , whereas Dheerasekera who wrote under a nom de plume is fortunately living. If we remember right, professor Wijesuriya commenced  as a political critic during the final phase of the Rajapakse regime . Earlier the professor was a Sinhala literary critic only  writing on  Sri Lankan social shortcomings and setbacks.
 
It is our conviction , the professor who enjoyed successful literary and professional careers and owned a successful publication Co. was compelled to enter the stinking politics of SL during the last phase of Rajapakse regime because of the baneful politics and the deadly policies of the Rajapakse regime .   In fact even comparing such an eminent selfless professor like Sarath Wijesuriya who came forward openly and dared to champion the cause of the masses without even hiding his name , with  buffoons like Malith Jayathileke from garbage bins who are best only at tomfoolery , and  obsessed with   selfish and sordid aims  is an insult to the professor. 

We are addressing  Malith Jayathileke as a non-entity  not without valid reason : After securing a pinnadi (free) M.P. post through the national list only to waste  precious public funds , he did nothing at all  in the public interest ; neither did he make   any worthy statement nor raise any important question in parliament . At least if he had a basic  knowledge of genres and the styles of different writers, he would not have made the mistake of identifying  Wimal Dheerasekera and professor Sarath Wijesuriya  as one. Because they are absolutely different . It is a pity , it is such imbeciles without a sense of discrimination  who are currently running errands for the president .

The articles of Wimal Dheerasekera are with us kept separately. Anyone who wants to make an analysis can read them individually and make a right decision.  Malith who hasn’t the horse sense to first read them and think before leaping into the well like a frog has only proved what an idiot he is . 

Every beast with horns may not be a buffalo  , but it is an indisputable fact every beast with horns gores even if it is two legged . Though Malith is a nonentity , since he has developed horns during the five years , it is best if professor Wijesuriya takes precaution because this two legged beast has started goring all and sundry .

In conclusion , though the main  speeches of the professor were published at various times by us , the letter  published today is his first  sent by the professor himself.

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by     (2017-03-21 00:43:33)

Managing wastewater in Sri Lanka: An uncomfortable reality 

Clarifiers are widely used for wastewater treatment.

Tuesday, 21 March 2017

This year’s theme of the World Water Day focuses on wastewater. This article highlights the urgent need for effective management of wastewater, given the severity of the problem and the catastrophic outcomes it could result in if not handled wisely

Water can easily become ‘wastewater’ due to many reasons – mostly tied to human activity. The most common sources of wastewater include domestic effluent consisting ‘black water’ (excreta, urine and fecal sludge) and ‘grey water’ (kitchen and bathing wastewater), effluents from commercial establishments (e.g., restaurants and hotels) and other working places including hospitals, storm water and urban run-off and effluent from industrial, agricultural, horticultural and aquaculture sources.

Effluents from industrial and agricultural sources and from hospitals are considered water pollution; comprehensive pollution control measures that go beyond mere disposal of wastewater are necessary to handle the problem of water pollution.  On the other hand, managing wastewater from domestic and commercial sources and urban run-off is largely a matter of proper disposal.

However, given the scale and frequency of wastewater generated from these sources, especially in urban areas where population and economic activities are concentrated, ‘proper disposal’ requires comprehensive solutions based on scientific management. This article focusses on domestic, commercial and urban run-off wastewater which has received limited attention by many.

Wastewater is an uncomfortable and unpleasant subject that many prefer to avoid. However, it cannot be easily ignored as everyone is faced with the problem of wastewater on daily basis, whether at home, work place or during the everyday commute. Developed countries have invested large amounts of resources to manage wastewater, giving it high priority and treating the issue as a matter of social welfare. In fact, the level of priority and resources allocated for solving the issue of wastewater reflect a fundamental difference in attitudes towards social welfare between developed and developing societies.

In many developing countries, even educated and wealthy members of society seem to be intent on turning a blind eye to the harsh reality and prefer to stay in their own comfort zones, rather than actively seeking solutions to the issue.

The usual inclination is to dispose the waste from one’s own premises without giving much thought to the health and environmental repercussions of their actions. In this sense, the wastewater problem is remarkably similar to the garbage problem. Some people carry domestic garbage bags in vehicles and covertly dump it at isolated places. The same motive is visible when a suburban household surreptitiously empties its wastewater pits to storm water drains during heavy showers. Such behavior is motivated by the lack of public collection and sanitary disposal systems, a situation prevalent in many developing countries. 

