Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, February 25, 2017

Kilinochchi business community marches in support of protestors

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23 Feb  2017
Kilinochchi's business community marched on Thursday in solidarity with protestors demanding land returns and with families of the disappeared.
Tamil business owners and market traders shut their business on Thursday morning to march through the town.
The marchers expressed their support for families of missing persons currently carrying out a continuous protest in Kilinochchi, as well as for families of Paravipanchan protesting for their lands to be released from military occupation.
Demonstrators called for elected Tamil representatives to be stronger in holding the government to account on land reform and the issue of the disappeared.
Related Articles: 

RTI COMMISSION SHOULD NOT DEPEND FINANCIALLY ON PRESIDENTIAL SECRETARIAT.


Sri Lanka Brief25/02/2017

A civil group, “the Collective for Decent Lanka” has requested the Right to Information Commission to make public its financial and cadre requirements and  recruitment criteria to make sure that its employees including the Director General are appointed in a transparent and independent manner.

The letter follows:

Chairman

Right to Information Commission
Room No. 203-204
BMICH
Baudhaloka Mawatha
Colombo 07
Dear Mr. Chairman,
Right to Information on Independence of Commission – Staff & Financial Allocation

Regulations regarding implementation of Right to Information Act No.12 of 2016 was gazetted on 03 February (2017) with pre publicity notices carried in newspapers on 29 January and 02 February, that gave the understanding the Commission had by then established an office for its functioning. This therefore brings to our attention the most important issue of how independent the RTI Commission would be in public perception. The Act under Section 13 provides for the appointment of Officers and employees of the Commission.

The Act also provides for the Commission to secure necessary financial allocations from the Ministry of Finance. We firmly believe all such tasks and responsibilities cannot be delegated to other agencies and ministries since the Commission has to attend to all its tasks and responsibilities in a transparent, independent and accountable manner. Yet it is seen that for now the Commission is dependent on the Presidential Secretariat. One main reason for such dependency is due to non allocation of funds for the functioning of the Commission by the government in its 2017 budget and therefore the Commission receiving Rs.1.8 million from presidential allocations.

This is too meagre for the work the Commission will have to attend to during the current year. If therefore receiving funds through presidential allocations becomes a precedent, the RTI Commission will in no way be independent. Under such circumstances, if the Officers and, the office may turn out as one full of political henchmen. If that is to happen, the duties and functions of the Commission spelt out under Section 14 of the Act and the independence of the Commission itself will be wholly eroded.

In order to avoid such an unfortunate situation, we request the Commission to make public without any further delay,

01. the required total allocation for year 2017 and what steps or measures have been taken to secure that requirement

02. all details of the decided cadre for the office of the Commission provided for under section 13 of the Act

03. minimum educational requirements for all positions in the Commission, including that of the Director General 04. procedure to be adopted in recruiting all staff and employees, including the Director General and the time schedule for same.
Signatories –

Neville Ananda Attorney at law

Anton Marcus Trade union leader

Dr. Indi Akurugoda Academic,

Muditha Karunamuni Social activist

Kusal Perera Journalist

Amrit Muttukumaru Public Interest activist

Hasantha Gunaweera, Agriculture consultant & Community Development activist

Krishan Siriwardna, Communication Specialist – Poverty Alleviation

Contacts –

Neville Ananda Attorney at law – 0777876811

Kusal Perera, journalist – 0773508328

Ineffectual Leadership, Corrupt Politics & Persisting Problems In Muslim Sri Lanka


