Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, March 2, 2017

Teenager's sickle cell reversed with world-first therapy


Sickle cellHealthy red blood cells are round, but the genetic defect makes them sickle shaped
BBC
By James Gallagher-2 March 2017
A French teenager's sickle cell disease has been reversed using a pioneering treatment to change his DNA.
The world-first procedure at Necker Children's Hospital in Paris offers hope to millions of people with the blood disorder.
Scientists altered the genetic instructions in his bone marrow so it made healthy red blood cells.
So far, the therapy has worked for 15 months and the child is no longer on any medication.
Sickle cell disease causes normally round red blood cells, which carry oxygen around the body, to become shaped like a sickle.
These deformed cells can lock together to block the flow of blood around the body. This can cause intense pain, organ damage and can be fatal.
The teenager who received the treatment had so much internal damage he needed to have his spleen removed and his hips replaced.
Every month he had to go into hospital to have a blood transfusion to dilute his defective blood.
But when he was 13, doctors at the Necker Children's Hospital in Paris did something unique.

'No sign of disease'

Doctors removed his bone marrow - the part of the body that makes blood. They then genetically altered it in a lab to compensate for the defect in his DNA that caused the disease.
Sickle cell is caused by a typo in the instructions for making the protein haemoglobin, which is densely packed into red blood cells.
A virus was used to infect the bone marrow with new, correct instructions.
The corrected bone marrow was then put back into the patient.
The results in the New England Journal of Medicine showed the teenager has been making normal blood since the procedure 15 months ago.
Philippe Leboulch, a professor of medicine at the University of Paris, told the BBC News website: "So far the patient has no sign of the disease, no pain, no hospitalisation. He no longer requires a transfusion so we are quite pleased with that.
"But of course we need to perform the same therapy in many patients to feel confident that it is robust enough to propose it as a mainstream therapy."

'Given his life back'

Prof Leboulch is nervous about using the word 'cure' as this is just the first patient to come through clinical trials.
But the study does show the potential power of gene therapy to transform the lives of people with sickle cell.
"I think it's very significant, essential they've given him his life back," said Dr Deborah Gill from the gene medicine research group at the University of Oxford.
She told the BBC: "I've worked in gene therapy for a long time and we make small steps and know there's years more work.
"But here you have someone who has received gene therapy and has complete clinical remission - that's a huge step forward."
However, the expensive procedure can only be carried out in cutting-edge hospitals and laboratories, while most sickle cell patients are in Africa.
The next big challenge will be to transform this pioneering science into something that really can help millions of people.
Follow James on Twitter.

A normal red blood cell next to a sickle cellImage copyright

What is sickle cell disease?

  • Sickle cell disease is a lifelong condition caused by a faulty gene that affects how red blood cells develop
  • SCD mainly affects people of African, Caribbean, Middle Eastern, Eastern Mediterranean and Asian origin
  • People with sickle cell are often at an increased risk of contracting serious infections or they could become anaemic, which is when red blood cells cannot carry enough oxygen around the body. This can cause tiredness and shortness of breath
  • Some patients have regular blood transfusions - usually every three to four weeks - as a form of treatment for the condition
Source: NHS Choices

Sri Lanka: Failing the Victims ( Video)


An Expert Assessment of the Sri Lankan Government’s Transitional Justice Effort

( March 1, 2017, Geneva, Sri Lanka Guardian) On 28 February 2017, the Monitoring Accountability Panel (“MAP”) will issue its Second Spot Report, which will coincide with the 34th session of the UN Human Rights Council. In the 27-page report, the MAP’s international legal experts will outline their assessment of the Sri Lankan Government’s transitional justice efforts to date, and provide recommendations going forward.
Since co-sponsoring the UN Human Rights Council Resolution on « Promoting reconciliation » accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka, the Sri Lankan President and Government Ministers have backtracked on their commitments to implement effectively the four transitional justice pillars. In particular, the Sri Lankan Government has reversed its own pledge to include foreign judges and prosecutors in a special war crimes court, and appears intent on ignoring legitimate recommendations of the Consultation Task Force.
On 28 February 2017, the MAP members will provide details of this report and answer questions from the press and public.

Wednesday, March 1, 2017

Sri Lanka: A Roadmap to Victims’ Justice


The following press release on the report issued by the Sri Lanka Monitoring Accountability Panel (‘MAP’), a UK-based human rights monitoring team


( March 1, 2017, Geneva, Sri Lanka Guardian) Today the Sri Lanka Monitoring Accountability Panel

(‘MAP’) issues its Second Spot Report. The international legal experts provide an independent assessment of the transitional justice efforts by the Sri Lankan Government, and recommendations going forward.

