Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, March 3, 2017

World's oldest fossils found in Canada, say scientists

If correct, the microfossils, thought to have formed between 3.77bn and 4.28bn years ago, offer the oldest direct evidence of and insight into life on Earth

World’s oldest fossils discovered in Canadian rocks – video

-Wednesday 1 March 2017

Scientists say they have found the world’s oldest fossils, thought to have formed between 3.77bn and 4.28bn years ago.

Comprised of tiny tubes and filaments made of an iron oxide known as haematite, the microfossils are believed to be the remains of bacteria that once thrived underwater around hydrothermal vents, relying on chemical reactions involving iron for their energy. 

If correct, these fossils offer the oldest direct evidence for life on the planet. And that, the study’s authors say, offers insights into the origins of life on Earth. 

“If these rocks do indeed turn out to be 4.28 [bn years old] then we are talking about the origins of life developing very soon after the oceans formed 4.4bn years ago,” said Matthew Dodd, the first author of the research from University College, London.

With iron-oxidising bacteria present even today, the findings, if correct, also highlight the success of such organisms. “They have been around for 3.8bn years at least,” said the lead author Dominic Papineau, also from UCL. 

The team says the new discovery supports the idea that life emerged and diversified rapidly on Earth, complementing research reported last year that claimed to find evidence of microbe-produced structures, known as stromatolites, in Greenland rocks, which formed 3.7bn years ago.

However, like the oldest microfossils previously reported – samples from western Australia dating to about 3.46bn years ago – the new discovery is set to be the subject of hot debate. 

The discovery of the structures, the authors add, highlights intriguing avenues for research to discover whether life existed elsewhere in the solar system, including Jupiter’s moon, Europa, and Mars, which once boasted oceans. “If we look at similarly old rocks [from Mars] and we can’t find evidence of life, then this certainly may point to the fact that Earth may be a very special exception and life might just have arisen on Earth,” said Dodd.

Published in the journal Nature by an international team of researchers, the new study focuses on rocks of the Nuvvuagittuq supracrustal belt in Quebec, Canada.

 Haematite filament attached to a clump of iron (lower right) from hydrothermal vent deposits found in a rock formation in Quebec, Canada. Photograph: Matthew Dodd/PA

The rocks are some of the oldest in the world and are believed to have formed around underwater hydrothermal vents – a theory backed up by various chemical signatures hinting at a submarine formation, as well as the presence of structures such as pillow basalts that are formed when lava encounters water.

“These rocks were of a period in time when we don’t know whether there was life,” said Dodd. “If we believe the long-standing hypothesis that life evolved from hydrothermal vents billions of years ago then these were the perfect rocks to look at for answering these questions.”

The authors say scrutiny of very thin sections of the iron-containing quartz in which the fossils were found, together with an analysis of the minerals within them and microfossils themselves, suggests the haematite structures were not formed by physical processes alone.

Instead, the authors write, “the tubes and filaments are best explained as remains of iron-metabolising filamentous bacteria, and therefore represent the oldest life forms recognised on Earth.”

Up to half a millimetre in length and half the width of a human hair, the filaments have a range of forms, from loose coils to branched structures with some apparently linked together through a central knob of haematite – structures, said Dodd, that are common to microbes known to have lived near deep sea vents.

“The microfossils’ structures in themselves are almost identical, very similar, to microfossils and micro-organisms we see in similar hydrothermal vent settings today,” said Dodd. Minerals linked to biological matter were also found with the tubes and filaments, the authors note.

 Filamentous microfossils from jasper rock discovered in a rock formation known as the Nuvvuagittuq supracrustal belt in Quebec, Canada. Photograph: Matthew Dodd/PA

But not everyone is convinced by the new study, not least Frances Westall, an expert on ancient fossil bacteria at the French national centre for scientific research. “The thing that bothers me most about these structures is the fact that they all seem to be extremely oriented. They are parallel to each other and microbes don’t grow parallel to each other,” she said.