Colombo Telegraph
By Ameer Ali –February 24, 2017
Dr. Ameer Ali
There is one irrefutable fact about the Sri Lankan Muslim community and that is, this minority which has been living in this island peacefully for over a millennium since its origins in the 8th century and prospered exceptionally well in comparison to similar Muslim minorities in the rest of Asia, has, during the last two to three decades, got deliberately enmeshed in narrow ethnic politics and irrational religious fanaticism to such an extent that it is now confronting a virtual existential crisis. Unless the community’s problems are properly diagnosed and remedies meticulously prepared and presented for action the future of this minority appears unsettled and troublesome to say the least.
The responsibility for the prevailing crisis falls heavily on the community’s leadership, which is mostly shared by Muslim politicians and the ulema or religious scholars. Historically and prior to independence it was the Muslim commercial class and landed gentry that monopolised community leadership, but since then because of the country’s overall political, economic and educational changes the social dominance of the business class has declined relatively to that of politicians and the ulema. Unfortunately and seriously what is missing here is the leadership of the secularly trained Muslim intellectual class, an aspect about which l will have more to say later in this short piece.
Even within the political leadership the birth of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) in the 1990s marked a turning point. Before that, the Muslims of Sri Lanka never dreamt of forming a separate political party of their own. Aspiring politicians from the community joined the national parties, contested and won parliamentary representation and a few of them even became cabinet ministers. While the leadership of the Tamil minority was treading a divisive and ethnic based political line Muslim leadership on the other hand, with a commercial shrewdness historically and uniquely inherited, chose to work with the majority community so that the advantages to their own community could be maximised. This strategy, contrary to the criticism it receives from the SLMC politicians and their cronies, worked out very well, and owing mainly to the selfless dedication of some of the then Muslim leaders the community made several strides economically, educationally and culturally. Of course there were substantial shortcomings in these achievements some of which were superficial and even carried hidden disadvantages, like closing schools during the month of Ramadhan. However, the main reason for this shortcoming was not the political strategy but the absence of a carefully crafted agenda or program focusing on the long term interest of the community but designed in consultation with Muslim intellectuals and thinkers. Many of the reforms recommended by the pre-SLMC political leaders were ad hoc and resulted from random thought bubbles. It is the absence of a thoughtfully structured program that is still bedevilling the long term progress and national integration of the community. Sadly at that time such an intellectual class was too small to count, but now the situation is different.
The change of strategy by forming the SLMC, an independent political party based on ethnicity and religion, was the most populist but short sighted political move that some sections of the community undertook driven by selfish motives. ‘United we stand and divided we fall’ is an age old mantra that is always nice to listen but too difficult to put into practice. This is true of the philosophy behind SLMC and a supposed unity of the so called umma was the basis on which the original advisers of SLMC justified the party’s formation. The scattered nature of Muslim settlements in Sri Lanka, the conflicting linguistic and economic interests within the community, and even regional cultural differences were not given due consideration and was thought to disappear under an emotionally concocted political unity. In reality however, SLMC has ultimately become a party mainly for the Eastern Province Muslims and because of leadership squabbles and character assassination within the party there is currently a move to form another one. The SLMC launched its political campaign with the religious slogan “Allahu Akbar”, and resolved to fight for and win the rights of the Muslims. Nowhere in its party manifesto the leaders of the party spelt out what those unique rights for which they were going to fight and nowhere in the party’s latest conference speeches and publications was there any reference to how many of those mysterious rights has the party won for the community so far. Instead, corruption, nepotism, regionalism and personal animosities have become the bane of this party, and its narrow ethnic image and reckless religious sloganeering have added fuel to the communal fire in the country. Can the community afford this leadership? One can fool all the people sometime, some people all the time, but not all the people all the time.

13 A, the Indian model, and the problem of interpellation 


article_image
The signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord

by Izeth Hussain-February 24, 2017, 9:25 pm

Many Sinhalese, possibly even a majority, seem favorable to the idea of solving the Tamil ethnic problem through devolution on the basis of 13 A, though in a truncated form without land and police powers. Many Tamils, possibly even a majority, could be favorable to 13 A with some modifications of land and police powers. So a Sinhalese- Tamil consensus on a modified form of 13 A seems feasible. The consensus among the experts seems to be that appropriate Constitutional modifications to 13 A can be made with a two-thirds Parliamentary majority without recourse to a referendum. So there does seem to be a prospect of our reaching a definitive solution to the ethnic problem at long last.