The Second Spot Report coincides with the briefing of Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister, Mangala Samaraweera, to the Human Rights Council at its 34th regular session. The Sri Lankan Government will undoubtedly claim that much progress has been made to fulfil its commitments under the October 2015 Resolution on ‘Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka.’ The MAP’s assessment, however, demonstrates the opposite. In fact:
“It has become increasingly obvious in recent months that what little political will existed on the part of the current Government of Sri Lanka one year ago has now evaporated, almost entirely. Seemingly, the Sirisena administration has been acting in bad faith for some time with respect to its commitments under the HRC Resolution.”
Whilst international justice processes can take a long time to implement, the Government of Sri Lanka could and should have made significant progress by now. Yet not a single concrete step has been taken towards establishing a war crimes court. Considering the scale and brutality of the crimes committed during Sri Lanka’s armed conflict, this inaction amounts to an unconscionable violation of Sri Lanka’s obligations to its victims. This has led the MAP to recommend, amongst other actions, that:
“Should the Government of Sri Lanka continue to act in bad faith and/or fail to take significant steps towards implementing the word and spirit of HRC Resolution 30/1, the United Nations Security Council should, within one year, refer the Sri Lanka situation to the International Criminal Court.”
The Second Spot Report can be found below;

Context: An Appeal To All Sri Lankans On New Constitution


Colombo Telegraph
By S. Krishnananthan –March 2, 2017

S. Krishnananthan
To understand my article on the “An Appeal to Sri Lankans on the New Constitution” the context on which I wrote the article is important and the context is going to be the main theme of this article and this context will place my article on the correct perspective. Let my therefore briefly explain the “Context”.
Context:- The process for drafting a new constitution commenced in January 2016 and was moving slowly, but steadily.
The third sitting of the Constitutional Assembly was held on 19th November 2016 and the First Interim Report of the Steering Committee was presented to the Constitutional Assembly by Hon. Ranil Wicremesinghe in his capacity as Chairman of the Steering Committee.The Report was a compilation of the six sub-committee reports on Fundamental Rights, the Judiciary, Law & Order, Public Service, Public Finance and Centre-Periphery Relations.
The Steering Committee is engaged in directly deliberating on core subject areas pertaining to the nature of the State, form and structure of government, principles of devolution, religion, electoral reforms and land. The Second Interim Report of the Steering Committee will be based on these deliberations and is to be presented to the Constitutional Assembly 
and both the Interim Reports do not constitute final decisions of the Steering Committee and the contents of both the Reports are to be debated by the Constitutional Assembly in January 2017.
But it was no debated as planned, the debate was postponed indefinitely. A lot of things happened soon thereafter. SLFP in the government began to send signals that go against the original intention of going all the way for a two third majority and then a referendum for proclaiming a new constitution.
  • The SLFP will ensure that the foremost place is given to Buddhism.
  • The unitary status of Sri Lanka will be protected.
  • The SLFP will not support any Constitutional change that requires a referendum.
  • There will be no change to the Executive Presidential system.
  • There will be no merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
  • Devolution of power will only be through the fuller implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.
This means that all our expectations are all annulled . The new constitution will not be presented and the opportunity is lost. The SLFP and the UNP are now at loggerheads over constitutional reforms.
This is the situation when The article by Dr Laksiri Fernando, “An appeal to Tamil Political parties’ appeared in the Colombo telegraph.
The real stumbling block to the constitutional process is the stand taken by both factions of the SLFP and not anything done or not done by the Tamil parties and it is also clear that the SLFP in Government is frightened by the Joint Opposition and unless joint opposition is persuaded to be back in the process there is absolutely no chance of SLFP in Government to back the process for formulating the new constitution It is a crisis of gigantic proportion unless the Joint opposition is back there is no prospect of resuming the process. Is is a do or die situation. That is why I responded with an appeal to all Sri Lankans primarily to draw in the Joint Opposition and resulting in bring back the majority Sinhala opinion articulated by the SLFP into the constitutional drafting process. Hence the thrust of my proposals are addressed to mainly to the hardliners among the Sinhala Community.
This is the context, now you could read again my proposal and also this article .The opinion and stand of the Joint Opposition is crucial because the present leaders of the joint opposition had recently taken a narrow parochial position and threatening to withdraw from the constitution making process.
The leaders of the caliber of Prof G.L.Pieris, Vasudeva, Tissa Vitarana, DEW Genesekara Dilan Perera and even Mahinda Rajapakse could be persuaded to pursue a moderating influence and thereby on the general Sinhala opinion to moderate their stand on “Nature of State”, “Foremost place to Buddhism” and “Centre-periphery relations”. Hence My expectation was for Dr Laksiri Fernando to appeal to the Sinhala leaders rather than appealing to the weaker party. Now is the time for others to come down a little. This is nothing but a negotiating strategy and my proposals are a package and have to look at the whole to understand the parts.
While my appeal to all Sri Lankans are based on the premises that a little compromise on the entrenched position will go all the way for an all inclusive support for the new constitution. Is it too much to expect the Joint Opposition to come down only a little bit on the Nature of State – from unitary yes unitary to unitary with shared power, because we at the same time expect the Tamil parties to come down from federalism to sharing of power and similarly from secularism to foremost place to Buddhism with inbuilt secular concept.
A joint effort from a group of religious and lay dignitaries to personally meet and negotiate with all political parties and persons with influence to be flexible and accommodative in respect of the entrenched clauses and these efforts are necessary outside the constitutional assembly and the steering committee because constitution making should not left to the exclusive domain of the politicians. If we fail to act history will blame us not the politicians for not capturing the momentous opportunity for a good cause.
This is not a zero sum game and a win-win situation is possible and I passionately wanted the support of Mahinda Rajapakse and his group so that the new constitution will last for a considerable period. But the negotiations must be undertaken by people with patience and negotiating skills with positive attitude who could handle this historic prospect. It should not be another missed opportunity. An all inclusive constitution is the ultimate objective.