Westall said it remains possible that the haematite structures were formed as a result of the high temperatures and pressures experienced by metamorphic rocks. What’s more, she points out, the newly discovered filaments are far larger than the oldest known well-preserved microbial filaments previously found in 3.33bn-year-old rocks – a surprise given the lack of oxygen in the environment in which the newly proposed fossils are thought to have originated. “In an environment without oxygen, microbes grow – but they grow very slowly and they are small,” she said.

“What I am not saying is that there could not have been life at 3.8bn years ago,” Westall added. “But in rocks that have been so altered, like these have been, I think that morphological traces are unlikely to remain.”

Others, too, remain cautious, if more optimistic. David Emerson, a geomicrobiologist and expert in modern iron-oxidising bacteria at the Bigelow Laboratory for Ocean Sciences in the US said that the structures do not look like what would be expected from modern bacteria, but that he found it compelling that filaments are found in groups, suggesting a colony of microbes. But, he added, “I don’t think there is a smoking gun here that says this is clearly biological.”

Cancer patients in ‘extraordinary’ gene therapy study in complete remission after one treatment

hese scans show a 62-year-old man with non-Hodgkin lymphoma, at left in December 2015, and three months after treatment with Kite Pharma's experimental gene therapy at MD Anderson Cancer Center in Houston
hese scans show a 62-year-old man with non-Hodgkin lymphoma, at left in December 2015, and three months after treatment with Kite Pharma's experimental gene therapy at MD Anderson Cancer Center in Houston
 | 
An experimental gene therapy that turns a patient’s own blood cells into cancer killers worked in a major study, with more than one-third of very sick lymphoma patients showing no sign of disease six months after a single treatment, its maker said Tuesday.
In all, 82 per cent of patients had their cancer shrink at least by half at some point in the study.
Its sponsor, California-based Kite Pharma, is racing Novartis AG to become the first to win approval of the treatment, called CAR-T cell therapy, in the U.S. It could become the nation’s first approved gene therapy.
A hopeful sign: the number in complete remission at six months — 36 per cent — is barely changed from partial results released after three months, suggesting this one-time treatment might give lasting benefits for those who do respond well.
“This seems extraordinary … extremely encouraging,” said one independent expert, Dr. Roy Herbst, cancer medicines chief at the Yale Cancer Center.
Kite Pharma via Associated PressCell therapy specialists prepare blood cells from a patient to be engineered in the lab to fight cancer
The worry has been how long Kite’s treatment would last and its side effects, which he said seem manageable in the study. Follow-up beyond six months is still needed to see if the benefit wanes, Herbst said, but added, “this certainly is something I would want to have available.”
The therapy is not without risk. Three of the 101 patients in the study died of causes unrelated to worsening of their cancer, and two of those deaths were deemed due to the treatment.
It was developed at the government’s National Cancer Institute and then licensed to Kite. The Leukemia and Lymphoma Society helped sponsor the study.
Results were released by the company and have not been published or reviewed by other experts. Full results will be presented at the American Association for Cancer Research conference in April.
The company plans to seek approval from the U.S. Food and Drug Administration by the end of March and in Europe later this year.
The treatment involves filtering a patient’s blood to remove key immune system soldiers called T-cells, altering them in the lab to contain a gene that targets cancer, and giving them back intravenously. Doctors call it a “living drug” — permanently altered cells that multiply in the body into an army to fight the disease.
Patients in the study had one of three types of non-Hodgkin lymphoma, a blood cancer, and had failed all other treatments. Median survival for such patients has been about six months.
Kite study patients seem to be living longer, but median survival isn’t yet known. With nearly nine months of follow-up, more than half are still alive.
Six months after treatment, 41 per cent still had a partial response (cancer shrunk at least in half) and 36 per cent were in complete remission (no sign of disease).
“The numbers are fantastic,” said Dr. Fred Locke, a blood cancer expert at Moffitt Cancer Center in Tampa who co-led the study and has been a paid adviser to Kite. “These are heavily treated patients who have no other options.”
The numbers are fantastic. These are heavily treated patients who have no other option
One of his patients, 43-year-old Dimas Padilla of Orlando, was driving when he got a call saying his cancer was worsening, chemotherapy was no longer working, and there was no match to enable a second try at a stem cell transplant.
“I actually needed to park … I was thinking how am I going to tell this to my mother, my wife, my children,” he said. But after CAR-T therapy last August, he saw his tumors “shrink like ice cubes” and is now in complete remission.
“They were able to save my life,” Padilla said.
Of the study participants, 13 per cent developed a dangerous condition where the immune system overreacts in fighting the cancer, but that rate is lower than in some other tests of CAR-T therapy. The rate fell during the study as doctors got better at detecting and treating it sooner.
Roughly a third of patients developed anemia or other blood-count-related problems, which Locke said were easily treated. And 28 per cent had neurological problems such as sleepiness, confusion, tremor or difficulty speaking, but these typically lasted just a few days, Locke said.
“It’s a safe treatment, certainly a lot safer than having progressive lymphoma,” and comparable to combination chemotherapy in terms of side effects, said the cancer institute’s Dr. Steven Rosenberg, who had no role in Kite’s study. The first lymphoma patient Rosenberg treated this way, a Florida man, is still in remission seven years later.
There were no cases of swelling and fluid in the brain in this or any other study testing Kite’s treatment, company officials said. That contrasts with Juno Therapeutics, which has had a CAR-T study put on hold twice after five patient deaths due to this problem.
Company officials would not say what the treatment might cost, but other types of immune system therapies have been very expensive. It’s also being tested for some other types of blood cancer.
08:17ET 28-02-17