There are several factors that can favour a national consensus on a modified form of 13 A as the solution. There is a widespread notion – not only in Sri Lanka – that devolution could be the best specific for ethnic problems that are peculiarly recalcitrant to solution. The idea of federalism as a solution has been with us over a long period, even from pre-Independence times: the advocacy of Leonard Woolf and S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and the demand for it by the Kandyans. Federalism became the main demand of the Tamils since the late ‘forties. 13 A, modeled on Indian devolution, has been entrenched in our Constitution for well over a quarter century, and the Indian model is now seen officially in India as amounting to "cooperative federalism". It is arguable that 13 A was imposed on us by Indian diktat and that there never has been anything like a national consensus behind it. It remains however that 13 A has been put into practice in a truncated form without much public demur for over a quarter century, which might be taken as amounting, in practical terms, to a national consensus on a truncated 13 A.

The preceding paragraph does not include the most powerful argument – ostensibly the most powerful argument – in favour of 13 A. It is that 13 A is modeled on the Indian practice of devolution that has proved to be a resounding success since 1947 in holding together multi-religious, multi-lingual, multi-ethnic India, making "unity in diversity" far more than a rhetorical slogan. What is the Indian practice of devolution? It is devolution on the basis of language, and 13 A amounts to the same thing because the predominantly Tamil-speaking people in the North and East will have their own Provincial Councils. Why should not the Indian success story be replicated in Sri Lanka as well?

We must bear in mind that the late Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew, who had far and away the most astute political intelligence of his time and who furthermore had a rather special interest in Sri Lanka, instantly and outspokenly welcomed the 1987 Peace Accords. But the LTTE chose to fight a war rather than negotiate a political solution. There was possibly another factor also that stood in the way of a political solution. The writer distinctly remembers reading in the Hindu a report that Rajiv Gandhi had declared at an election rally on Marina Beach in Chennai that he could not make headway towards a political solution because President JR kept on relentlessly reneging on his commitments. Anyway the LTTE and President JR are no more, and both the Sinhalese and the Tamil sides now have moderate and pragmatic leaders who are in earnest about reaching a political solution.

At the people’s level, both the Sinhalese and the Tamils are well aware that a hundred thousand died in the war, and the Sinhalese in particular should be made aware that according to what appear to be Indian assessments the deaths of LTTE cadres were only slightly more than among our troops. Would the Sinhalese people go along with the Sinhalese racist hardliners and oppose any and every proposed political solution, risking yet another bout of war? It is furthermore arguable that 13 A has never been tried out properly for various reasons. For the reasons given above, the conditions now seem propitious to attempt a definitive solution through a modified 13 A.

The argument developed in the preceding paragraphs seems quite plausible but in fact it is deeply flawed by a fallacy in its premise itself. The fallacy is that all ethnic groups are essentially the same, relations between them are essentially the same, and therefore a solution to ethnic problems that succeeds in India should succeed in Sri Lanka as well. It follows - according to that argument - that devolution on a linguistic basis that has succeeded in India should also succeed in Sri Lanka. However, that argument ignores the fact that inter-ethnic relations can vary greatly from country to country: they can be equable and cooperative or they can be agonistic and antagonistic. By "agonistic" is meant competitiveness that is not essentially of a hostile order, a notion that is derived from the ancient Greek notion of sport.

In India where states have been set up on a linguistic basis, inter-ethnic relations – that is, relations between language groups – have for the most part been equable and cooperative. There have never been really serious problems between the states. There have been problems between the states and the center over the use of Hindi as the official language, particularly between Tamil Nadu and Delhi, but they have been sorted out through an admirable pragmatic accommodativeness. There has been nothing like a quarter century civil war with a hundred thousand dead. So, on the whole, inter-ethnic relations in India, in so far as the determinant of ethnicity has been language, have been equable and cooperative, not antagonistic to any serious extent. Consequently, it is not surprising that devolution on a linguistic basis has worked smoothly in India.