  • GoSL event on sidelines of UNHRC34 draws broad interest
  • Truth-seeking commission, reparations office draft legislation before Cabinet soon
  • President, PM issue end 2018 deadline for private lands held by military
  • Jayampathy says talks on new constitution have resumed
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By Dharisha Bastians in Geneva-Thursday, 2 March 2017

The permanent Office of Missing Persons should be ready to go in two or three months, the Sri Lankan Government announced in Geneva yesterday, urging victims and activists to be patient as frustration mounts about the pace of its progress on reconciliation and justice.

The Government had already allocated Rs. 1.4 billion for the Office of Missing Persons in its 2017 budget and the Office will be operationalised once the subject is assigned to a Ministry, Secretary General of the Secretariat for Coordinating Reconciliation Mecha-nisms (SCRM) Mano Tittawella told an event organised by the Government on the sidelines of the UN Human Rights Council’s 34th Session.

He added that the OMP would be fully independent from Government, with the OMP law mandating that the Office will report directly to Parliament. “The Office will function at district level and is vested with powers by the Act to go to any province or region. The OMP may even use mobile units to gather information,” the SCRM Chief explained.

“We started working on transitional justice processes less than two years ago. We know this waiting is painful for the victims. But we urge patience, so that we can get this right,” Tittawella told participants at the side event.

Secretary General Tittawella said the Government was also hopeful that the suggested design of the truth-seeking commission and the office of reparations and draft legislation for these two mechanisms could be put before Cabinet in the next few months.

“On the accountability mechanisms, we are currently studying best practices around the world and the recommendations of the Consultations Task Force report,” he explained, adding that the judicial mechanism would be presented once the truth commission and the reparations office were ready.

Tittawella said the SCRM had already initiated meetings with the military in Jaffna and Galle, for dialogues on transitional justice. “The lack of knowledge about these processes is creating a misplaced fear psychosis,” the SCRM Secretary General explained.

On questions on land and resettlement, the Government delegation announced that the Prime Minister and the President had decided to complete the release of private lands held by the military by the end of 2018.

Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, who is leading the Sri Lankan delegation to Geneva, said the President and the Prime Minister had requested the military to provide a timeline for the release of all private lands under its control. “Where land cannot be given back for security reasons, people will be resettled elsewhere and compensation will be paid,” the Foreign Minister pledged.

Explaining to participants at the side event that 42 acres of land in Mullaitivu had been released by the Sri Lanka Air Force last morning, ending the Keppapulavu land protest that had lasted one month. “But is it not good enough to return land only when people protest,” Minister Samaraweera acknowledged. “I agree, this has not happened fast enough.”