Thursday, March 2, 2017

After Sampur




Featured image courtesy Ceylon News


NADEERA WIJESINGHE on 03/02/2017

It has been five months since the Sampur Coal power project has been terminated. Those who protested against the project celebrated their victory. Now the matter has been forgotten, and there is little to no analysis on whether or not the true objectives behind the decision to terminate the project have materialised. Nor have there been subsequent attempts to provide a glimpse into the economic and environmental impact of this decision.

Why was the Sampur project terminated?

The Sampur project officially came to an end on Sept 13th 2016, when the Attorney General’s Department informed the Supreme Court that the power plant would not be constructed. The decision was based on environmental grounds, even though the Sampur Project had received environmental clearance from the Central Environmental Authority on February 2nd, 2016.

It is unclear on what basis the project was terminated, given that the project had received the necessary environmental impact clearances, following assessments.

A case was filed at the Supreme Court by EFL, objecting to the use of coal as an energy source as a whole, on the basis that there were cleaner, renewable alternatives which could have been used for the project instead. EFL challenged the environmental clearances Sampur had received, and specifically requested for the termination of the Sampur project. 

The main stated objective of EFL and other protesting environmentalists was to promote renewable energy  a in place of coal in Sri Lanka. Let us dig deeper and see whether this objective has been met.

The reality 

The government did not pursue renewable energy sources as the next immediate option, despite the expectations of the public and environmentalists. Instead, on September 14, 2016 (the day after the Sampur coal project had been cancelled) the government called for tenders for a 300MW diesel power plant, calling it a liquid natural gas (LNG) plant in name alone so that the project could proceed without any protests by environmentalists.

 This project is not the first of its kind in Sri Lanka – the Yugadhanavi Power plant (known as Kerawalapitiya) is also a LNG power plant, which has been operating with diesel for the last nine years.

In the absence of the planned 500MW coal power plant, the Public Utilities Commissiondirected CEB to fill the gap with diesel thermal power plants, while stating specific plant capacities and making recommendations to encourage roof top solar generation (Soorya Bala Sangramaya) and to promote self generation. The Commission also recommended utilising other existing diesel power plants, operating at maximum capacity.