Can we really expect that success story to be replicated in Sri Lanka? Here the relations between the two major language groups, the Sinhalese and the Tamils, so far from being equable and cooperative have been agonistic – with constant rivalry for scarce resources – and antagonistic to a horrifying extent, resulting in a quarter century civil war which left a hundred thousand dead. There are also other factors which would make a devolved Tamil unit here very different from the typical states of the Indian union. Unlike them our Tamils insist on a supposed right of self-determination, which means that however much devolution they are allowed, they can find that inadequate and still claim the right to strike out for a separate state. The present writer has debunked that supposed right, provoking not reasoned refutation but abuse. The problem posed by the claim to self-determination has to be contextualized to be properly understood, taking account of the Tamil Nadu factor, the power of Delhi, and the ability of the Tamil diaspora to stir up anti-Sinhalese sentiment in powerful Western and other countries. In addition, there is a new geopolitical configuration with the increasing presence of China in Sri Lanka and other South Asian countries, which could make India want to get a grip on Sri Lanka more than ever before. These factors are being merely mentioned here because they have already been covered in detail in articles by the present writer.

It is hardly necessary to labor the point that the replication of the Indian linguistic model of devolution in Sri Lanka will very probably aggravate the ethnic problem instead of solving it, and could eventually bring disaster for Sri Lanka. We must certainly recognize that the preservation of Indian unity in so much diversity is an admirable achievement. Western and other ill-wishers of India were hoping until the ‘seventies for the implosion of India into several particles, and the Indians themselves were fearful of that prospect to the extent of regarding federalism as an f word. Today Prime Minister Modi feels confident enough about Indian unity to extol the virtues of cooperative federalism. It is an admirable achievement, but it is a serious mistake to imagine that it can be replicated successfully in Sri Lanka. Indeed, there is a strong case for arguing – as the writer will do in the next and concluding part of this article – that India’s unity owes far more to a fully functioning democracy than to devolution. That is the model that should guide us.

(To be concluded)

izethhussain@gmail.com
Her purported crime falls under Malaysia’s draconian Film Censorship Act which prohibits “circulation, distribution, display, production, sale, [or] hire” of any film without the permission of the Board of Censors. It effectively makes any film, or even publicity about any film, illegal if it does not have prior approval from the censorship authorities.

Defend Lena Henndry
Lena’s conviction, and the penalty she faces, would be a disturbing blow to freedom of expression in Malaysia. But it would also represent a triumph for the sustained effort, led by elements within the former and current governments of Sri Lanka, to repress and discredit the film and its findings.

As Human Rights Watch report, “the prosecution in [Lena’s] case appears to have been strongly motivated by the Malaysian government’s desire to appease Sri Lankan embassy officials who had publicly demanded that the film not be shown and visited the venue on the day of the film’s showing to urge the venue’s managers to cancel the event”. It was likely as a direct result of their pressure, that the screening was subsequently disrupted by 30 Malaysian officials, leading to the arrest of Lena and her being charged in 2013.

Though the government of Sri Lanka which tried to stop the screening has been ousted from power, suppression of the film has persisted. As recently as yesterday, Sri Lanka’s ambassador to Geneva continued to insinuate that the film’s footage had been doctored. Last month, the Foreign Minister implied that, although he had viewed the film himself, his fellow Sri Lankans were not yet ready to do so. The punishment of Lena, with the aiding and abetting of the government of Sri Lanka, will no doubt serve to reinforce the perception that frank and open discussion of the uncomfortable truths laid out in the film will not be tolerated by the authorities. To date, no public screening of the film has taken place in Sri Lanka.

Recent history – and in particular the findings of a major UN report which found evidence of ‘system crimes’ during Sri Lanka’s civil war – has vindicated the film. Yet while the perpetrators of the crimes it exposed walk free, Lena faces jail for showing it. Her conviction is a basic denial of free speech which should immediately be overturned.
Please stand with Lena and let her and the Malaysian authorities know the world is watching by:
  • Sending the letter below to key members the Malaysian government. (A pdf version is also available here. Addresses of recipients are enclosed at the bottom. International Standard postage to Malaysia from the UK costs £1.33 for a regular letter. Alternatively, you can send a copy to the Malaysian Embassy in your country.)
  • Sharing a link to the letter on social media along with the graphic above and the hashtag #DefendLena. If using Twitter, you can target your message to the following handles, the Malaysian Attorney General (@AGCPutrajaya), the Minister of Home Affairs (@Zahid_Hamidi) and the Prime Minister (@NajibRazak), using the hashtag #DefendLena
Further information about Lena’s case is available on the No Fire Zone website, here.
International Friends of Lena Hendry
C/O the Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace and Justice
Grayston Centre,
28 Charles Sq
London
N1 6HT