Denying the Government’s repudiation of the CTF report in response to a question, the Foreign Minister said that the report had provided a good guideline on transitional justice. “In fact we are using the CTF recommendations as we finalise the design of the truth-seeking commission,” the Foreign Minister explained. The architecture of the Reparations Office will also be informed by the CTF report, he added.

The UNHRC side event organised by the Permanent Mission of Sri Lanka to the UN in Geneva, was held at Room XXI of the Palais des nations and well attended by Tamil diaspora groups, Tamil media representatives, human rights activists and representatives of state delegations including the US, UK, and Venezuela. The event drew much interest, lasting well over the stipulated hour with a vibrant Q&A session.

Senior Constitutional lawyer and Member of Parliament Dr. Jayampathy Wickremaratne provided an overview of the process to draft a new constitution that was ongoing in Sri Lanka. “Discussions had stalled for a while, but they have restarted now. The President has also launched tripartite talks,” Dr. Wickremaratne explained.

Opening the meeting, Minister Samaraweera said the Government was committed to “open and transparent engagement with all stakeholders”, and urged participants to engage in a vibrant exchange of views on democracy, human rights and rule of law in Sri Lanka.

“Outreach and dialogue are pivotal to our national mission of reconciliation and peace-building – all stakeholders matter,” the Foreign Minister asserted. 
Land and Police powers should be given to NP -- Rathana Thera



2017-03-01

Land and Police powers should be given to the people of the Northern Province, said MP Athuraliye Rathana Thera yesterday. 

Addressing the inaugural conference of the Sri Lanka National Council, he said that some MPs were constantly claiming to make a new Constitution to resolve the National issue -- which they define as Northern people’s land issues and Tamil speaking police in their areas.

 “We, too, agree on giving land and police powers to the Northern community. A national policy should be adopted before the lands are given, as the poor deserve the lands, not the politicians nor any other wealthy men who claim them,” he said.

 The Thera said that though former Prime Minister D S Senanayake had distributed Mahaweli lands, no other politician had done anything similar.

 He also said that the armed forces should be kept under the Central Government and administrative powers could easily be transferred to the North.

 “Instead of the khaki uniformed colonialist police personnel in High Security Zones, we could simply deploy police officers clad in white uniforms in the Northern areas without firearms. The war is over. Therefore we can give the Tamil people a police force with civil administrative powers,” he said.

 He said that there was no need of policemen carrying weapons in the North, as they were only needed to prevent thefts and other minor offences. 

Meanwhile, he said that the issues which were being highlighted in parliament to satisfy few persons could be resolved easily without going in for a referendum or changing the Constitution -- which would waste more time and money.(Thilanka Kanakarathna)