In the absence of an updated national energy policy (with the old policy being gazetted as long as 7 years ago), the political leadership of the country is making policy decisions on isolated power projects such as floating solar plants. Decisions about energy policy and by extension the environment of a country have to be taken with a long term view – considering a time period of a few decades. Instead, the opposite is occurring. 

The cost to the economy

Replacing coal power with diesel places a huge burden on the Sri Lankan economy, which is already suffering a huge trade deficit at an average of 15%.

 Cost per unit of electricity
Kerawalapitiya (Natuaral gas power plant running with Diesel/Heavy Furnace Oil)Rs. 45.75
Norochcholai (Coal power plant)Rs. 7.63
Cost comparison of diesel & coal (Source – 2015 PUCSL Generation Report)

When the 500MW of generation capacity expected from Sampur has to be met with a diesel power plant similar to Kerawalapitiya, there is an additional cost of Rs. 133 billion a year (based on the above rates at 80% plant factor, the author taking responsibility for the calculation). This is equal to the cost of four Mattala airports a year.

The economic fallout has already begun, with  the  Minister of Power and Renewable Energy Ranjith Siyambalapitiya requesting an additional Rs. 50 billion for the next six months. This is not the total cost that will be expended, but is merely additional funding required to cater for the dry season when hydro generation is at a minimum.

Environmental Benefits

Apart from imposing more than six times the cost to the national economy with diesel/furnace oil electricity generation, are we as a country minimising our environmental impact? 

The following table summarises the common emission parameters of diesel & coal. For comparative purposes, natural gas has also also been included, as it is the most debated alternative fuel to coal.

 LBS per Billion BTUs generated
 CoalOilNatural Gas
Carbon Dioxide208,000164,000117,000
Carbon Monoxide2083340
Nitrogen Oxides45744892
Sulphur Dioxides259111220.6
Particules2744847
Comparison of emissions (Source – EIA)

There are proven technologies that can minimise emissions by up to 95%, including other polluting particles like mercury, which is the major pollutant considered in terms of coal power generation. In 1990 a study conducted in the USA found that municipal waste combustors and medical waste incinerators were emitting twice as much mercury as power plants.

The problem is that no local environmentalists or environmental organisations have conducted a field case study to assess the actual level of pollution even with respect to the existing coal power plant operation – Norochcholai. The published reports regarding the project, list the generalised effects of coal power generation, which are based on research conducted in other countries, rather than a quantitative analysis of Norochcholai itself. If carefully studied, the allegations leveled by environmentalists note the general impact of coal power generation and give qualitative observations rather than any specific quantitative figures. No one has even carried out a simple ambient air quality test to measure the change of air quality parameters in the area surrounding the coal power plant. To date, there is no public record as to whether any sea water or ground water sample parameter test has been conducted by the environmentalists opposing the project. A test which will cost less than LKR 75,000, including the heavy metal parameter test.

Therefore Sri Lanka is still in the dark in terms of actual pollution using coal as an energy source. Yet both the media and environmentalists continue to preach about the negative impact coal has on the environment. 

Clearly, the main objective behind cancelling the coal power plant (that is, promoting renewable energy sources) has not been achieved. The government is considering diesel generation on emergency grounds in order to avoid power cuts, creating a loss of over Rs. 100 billion a year. In the end this has not helped the country but rather a few Independent Power Producing companies (IPPs) which are eagerly waiting to put up their diesel power plants to the tune of massive financial returns. As was the case historically, environmentalists do not protest against the creation of these diesel power plants which run while bleeding out the national economy. This is not a new situation. The last time Sri Lanka procrastinated on this decision the national economy bore the brunt to the tune of Rs. 600 billion from 2004-2014. This large sum does not include funds used for building additional power plants but is rather additional cost of generating electricity using diesel for a few private companies. This mistake is going to be repeated with additional financial cost as the demand for electricity is increasing. The biggest tragedy is that though there is wide consensus that coal is a pollutant, we  still do not know the actual environmental impact caused by coal in Sri Lanka.  It is notable that one year ago Germany put up a coal power plant, which is three times bigger than Sampur, just next to Hamburg, the city known as the “European Green Capital”,  which is operating successfully. This from a country often taken as an examplar for renewable energy and sustainability.