To [full addresses below]:

Mr. Mohamed Apandi Ali, Attorney General
Mr. Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Minister of Home Affairs
Mr. Najib bin Tun Abdul Razak, Prime Minister of Malaysia


22nd February 2017

Urgent Appeal regarding Malaysian Human Rights Defender Lena Hendry

Your Excellencies,

On Tuesday 21st February 2017, Lena Hendry, a human rights defender in Malaysia, was convicted of showing the film No Fire Zone: The Killing Fields of Sri Lanka – an award-winning documentary film about human rights abuses at the end of Sri Lanka’s civil war – without the approval of Malaysia’s censorship authorities. She is due to be sentenced on the 22nd March this year.

I wish to protest in the strongest terms about this disgraceful conviction which flies in the face of every principle of free speech and democratic debate.

Lena faces a maximum sentence of three years in jail and/or a maximum fine of 30,000 Malaysian Ringgit (£5400/$6700) under Malaysia’s Film Censorship Act which criminalizes the possession, distribution, or showing of films which have not been approved by the country’s censorship board. It effectively makes any film – or even publicity about any film – illegal if it does not have prior approval from the censorship authorities.

The reality is that the law is being used for political censorship, and that is what appears to lie behind the conviction of Lena.

On the 3rd July 2013 the Malaysian human rights organization Pusat KOMAS showed No Fire Zone: The Killing Fields of Sri Lanka to an invited audience of 150 people in Kuala Lumpur, at a screening attended by the film’s director, Callum Macrae. The group went ahead with the screening despite pressure from the Sri Lankan government whose forces were accused in the film of responsibility for war crimes. As the screening got under way it was raided by 30 officials from the Malaysian Home Ministry, the Police and Immigration Officials. Three organizers were arrested and Lena was subsequently charged in September 2013. A three year-long legal battle ensued culminating in this guilty verdict.

The use of this draconian law to attack and prevent freedom of speech is disturbing and unacceptable, and is in danger of bringing Malaysia into international disrepute.

The Emmy and Bafta nominated film which Lena is charged with showing is now widely and internationally acknowledged to have played a key role in exposing the terrible atrocities committed at the end of the war in Sri Lanka. It also helped convince delegates to the UN Human Rights Council to launch a major inquiry into the events which saw tens of thousands of innocent Tamil civilians slaughtered in the space of a few weeks – most killed by government shelling.

The Sri Lankan government which ordered that shelling – and which tried to stop this screening – has now been replaced by popular vote of the Sri Lankan people. But many of its leading members and military officials stand accused of direct command responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

History has vindicated the film. Yet while the perpetrators of the crimes it exposed walk free, Lena faces jail for showing it. Her conviction is a denial of free speech which brings shame on Malaysia and should immediately be overturned.

Yours sincerely,

International Friends of Lena Hendry

Friends of Lena Hendry can be contacted through:  NoFireZoneMovie@gmail.com
#DefendLena
01
logoFriday, 24 February 2017

When the BJP was getting a lot of bad press all over the world and particularly in the US, to counter the bad press, Lal Krishna Advani, then BJP President, decided to launch an overseas wing to educate American lawmakers, the American people and the Indian American community about the true principles of the BJP. Within a few months BJP developed a group of professionals as vocal advocates for the party’s interests across the globe.

Good propaganda can serve to rally people behind a cause, but should not be at the cost of exaggerating, misrepresenting, or even lying about the issues in order to gain that support. So far the people’s mandate for political revival and equitable economic growth, good progress has been made in achieving international recognition and freedom of speech/thought.