Muslim Feminists, Anti-Reformists, The MMDA & The Ground Realities


Colombo Telegraph
By Sabra Zahid –March 1, 2017
Sabra Zahid
The anti- reformist sections within the Muslim community, in relation to the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act (MMDA), allege that the “Muslim feminists are stirring issues” “asking for all sorts of things”, “making a mountain out of a molehill”, “want to change the Shariah“, and other accusations. They also allege that the Muslim feminists have made it so detrimental to the point of no return that all that is left is “damage control”.
They fail to understand that the reform conversation did not just begin with the so called “Muslim feminists”. The call for reform and these conversations began over 50 years ago, with many movements and groups advocating for reforms and also with many committees appointed by successive governments albeit yielding no consequences. Those spearheading the reformist movements in the past, did so within the community and within the ‘Islamic frameworks’ and their understanding of Shariah law. When they said whatever that they said, it was always backed through Islamic jurisprudence and examples from related Muslim contexts. Nothing happened. No one listened to them. Not the government, not the Muslim politicians, not even the bodies (albeit unelected) representing the Muslims of this country. So the so-called “Muslim feminists” took it a step further, calling out that conservatives will use any excuse to retain the status quo, reminding everyone of the principles of equality and non-discrimination and framing the issues in a discourse about citizenship and rights of Muslims as Sri Lankans.
Those opposing reform speak of the infallibility of the Shariah. They quote Hadith (practices of the Prophet) and their interpretation of religious text, to support their side of the argument. In doing they continue to ignore the lived realities/ experiences of women and children; the stories and the numbers. When someone relates a story, aghast they would retort “subhanallah!“, “asthagfirullah!” in mock horror. All mere words. These non-reformist elements, assume that those administering the law are infallible, as perfect as the Prophet. So they oppose that safeguards should be put in place to prevent the abuse or the excesses of the law. They also go on the ridiculous notion that the MMDA is Shariah and to change the MMDA is to change the Shariah, failing to understand in the very essence that different types of law compromises the MMDA.
Their arguments on basic right-based issues are also shortsighted. For example on the age of marriage, or on the lack of a minimum age of marriage (under the MMDA girls younger than 12 can be given in marriage), one argument that a conservative scholar put forth was on the basis that it is for an ailing father of a 11 year old girl child to ensure her protection through a marriage. It is outrageous that no other viable alternative apart from marriage for an 11 year old for that matter can be thought of by these types. These types go on the assumption that a marriage will always work. What of the reality of the actual lived experiences of women who have been given in marriage at a young age, now divorced, with children, and no education or any source of income? What about the countless cases of young girls abandoned by their husbands for second wives and the domestic violence that ensues in many of these cases? The Unequal Citizen’s study stated that there are many cases where husbands divorce their young wives on the perverted basis that they are “unable to have sex or do housework”.
On Muslim men’s right to take multiple wives, conservatives draw the example of the Prophet, who entered into marriages of alliances, married widows, etc. They also somehow miss the point that, the Prophet, apart from through his first wife (who was a business woman, much older than him) never had any children through his other wives. Moreover, the prophet’s sons in law, did not take multiple wives while, married to his daughters either. In any case, these types support polygamy on the basis that widows, “etc” need the protection and the respectability that a marriage could give them, ignoring the reality that in practice this is not what happens. There are multiple cases of men marrying multiple wives at the expense of their wives and children. Almost always it is those who cannot afford to even maintain one wife, who, for whatever reason enters into multiple marriages. It is also only in very rare circumstances that the consent of the first wife or wives-to-be is sort for the subsequent marriages. There are also many cases, where women only find out only much later that their husbands have other wives.
When it comes to divorce, the conservatives types, state that the Islam has the most liberal laws when it comes to divorce, which they support through an incident where a woman during the Prophet’s time came upto the Prophet and said that she wanted a divorce, although she cannot pin it down to a particular reason and this the Prophet allowed. So that is the example shown. Of course under the MMDA, there are types of divorce available to women; fasah which is fault based, where the wife’s side of the story must be corroborated by witnesses, which again will be heard and determined by a male Quazi (judge), supported by an all-male jury. The other types of divorce available (mubarat, khula) all needs the consent of the husband or a repayment of funds to him. Contrast this with the option available to men, ie “talaq” which can be sought without stating reasons or undergoing any case hearings.
These anti reformist types argue that, Islam gave women rights, so much so that even if a woman earns and can afford it, she does not have to contribute to the household expenses, because that it is the responsibility of the husband. Similarly under the MMDA, maintenance of the wife and child is assumed where the wife is living with the husband. So a wife cannot seek maintenance during the period of marriage, even in instances where the husband does not support her, which is a reality that cannot be ignored. Under the MMDA, on divorce, maintenance is paid only upto the period of iddat and where a woman is pregnant, up until the baby is delivered. How does one expect, a woman with no education or income, married at a very young age, to deal with this kind of reality?
In terms of consenting to a marriage, the anti-reformist elements say that under the divine law a marriage devoid of consent is invalid. Under the MMDA, there is no safeguard to ensure that consent for marriage is in fact obtained from the girl. Under the MMDA this consent is communicated through the girl’s wali (guardian), and the MMDA always assumes that the wali in fact has the best interest of the girl. This best interest is despite what the girl wants for herself.
In terms of appointing women as Quazi’s and jurors, there are all sorts of arguments put forth, such as, women’s emotional instability due to menstruation, the inability of women to retain so much information in their brains, the inability to handle a brawl at the courts (“a male Quazi can call the police and handle it, but a woman will be afraid”) and so on. I have nothing to say there, except maybe ask these folks to visit the general courts of this country and see what goes on there.
These anti- reform elements, also blame the feminists for talking about Muslim personal laws when there are others problematic laws such as the Kandyan Law, and the Thesawalamai Law. Now for those who speak about Islam as a religion where women were “given rights” before any other women elsewhere, now I don’t see why they need to defend the problems that the MMDA poses or hold from reforming the Muslim personal laws on the basis that the other personal laws are problematic.
The government replying to experts on the UN Committee for Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) on 22 February 2017, made it sound like the government is now working on the recommendations of the Committee which was appointed in 2009 by the then Justice Ministry to look into Muslim Personal Law reforms. In the absence of proper information, there are all sorts of stories that, certain sections within the Committee are backing out from the process, and then again when those sections are questioned, they say that they have done their part and now they don’t know at which stage the process is at. This can be remedied if the entire process was transparent, with proper timelines being given and adhered to.