Linguistic slights spur ethnic division in Sri Lanka

Monoglot officials are impeding post-war reconciliation



 | COLOMBO

FROM its gleaming new headquarters, Jaffna’s police force serves around 100,000 people. The vast majority of the local population are Tamils or Tamil-speaking Muslims; fewer than 50 locals are members of Sri Lanka’s biggest ethnic group, the Sinhalese. But the vast majority of the city’s 532 police officers are Sinhalese; only 43 are Tamil, and very few of the rest speak the Tamil language well.

This is not just an affront to Tamils, whose complaints about discrimination lay at the root of a 26-year civil war that ended in 2009. It is also a practical problem. Sripathmananda Bramendra came to the new headquarters one day in December to obtain the paperwork needed to replace a lost licence-plate. He waited for hours to talk to a Tamil-speaking officer. But the only one around was first busy with a superior, and then had to rush off to translate at a public protest. Everyone still queuing was told to return the next day.

Roughly three-quarters of Sri Lankans are Sinhalese; Tamils and Tamil-speaking Muslims make up the remaining quarter. But the population is relatively segregated, with most Tamils concentrated in the north and east. Unlike most officials in the provinces, police are recruited at national level and rotated around the country during their careers (doctors in government hospitals are another troublesome exception). The result is that police stations in Tamil areas are staffed mainly by Sinhalese, who struggle to communicate with the people they are supposed to be protecting. This, in addition to the mistrust bred by the civil war, puts Tamils off joining the police, compounding the problem.

Even after Sri Lanka became independent from Britain in 1948, English remained the language of administration. But in 1956, in an effort to court Sinhalese voters, the prime minister of the day pushed through a bill to make Sinhala the sole official language. For Tamil-speakers in the bureaucracy, the results were devastating. Those who did not learn Sinhala were denied raises and promotions. Many were forced to retire. The share of Tamils in the bureaucracy fell from 30% in 1956 to 5% in 1970. In the armed forces the plunge was even steeper: from 40% to 1%.

In theory, subsequent changes in the law have restored the status of Tamil, giving it near-parity with Sinhala in all government business. In practice, admits Mano Ganesan, the trilingual minister in charge of implementing the relevant laws, a properly bilingual bureaucracy is decades away. Since 2007 all state employees have been required to achieve proficiency in both Tamil and Sinhala within five years of being hired. But progress is sluggish. In 2015-16 60% of those who passed the required exam did so with the lowest possible score, suggesting that they are far from fluent. Embarrassing errors remain common. Mr Ganesan cites the example of a sign above a bench in a government office that read, in Sinhala, “Reserved for pregnant mothers” and, in Tamil, “Reserved for pregnant dogs”.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives, an NGO, tracks violations of the official language policy and, on occasion, petitions the courts to rectify them. In 2014 it secured an order compelling the central bank to print all the wording on new banknotes in Tamil as well as Sinhala. It is now suing to require instructions on medicine to be printed in both languages. More than 100 laws (many of them adopted in colonial days) have not been officially translated into Tamil or Sinhala. Even national identity cards did not become bilingual until 2014, after a legal challenge.

Forms in most public offices in the north are available only in Tamil, and elsewhere in the country only in Sinhala, causing problems for those who cross the linguistic divide. A similar problem applies to the courts, with a shortage of interpreters leading to delays in many cases.

The working language of the Supreme Court is English, but most appeal documents from lower courts are in Sinhala or Tamil, depending on the part of the country in which the case originated. The only Tamil-speaker on the court has just retired; the remaining judges must rely on English translations. The Court of Appeal, which also uses English, is only slightly better off: three of its 12 judges speak Tamil.