The Government has certainly created a suitable environment for people to speak and act freely. The Government has done very poorly, however, to remind the people as to what they have achieved in the last 24 months. However, the absence of consistent statements have affected the economic wellbeing of the people and very few in the Government seem to be doing anything to iron out those inconsistencies. As a result FDI and business confidence is slipping. The Government has the capacity to change this situation very quickly, by simply being more engaged with the public.

Current situation 

02Therefore, as a result of poor communication, PR and too many spokespersons in the Government contradicting each other in the public domain, the public opinion the Government has created is that the Government is disjointed, divided on policy interventions, cannot execute their plans and the economy is badly performing. If some of these arguments are true, then they must be thrashed out in the public domain by the Government.

Bandula Gunewardena says the rupee to the USD is now Rs. 151, when they left it was Rs. 131, interest rates for risk free deposits are in double digits and inflation is creeping up. We all know there has been a huge credit expansion, businesses generally borrow to expand. On the other hand, if the economy is so badly off as critics say, how come the private sector banks are reporting billions of profits, the two State banks are set to outshine their private sector peers and they have all seen huge credit growth?

Banks are the most important financial intermediary in the economy as they connect surplus and deficit economic agents and significantly contribute to the development of an economy through facilitation of business.

In January 2015, many expected the rainbow revolution of Sirisena and Ranil to revive the stock market. Yet, to the despair of many, the market failed to deliver as expected. Nearly 25 months have passed and the market momentum continues to be weak. It is often argued the stock market is the barometer for performance (past and future) of the corporate sector. There are over 100,000 companies in Sri Lanka, of which 275 or so are listed on our exchanges.

The Prime Minister on various occasions has endorsed the importance of increasing stock market penetration among the middle class and rural sector. The Government undoubtedly wants to boost market operations. However the Government messages that get communicated by various spokespeople about tax policies, regulations and economic policies hinder the growth of the market.

The stock market has declined by over 5% for the current year. Therefore those responsible for managing the markets must look to adopting consistent business friendly policies to prevent the stock market falling down the precipice. Sentiment is key for market revival.

Right people

A popular web page recently said in an article, “The Rajapaksas were smart, they appointed people who were loyal to them and to the party. They would do anything to protect the Rajapaksa Government and these people would publicly at every forum defended the Government. That is why the Government held on for 10 years. Ironically the UNP has no one other than a handful.”

This is largely true, because some of the people appointed have no clue as what the vision of the Government even is or for that matter what is expected of them. While you need to appoint competent people to key positions, it is equally important to appoint people who have bought into the vision of the Government to implement and defend the Government’s vision.

Government at least now should take stock of their people in key positions and make the changes that are desperately required to drive home their national agenda. People working contrary to the Government’s national agenda must be moved out and replaced with fully engaged people.

It was Pope Francis who once said in an interview on television: “I look for Cardinals with both competence and passion to hold the key posts in the Vatican.” The Government could certainly take a cue from that when appointing key people to key positions.

The future

The victory of President Maithripala Sirisena at the presidential elections of January 2015 was due to two main reasons. Most of those who switched their allegiance away from the former Government did so on account of their rampant corruption and their getting away with whatever wrong they did.

The ability of the former Government leaders to champion the cause of Sinhalese nationalism was also high and remains so. It brought them electoral victory after victory. But at the presidential election, the issue of corruption and the fearlessness to break the law knowing no consequence would follow, trumped that of nationalism for a sufficient number of voters to give President Sirisena a narrow victory, largely due to the efforts of the public, who tirelessly changed the opinion of the public.

Unfortunately, today there is a sense of disillusionment with the Government despite there being progress in delivering freedom from fear and the space to protest and also the change of attitude of the international community for the better. However, the battle against corruption appears to be losing ground. Therefore those guilty must be weeded out from the system and the Government must focus on winning back the trust of the public by delivering a clear roadmap for the country that can and must be delivered. Key to this is a PR machine that can engage with the public on a regular basis to update them on the progress made and to expose the road blocks.