TAMILS WANT SRI LANKA TO FULFILL PROMISES TO UN RIGHTS BODY


Image: Sumanthiran speaking to FCA, Sri Lanka ( Photo credit:FCA facebook)

By bharatha mallawarachi, associated press.-01/03/2017

Sri Lanka BriefSri Lanka’s main ethnic Tamil party has said the government has not fulfilled promises made to the United Nations including allowing a probe into war crimes allegations from a civil war that ended nearly eight years ago.

Mathiaparanan Abraham Sumanthiran, a lawmaker from the Tamil National Alliance, told reporters from the foreign media in Colombo on Tuesday that his party was willing to give the government more time to fulfill promises made to the U.N human rights council in 2015, but under a strict timetable and monitoring process.

His comments came as a U.N. human rights session began in Geneva, where the Sri Lankan government plans to seek more time to meet the goals.

In a joint resolution in 2015 at the U.N. Human Rights Council, Sri Lanka had promised among other things, a truth-seeking mechanism, a judicial mechanism to prosecute those accused of human rights abuses, and a new constitution that covers the island nation’s varied ethnicities and religions. However, little progress has been made.

“Sri Lanka has not accomplished even one of those obligations, not even one obligation that they voluntarily undertook,” Sumanthiran said.
A law was passed during that time to set up an Office on Missing Persons but it is still no operational, he said.

Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera said last month that the government needed more time, and on Tuesday he told the human rights council in Geneva that the government had made progress in fulfilling its promises, but added forces on both side of the island’s ethnic divide were throwing up road blocks for political gain.

He said they had refused “to acknowledge any of the far-reaching gains we have made in the last?two years.”

According to U.N. estimates, up to 100,000 people were killed Sri Lanka’s 26-year civil war, but many more are feared dead, including up to 40,000 civilians who are believed to have died in the final months of the fighting.

Government troops and the Tamil Tiger rebels, who fought for an independent state for ethnic minority Tamils in the island’s north and east, are both accused of war crimes.

The U.N. human rights chief has called for a hybrid court with local and international judges. Sri Lanka agreed to allow foreign judges before backtracking and insisting that only local courts could investigate the allegations.

Tracing the abduction of Keith Noyahr



ByTharindu Jayawardene and Bigun Menaka Gamage  -2017-03-02

An abduction that was buried and allowed to be forgotten over time resurfaced with the arrest of five Army intelligence officers by the CID recently. Facts and incidents hidden for eight years came to light with the commencement of investigations by the CID. It was 2008; the defeat of the LTTE was obvious and the end of the war was near. While the North shattered under the explosions of artillery fire, the South was also feeling the heat. - See more at: http://www.dailymirror.lk/article/Tracing-the-abduction-of-Keith-Noyahr-124755.html#sthash.n78nTwGW.dpuf