Police issue parking tickets and fines in Sinhala. Government circulars are mostly in Sinhala. The immigration department offers forms in three languages, but does not have enough Tamil-speakers to process the Tamil ones. Dial the emergency services, and there is often no one to field calls in Tamil.

Mr Ganesan wants to deploy bilingual assistants in all public offices, strengthen legislation to punish violators of the official language policy, establish a state-of-the-art complaints centre and even allow parties to lawsuits to request a judge who speaks a particular language. Implementing the language policy properly, he says, “will be the prelude to a political solution” to the Tamil grievances that stoked the civil war. As a recent task-force on national reconciliation noted: “Shortcomings in bilingual language proficiency throughout the machinery of the state were identified in most submissions across the country as a major impediment to reconciliation.” The task-force first published its findings in English and later in Sinhala; the Tamil translation is still not ready.


This article appeared in the Asia section of the print edition under the headline "Crossed in translation"

மங்கள சமரவீரவை நேரடியாக எதிர்த்த ச.வி.கிருபாகரன்



March 2, 2017
இலங்கையால் ஏற்பாடு செய்யப்பட்ட அமர்வில், இலங்கையின் மனித உரிமைகள் செயற்பாடுகள் திருப்தி அளிப்பதாக இல்லை என பிரான்ஸ் மனித உரிமைகள் மையத்தின் இயக்குனரும் மனித உரிமைகள் செயற்பாட்டாளருமான ச.வி.கிருபாகரன் கூறியுள்ளார்.
அது மட்டும் இன்றி உங்கள் செயற்பாடு எல்லோரது நேரத்தையும் வீண்விரையமாக்கும் செயற்பாடு என தனது கடுமையான எதிர்ப்பை வெளிநாட்டு பிரதிநிதிகள் மத்தியில் இலங்கை வெளிவிவகார அமைச்சரை சுட்டிக் காட்டி வெளிப்படுத்தியுள்ளார்.
ச.வி.கிருபாகரனின் கருத்தானது இலங்கை அரச தரப்பை குழப்பத்துக்குள்ளாக்கியுள்ளது.
ஐ.நா மனித உரிமைகள் பேரவையில் அமெரிக்கப் பிரதிநிதியாக, இராஜாங்கத் திணைக்களத்தின் அனைத்துலக அமைப்புகள் விவகாரங்களுக்கான பிரதி உதவிச் செயலாளர் எரின் பார்க்லே ச.வி.கிருபாகரன் அவர்களின் கருத்தை மிக உன்னிப்பாக முன்னால் இருந்து அவதானித்துக் கொண்டிருந்தமை குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.




கேள்விகளால் தடுமாறி நாடுகடந்த தமிழீழ அரசாங்கத்தை இலங்கைக்கு அழைத்த வெளிவிவகார அமைச்சர்