The Government has the capacity to do it and they must do it like yesterday if they are to regain the true spirit of their 8 January victory.

(The writer is Thought Leader.)

Plight Of The Poorest Of The Poor; Is It Getting Better Or Worse?


“In a country well governed, poverty is something to be ashamed of. In a country badly governed, wealth is something to be ashamed of.” – Confucius
Colombo TelegraphFebruary 25, 2017
In a desolate landscape, orphaned by any promise of rain or wind, in a still gloomy surrounding of trees and shrub, a lone farmer is tilling his land until sunset. Sunset in this arid zone is a spectacle of rioting colors, all the colors of the rainbow, from crimson red to violet and orange and blue, all dancing to a riotous order. But our farmer is woefully oblivious of that brilliant splendor. Far out on the horizon, a hazy column of clouds deters any human eye from seeing the fine line that divides land and the skies. But the hoeing goes on for it is the season for preparation of the soil before rains arrive, filling the manmade tank allowing the field channels to gush along the precious waters to the land of the farmer. Bare-bodied and exposing a half-starved, an almost emaciated figure of man, our farmer’s daily life is made up of physically tiring tasks. Whether driving a heavy digging hoe into a hardened earth and turning it around, one hammering after another, with sweat pouring down from his frail shoulders to his hollow parts of the outer stomach, or finishing flimsy repairs to a worn-out thatched roof of his old shack of home, he is not impeded by rain or shine. Demands on his labor are not foreclosed.
We have not yet arrived at the doorstep of a total disarray of our economic life. We hope that where administration of governmental affairs is in tatters, the economy collapsing, where all vital indices are showing an alarming downward trend, men, women and children drifting on the streets like ants without a queen-ant, will not arrive soon. Today there is no foreign enemy to point the finger at or as against a target to galvanize a hapless army of unarmed men; instead we have wretched politicians taking credit for an unknown accomplishment. The farmer had gone through this worthless terrain of early-twenty-first-century-politics. Snaking from one selfish leader to another, he has gone weary of the journey. The social burden he carries is enormous and his knees are buckling down- one physically and the other spiritually. Physically it’s emaciating him beyond recognition. The strapper of a man at the time he married his village sweetheart, is now a mere skeleton with some occasional flesh here and there. Our farmer was never affiliated to any political school of thought nor was he attached to any political organization at village level.
This great human odyssey is being played in every corner of our rural hamlets and villages. Their inhabitants’ inexorable struggle to keep their families contended and their stomachs full and spirit breathing is a hard daily routine. To relieve their melee of cruel hardships imposed by their own lack of education, their being born with no bequest of land from their parents and with many mouths to feed, their being exploited by the village lender and a heartless system that keeps trampling the poor and rewarding the rich and avaricious is a great story to tell. It is a great tale to chronicle.
Successive governments have failed to do the bare minimal for the poor, except perhaps the exception of R Premadasa, despite his dubious record in the exercise of governmental power, somewhat dictatorially- as argued by some, in a Stalinist-fashion. Premadasa is one political leader who has no match when determining to accomplish quite difficult tasks for the poorest of the poor. When Premadasa spoke for the poor, no political leader doubted his commitment. No organization doubted his authenticity.
Ransinghe Premadasa did not hail from those exalted halls of urban sophistication. In fact he did not pay any respect for that class which was rich in snobbery and miserably deficient in real commitment to alleviation of poverty. Classified as belonging to déclassé, Premadasa is one leader who commanded the respect of those so-called sophisticated class to an infinite degree and at the same time treated them like mere mortals whose riches were mainly owing to the closeness of connection they enjoyed with those in power. I have written extensively on the subject of ‘Premadasa Exceptionalism’, but that was principally limited to his social and political milieu. Premadasa’s accomplishments in the field of economic development are creditworthy to say the least. Although his Executive Presidential tenure was slashed down way before he completed his full term, his term as Prime Minister, as second-in-command in the J R Jayewardene-government was the one that brought much fame and praise. As Minister of Local Government, Housing and Construction, Premadasa’s contribution to the massive development program undertaken during that time was not second to the stupendous accomplishments of Gamini Dissanayake in the Lands and Mahaweli field and Lalith Athulathmudali’s achievements in the development of the Port.
When one looks at the present set of politicians, one does not find another R Premadasa. R Premadasa’s rivals were not limited to the traditional Opposition. Late in his career they came from within. And he did not handle that with prudence and wisdom. With the departure of Premadasa, the destiny of the United National Party also took a nasty twist. Seventeen years in power is too long for any party to be holding reins of power.