Keith Noyahr at the time was the Deputy Editor of The Nation newspaper. He was well known as a journalist of repute and was a versatile investigative journalist.
  On May 22, 2008, he headed as usual towards the Rivira Media Corporation, a private company in Maradana, where he was employed. 
 At the end of the day, after attending to other errands, Keith proceeded towards a restaurant at Duplication Road, Bambalapitiya.  
He was accompanied by the executive director of Rivira Media, Chrishantha Cooray and the Editor of The Nation, Lalith Allahakkoon. 
 They had dinner together and Keith had left in his car (PC 3023). He arrived at his residence in Dehiwela around 11 p.m., and had just opened the gate when a gang who had arrived in a white van surrounded Keith and assaulted him with pistols and poles.
  Keith fought back against the assailants but was overpowered by a dark, hefty person among the gang, who struck a blow to his head with a pistol. 
 The attackers then carried Keith into the white van, blindfolding and handcuffing him.
  Rs.2,000 was also stolen from his wallet and his gold ring worth one sovereign was also forcibly removed by the attackers. 
 The attackers continued their assault inside the van during a journey which lasted for about an hour. Later, he was taken out of the van and with a pole inserted through his handcuffed arms, he was carried inside a house with a number of large rooms, as stated by Keith to the CID. Once inside one of the rooms, he was stripped and the attackers continued to beat him.
 “What is your relationship with the LTTE, and who gives you information to publish in your paper?” the attackers asked. 
 As these incidents unfolded, his closest friends Chrishantha Cooray and Lalith Allahakkoon who had dinner with him the previous day, heard about Keith’s abduction. They rushed to his house in Dehiwela. 
 Ranga Kalansuriya, Director of the Sri Lanka Press Institute, and another friend visited Keith’s house. They observed that his telephone had also gone missing. They tried to contact him on the phone but failed as there was no response. 
 Lalith Allahakkoon informed the then Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa about Keith Noyahr’s abduction. A few moments later, DIG Anura Senanayake who arrived at the scene instructed them to come to the Dehiwela Police Station and lodge a complaint.  
Keith’s wife, who wept on hearing of her husband’s plight, began praying beside a religious statue. Two persons from Keith’s household also visited the Dehiwela Police Station as instructed by Anura Senanayake.  
At the time of their visit to the Dehiwela Police Station, Anura Senanayake was occupying the chair of the OIC. 
 “Have no fear, Keith Noyahr will come back without any issue,” Anura Senanayake assured the complainants.
  While he was speaking, he continued to ring Keith’s number. Suddenly, it rang but there was no answer. A check with a service provider revealed that the call had originated from Dompe. Someone among the crowd  then said “Keith has been taken to Dompe.
” A police team and a friend of Keith’s then set off to Dompe. 
 While this was taking place at the Dehiwela Police Station, the scenario at the Dompe hide-out was different. 
 The attackers continued to assault Keith, while questioning him. A call was received by one of the attackers, who replied “Sir, Sir”. Soon after this call, Keith was ordered to wash and dress up.  Thereafter, he was again put in the van with his eyes covered and brought to Dehiwela. 
 After dropping him, the attackers had threatened him with death, warning him not to tell anyone about the incident. 
 He was later admitted to hospital. 


Keith sought shelter abroad. The investigations came to an abrupt end. 
 However the case was opened again with the dust off the files in 2015. The CID faced an uphill task in getting to the root of this crime through the circumstantial evidence.
  It was revealed that at the time this call was taken, the telephone had been in the area covered by the service providers’ signal tower in Dekatana. After perusing the numbers of the calls that had originated, the CID obtained a list of official telephone numbers issued to the camp at Tripoly Maradana by the Army. From the investigations that followed, it was revealed that during the incident, five telephones listed by the army had been in use at the same time along with Keith Noyahr’s phone in and around Keith Noyahr’s house, his office and the Dompe and Dekatana areas.
  The CID further investigated the officers who had used these phone numbers and were able to identify them, and in order to corroborate the evidence obtained by the CID, had recorded statements from some others as well. 
 The CID further uncovered the fact that a group from the intelligence unit had rented out a house at Dompe Lansiyawatte and Dompe Baduwatte Walawwa. Records also indicate that they had used Dompe Lansiyawatte from the end of 2007 to the beginning of 2008 and after vacating it  had obtained on lease Dompe Baduwatte Walawwa in March 2008.  
They had occupied this house from that date to March 2009 for a one-year period. It is believed that this house had been used by a sub-unit of the intelligence unit of the Tripoly Camp of Maradana.
  The Police suspect that Keith Noyahr may have been taken to the Dompe Baduwatte Walawwa.  After a long investigation into the attack on Keith Noyahr, the CID took five Army Officers into custody last week and produced them before the Mt. Lavinia Court.  
The suspects were remanded till March 3.  
The CID, during its investigations, travelled to Australia and recorded a statement from Keith.  He stated that he could identify those who had assaulted him if he saw them again, according to CID sources.
  Accordingly, the CID requested the Court to produce the suspects at an identification parade, but Keith was not present as he was abroad. 
 The arrested Army men are still suspects. No charges have been filed against them. Courtesy Sunday Lankadeepa  

Why SAITM issue is much more than SAITM itself

Why SAITM issue is much more than SAITM itself

Mar 01, 2017

President Maithripala Sirisena says a decision on the private medical school, the South Asian Institute of Technology and Medicine (SAITM) in Malabe will be made after consulting all parties to the dispute.