Sri Lanka’s Failure To Establish Hybrid Court Must Lead To ICC Referral


Colombo Telegraph
By Usha S Sri-Skanda Rajah –March 2, 2017
Usha S Sri-Skanda-Rajah
“When humans understand fully they have rights, it is next to impossible to make them un-know it.” – High Commissioner Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein
The 34th Session of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has begun and all eyes are turned to Geneva. What struck me most in the High Commissioner’s opening remarks was this line, a line so true and profound: “When humans understand fully they have rights, it is next to impossible to make them un-know it.”
And for the Tamil people seeking justice, truth, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence – the so called four pillars of transitional justice, the High Commissioner’s words couldn’t have been more true and profound.
So it seems words can be true and profound, but they can also hold empty promises and half truths. And that’s what we heard from Sri Lanka’s foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, as he addressed the UNHRC, a speech full of empty promises, half truths, innuendos and glaring omissions – it would seem the Minister managed to con his way out of the rather thorny issue of noncompliance, exactly as predicted – but did he convince his audience? Hopefully not. It was quite apparent to anyone in the human rights business that his country had done nothing, virtually zero towards implementing Resolution HRC30 it had co-sponsored, on the 1st of October 2015 on, “Promoting Accountability, Human Rights and Reconciliation”. As always the Minister does a pretty good job in giving hollow assurances to the international community, but for how much longer. There will come a day when words would have to be put into action. words such as these that are repeated over and over again and have sadly lost its meaning in Srilanka:
I quote:
“The Srilanka that we seek to build here onward, should be one where justice reigns; where human rights are valued; where every individual’s dignity is upheld; where civil society and the media play their due role; a society that believes in the importance of the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law; and where everyone has equal rights.”
End quote.
More contemptuous was the Minister’s long list of steps taken by Srilanka, since he last addressed the UNHRC in June 2016. Almost everyone of those items listed hadn’t come to fruition, seemingly bordering on half truths; a list that appeared to be more a ‘to do list’ than a completed list.
It was as I wrote in my article: ‘Come March 2017 UN Must Act On Srilanka‘, and the question on everyone’s mind:
I quote:
“How far has Sri Lanka gone towards fulfilling its obligations under Resolution HRC 30, i.e. towards delivering transitional justice to victims of Mullivaiikal? Sri Lanka seems to be inching its way to nowhere as many still ponder over the question that’s been asked again and again: In the search for justice, will Sri Lanka match up to the task? Transitional Justice meaning, criminal Justice, reparations, truth and memory, institutional reform, gender issues, matters pertaining to children and youth etc..
As regards even the new regime the answer still seems to be a resounding no!”
End quote:
The Minister also found people to blame for the delays, insinuating that: “extremists forces were creating road blocks.” As if the Minister didn’t know, if he wont, someone else must tell the High Commissioner and the UNHRC and the member states, (if they don’t know yet), its the extremist forces from the Minister’s community and their bigotry that was the root cause for the conflict and for its perpetuation; it is they who would be the final authority and the ones who would decide how far this Resolution HRC30 would go – in Srilanka politicians play the race card all the time – a compelling reason to tarry no more but opt for an independent international judicial mechanism and move on.
More than what the Minister said, what the Minister didn’t say was important; especially his marked silence on the failure to establish a hybrid judicial mechanism consisting of foreign judges, prosecutors, counsels and investigators. Obviously the Minister had nothing to say, because Srilanka had done nothing to crow about. It now seems clear that Srilanka would be asking for that extension of possibly 18 months or a complete withdrawal of resolution HRC30 in the comprehensive written report it would be submitting that would be opened for debate, as set out in para 18 of Resolution HRC30.
It’s these glaring omissions that were taken up soon after the Minister spoke by the Independent, Monitoring and Accountability Panel (MAP) commissioned by the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE). MAP had been working from the time Resolution HRC30 was adopted, monitoring Sri Lanka’s compliance of it; and while Srilanka would come to the 34th session as expected with empty promises, this team of distinguished, internationally known legal luminaries, specialised in transitional justice, and ‘Mass Atrocity Crimes’ was busy putting Srilanka under intense scrutiny.
MAP tasked to monitor & “shine a light” on Srilanka’s implementation or lack thereof of Resolution HRC30 released the findings and recommendations of its 2nd spot report to coincide with the 34th Session and after the Minister made his address to the UNHRC. The report, in short, called for an ICC (International Criminal Court) referral by the UN Security Council built into a brand new resolution, if Srilanka failed, among other, to establish a hybrid judicial mechanism within one year:

It cannot be right to allow Sri Lanka's own investigation

It cannot be right to allow Sri Lanka's own investigation

Mar 02, 2017
‘It cannot be right that the Sri Lankan government is allowed to investigate itself’ – UK’s Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer

Senior Labour Party MPs, including leading members of the Labour Shadow Cabinet, have called on the UK Government to ensure that Sri Lanka honours the promises it made - in the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution 30/1 - to address the legacy of the country’s armed conflict.
The Government of Sri Lanka’s commitments to achieving justice, accountability and reconciliation, under resolution 30/1, will be assessed by the UNHRC at its current 34th Session in Geneva, Switzerland.
Speaking at a packed Tamils for Labour event in Parliament, on Tuesday 28th February, John McDonnell MP, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, said the Labour Party is “extremely concerned about the role that the Sri Lankan government has in the recent period – [they] are trying to undermine the UN resolutions and the way which the Human Rights Council has sought to address this matter. I think the Sri Lankan government have had a strategy for dividing and ruling the Tamil community; dividing and ruling the international community; and trying to undermine any attempt to seek truth and justice on this particular issue.”
Mr McDonnell went on to say that “there is a real anxiety that the Sri Lankan government will again manipulate the situation in the Human Rights Council where again we don’t get any further movement on this. That’s why we are saying to the UK government it is important that they stand firm in these negotiations; that we get both the proper investigation: the monitoring of the Sri Lankan government’s activities; and at the end of the day also the holding to account the perpetrators of these human rights abuses that have taken place, particularly in recent years."
"[...] It cannot be right that the Sri Lankan government is allowed to investigate itself. That is not an independent inquiry. In addition to that, it cannot be right that the Sri Lankan government almost vetoes elements of international representation in independent inquiries - that will never achieve the security of truth that we are seeking in this matter.”
Rt. Hon Emily Thornberry MP, the Shadow Foreign Secretary, said she was “far from convinced that this is the right time to reintroduce EU trade concessions [GSP+] to Sri Lanka. We need to think about what message this would send on human rights. So I am writing to the Foreign Secretary and urging his government to press for further progress on human rights before trade concessions are offered to Sri Lanka.”
Reiterating his colleague’s call for further action, Barry Gardiner MP, the Shadow Secretary of State for International Trade, also said the Sri Lankan government cannot be allowed to deceive the international community through another resolution at the UNHRC: “I think it is now time that we should say not just no to a second resolution, but that that we have a referral from the UN Human Rights Council to the UN General Assembly. And I think that really is where this must now go.”
The meeting’s host, Rt. Hon Joan Ryan - the MP for Enfield North, said: “The slaughter of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians in the Vanni in the final weeks of the war will never be forgotten."
"[...] There are many of us – and I am one – who would say that a genocide took place against the Tamil people on the beaches of Mullivaikal and elsewhere. It is shameful that so many questions about what happened to the disappeared remain unanswered and that justice and accountability has still not prevailed. Justice delayed is justice denied."
"[...] We must not allow the commitment to an investigation that involves international judges and others to just be brushed under the carpet. This was a commitment that Sri Lanka itself made. It was a very, very important step forward in 2015, and we must not allow that to disappear.”
The meeting was chaired by Siobhain McDonagh, MP for Mitcham and Morden.
The comments of the senior members of the Labour Shadow Cabinet were echoed by Mike Gapes, MP for Ilford South, Wes Streeting MP for Ilford North, Rt. Hon Stephen Timms, MP for East Ham, Liz McInnes, MP for Heywood and Middleton, Thangam Debbonaire, MP for Bristol West, and Dawn Butler, MP for Brent Central.
The messages of the Labour Leader, Rt. Hon Jeremy Corbyn MP, and Kate Osamor MP, the Shadow Secretary of State for International Development, who could not attend the meeting due to unavoidable circumstances, were read out by their colleagues.
Speaking at the event, Sen Kandiah, the Chair of Tamils for Labour, called for the UNHRC to establish an in country monitoring office in the North and East of Sri Lanka to ensure that the fundamental rights and freedoms of Tamils are respected and upheld.
Sen Kandiah, Chair of Tamils for Labour, said:
“I was delighted by the incredible turnout at the Tamils for Labour event.
The UK Labour Party is a committed supporter of the Tamil people and for the causes of truth, justice, accountability and reconciliation in Sri Lanka.
The Party’s support is as important now as it has ever been and the Labour leadership and Labour MPs will be bringing pressure to bear on the UK Government, the institutions of the United Nations and the Sri Lankan authorities to ensure that justice and reconciliation prevail.”