Common methods for disposal of wastewater

There are two basic wastewater management strategies. They are onsite (non-sewered) disposal and off-site (sewered) disposal with or without centralised treatment facilities.  In urban areas, off-site disposal of wastewater and disposal of surface run-off are closely connected. Therefore, in some countries, combined systems that convey run-off water with foul sewage in the same pipes can be found. However, many countries have resorted to systems that carry surface run-off and foul sewage separately. Off-site disposal systems are more effective and are in place worldwide.

Modern cities in developed countries have established extensive systems for wastewater collection and disposal with centralised treatment facilities.  Like other public infrastructure facilities such as transport, urban parks, water and electricity supply, these wastewater management facilities also play a major role in making these cities more habitable, contributing to high living standards enjoyed by citizens.

However, establishing such off-site disposal facilities are costly operations. They need high capital investments for establishment and large operational budgets for running and maintenance. Users are charged for these services by utility companies that operate on volumetric basis. Large utility companies are usually run as public-private partnerships under close supervision of city administrations. In developing countries, city administrators have limited means to invest in modern wastewater management systems and low-income city dwellers cannot be expected bear the full cost of services they offer.

As a result, many developing countries are unable to afford such systems. Hence, modern wastewater treatment facilities are restricted to limited areas of large urban centers in the developing world. When available, these systems are usually located in service opulent neighborhoods and a large majority of the population suffers due to lack of proper wastewater disposal facilities.  These underprivileged areas are usually left with onsite disposal systems in various forms of operational arrangements. Usually such systems are less hygienic, and chaotic situations arise during disasters such as urban floods. Furthermore, poor storm water and drainage systems and ill-designed onsite disposal facilities themselves contribute to hazardous events such as flash floods very often. 

Wastewater management in Sri Lanka

The current wastewater management systems in place in Sri Lanka are abysmal.  Being a developing country, Sri Lanka is also plagued with inefficiencies in wastewater management mentioned above. Sewer connections are only available for restricted areas in the Colombo city and for a few other major cities. Inherited from the colonial period, some sections of these systems are dilapidated and are in dire need of renovations and upgrades. Extension work on the pipe system is moving at a snail’s pace and the existing systems do not have centralised treatment facilities. Wastewater collected from the Colombo sewerage system is dumped in to the sea in two locations. Many other fast-developing coastal towns follow this lead, making them leading contributors to marine pollution.  

Beyond the limited area covered by pipe connected facilities, outskirts of city areas and surrounding suburbs mostly have to depend on onsite wastewater disposal methods.  The common practices include individual facilities of septic tanks or open-bottom soakage pits for black water and open bottom wastewater pits for grey water. However, very often, grey water is channelled illegally to storm water drains directly or indirectly.

In underserved areas of Colombo and other cities, residents often have no choice but to share common toilet pits and dispose kitchen and bath water to storm water drains, creating uninhabitable conditions in the surrounding environments. Coupled with ill-designed storm water drains and run-off water disposal facilities, non-standard waste water disposal methods are the reason that Colombo and other major cities in the island are plunged into chaos during flash floods.

Overall, poor investment on standard public wastewater disposal facilities has led many residents in urban areas to depend on individual onsite wastewater disposal facilities. The quality of these facilities varies greatly. Moreover, this causes accumulation of wastewater in large quantities in local neighbourhoods, affecting the groundwater.  In some suburban areas, residents are still dependent on shallow groundwater wells for domestic water supply and they get affected from groundwater polluted by accumulated wastewater. Considering this situation, some technical standards have been imposed in building approval criteria regarding locating septic tanks and wastewater pits when constructing houses. However, the effectiveness of such measures, monitoring of those standards and level of compliance cannot be guaranteed.

Wastewater challenge 

Sri Lanka boasts of the prevalence of sanitation facilities even among poorer communities, when compared with many other developing countries. However, the management of wastewater is an exception, and remains a challenge. It is a public health and environmental hazard that cannot be left for residents to resolve on their own.  Serious health and environmental issues demand public solutions where individuals have to play their roles considering their own and community welfare.

Individuals cannot make large public investments required for establishing standard facilities and the government and city administrations need to give due priority to initiate such facilities.  However, effective systems need resources for establishment of facilities and efficient operation that cannot be borne by cash strapped city administrations alone.  Beneficiaries of the facilities also have to bear some burden here.  This requires innovations in technical as well as management and institutional aspects of wastewater management solutions in the country.  

   

(Athula Senaratne is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Policy Studies of Sri Lanka (IPS). To view this article online and to share your comments, visit the IPS Blog ‘Talking Economics’ - http://www.ips.lk/talkingeconomics/)