Perhaps the right thing to do is to implement the Court ruling which has already been issued on the matter -- unless the Supreme Court rules otherwise. Changing and withholding the laws to appease an articulate minority of detractors has been an age-old practice in this country and have contributed to the overall breakdown of the rule of law. 
It would have been easier if the problem connected to SAITM is about the fate of a few dozen would-be medical graduates. If that were the case, viewed in an utilitarian perspective (i.e. the greatest good for the greatest number of people even at the expense of the minority) perhaps all this inconvenience such student protest marches, striking doctors -- would not be worth it. It would have been better to give into the protesters demands to avoid this daily public nuisance – though appeasement of that kind as we have seen in the past would only fuel further demands.

However, the SAITM problem is not just about SAITM, it is about the future of private higher education, which we badly need in this country. And by extension, it is also about the future of publicly-funded higher education, which has crumbed over the years because of the absence of competition. Sri Lankan State universities have proved to be incapable of socializing in an increasingly competitive global industry of higher education and emulate best practices of successful players because they operate within an archaic and insular institutional makeup that was put in place over half a century ago and has not changed since then. It is natural resistance to change to emanate from within and from an assortment of individuals and institutions that benefit from this de facto monopoly. Sri Lankan higher education sector is a miniature Licence Raj, that vast stifling structure which was put in place by the first prime minister of India, Nehru to keep the private sector out of economy, which for the next four decades made India the byword for under-performance and poverty. Some people tend to pontificate those systems for moral and otherworldly reasons, but they have rarely produced practical benefits for the large swathes of people who in fact became hostages of the dogmas of a bygone era.

If the Sri Lankan education system is so good as it is claimed, we would not be exporting housemaids and unskilled workers, we would have rather sent professionals. If our graduates are so good, those high-flying Indian IT companies -- TATA, Wipro, Infosys -- should be queuing up to open offices here. This ‘we are better than them’ mantra is bunkum and is itself a hallucination in our insular minds. 
In 1989, the then President Ranasinghe Premadasa back-pedaled on the Ragama Medical School issue which was later taken over by the government and turned into the medical faculty of Kelaniya University. He thought by giving into the demands of the JVP-affiliated student activists, and also by cancelling plans for a coal power plant in Trincomalee he could stave off a leftist insurgency in the South. He was proved wrong and finally his defence minister Ranjan Wijeratne had to fight with both hands to save the State. Mr. Premadasa’s decision nonetheless deprived this country the potential early bird advantage. Since then, countries such as Malaysia that embarked on private higher education, have become key global destinations for international students. For instance, Malaysia in 2014 had 135,000 foreign students and the numbers are expected to reach 200,000 in 2020. Since independence, we have lost so much and until 1977 due to economic dogmatism and since then due to political indecision. If we continue on the same path, there will be very little prospects for future generations.
"The Govt. is unable to provide quality higher education for students who wish to continue after their A/levels. But, it can create a conducive environment so that other players could play a role in education"

Very few, if any now argue that the government should have a monopoly in higher education. A government’s monopoly in anything, (or perhaps except the monopoly of the legitimate use of violence as Max Weber put it) leads to social overreach. That creates overall dysfunction. There may be countries awash with petro dollars, tax money, a greater state power and fewer people to cater to that do better than us. But we can not do everything that the Scandinavian countries which are at a different social economic level do. The Sri Lankan government is unable to provide quality higher education for all students who wish to pursue an education after their A/levels. But, it can create a conducive environment so that other players could play a role in education. The government can provide students with tuition fee loans and scholarships and regulate quality and continuous improvement in those private institutions. At the same time, the government can provide, as it does now, an education to a chosen few, and make sure that they get an education on par with the international standard. The whole affair of the government opening up new universities through every other budget while even the country’s leading universities are performing abysmally internationally is simply absurd and smacks of publicity gimmicks. Rather than squandering its energy and money by further expanding an already overblown public university sector, the government for the time being should invest on the existing universities and bring them on par with international standards.
Universities like Colombo, Peradeniya and Moratuwa have potential for that provided that there is a concerted national level plan. Perhaps the government that is getting advice from Singapore on how to build the Colombo Metropolis can also ask how Singapore converted their universities into world-class excellence. Those feats have been achieved by the government proactively engaging in planning, setting targets, hiring internationally and not being a passive observer. 
If the rot in the public universities could be cleared, the opposition to private education would dissipate. The main problem in local universities is that they have failed to provide that enlightened conditioning effect that most good schools in Colombo, Kandy or even my alma mater in Galle have been giving their students in the course of more than a century. Of course, there are other socio-economic factors at play. However, universities with a vast pool of resources at their disposal can definitely do better. If that happens, our graduates will have lesser reasons to be afraid of competition from their peers educated at private universities.
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