Dr., don’t get liberalism and capitalism mixed up!

Dr., don’t get liberalism and capitalism mixed up!

Feb 24, 2017
Participating in a monthly discourse being organized by Think Tank Colombo on the last 16th, Dr. Tudor Weerasinghe remarked that new concepts and creations were needed to understand the new world order that has surpassed democracy and liberalism.

That dialogue can be viewed via the Lanka News Web utube channel.
What Dr. Weerasinghe said there is somewhat confusing. He started by saying that the world has passed liberalism and that liberalism and democracy do not exist anymore. He also said sustainable development and the United Nations were functioning according to global liberalism, and that communism and Marxism were defeated by the 1990s, and that the past 20 years were victories for liberalism. What he said about a 7500 million population, virtual reality, transhumanism and sustainable development are confusing and that will only allow certain popular myths to get established. Therefore, we thought it fit to air our opinions about what he said.

According to him, three main ideologies came into being in the past 300 years with regard to the growth of mankind and social evolution, which are liberalism, nationalism and communism. However, it should be said that capitalism and liberalism are two different things.

Liberalism means a social-political system under which individual rights, equal opportunities and individual liberty are established and emphasized by law. Capitalism is an economic system intended to gain profits by private enterprise that caters to supply and demand in the market. Liberalism is an ideology and capitalism is an economic system based on profits.

Therefore, the ideological camps that existed should be capitalism, nationalism and communism. Of them, nationalism raises its head only when capitalism fails. It is like the ‘mat’ for capitalism. Nationalism raised its head in the 20th century just after the 1930 great economic depression. The failure of capitalism paved the way for the creation of a Hitler. Nationalism ended with fascism. That fascism ended with the loss the lives of six million Jews.

Marxist states were never created in this world. Marxism is an ideology as well as a grand wisdom. None of the socialist countries had Marxism. Instead, what existed were Leninism in Russia, Maoism in China and Castroism in Cuba. Marxism is an ideology that provides theories for socialist states. Unfortunately, that ideology did not exist fully in any socialist country.

In actual fact, it was the capitalists who had made maximum use of Marxism. Capitalists learnt from Marxism. The best sold book during the 2008 global economic recession was Das Kapital by Karl Marx. That is not because the world embraced Marxism, but because that book helped to understand the nature of the crisis.

The concepts like Prof. Francis Fukuyama’s 'The End of History and the Last Man' came into being in the 1990s due to the world having turned towards a single camp, that of capitalism. Thereafter, it is capitalism, not liberalism that went looking for enemies. Liberalism never looked for enemies and it did not want enemies either.

An example for the insatiable nature of capitalism is rent seeking companies. In rent seeking, society is exploited without giving it anything in return. Liberalism has introduced an opposing concept in CSR (corporate social responsibility). Social entrepreneurs take that further, in which human resources and the environment are safeguarded without earning profits. That is what the super rich like Bill Gates, Warren Buffett and Richard Branson do. That is part of what Dr. Weerasinghe said about the sustainable concept.

In reality, capitalism died together with socialism in the 1990s and only liberalism made a transformation along various humane lines and come to be humanism at present. A world free of boundaries and war, hunger, poverty and disease is building gradually.

In comparison, the so-called socialist states came to be stagnant. The result was the creation of despots such as Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong-un. Things that remain stagnant get overpowered by something else. That is why no socialist states exist in the world today. Whoever says whatever, what really exist in China, Russia, Cuba and North Korea is nothing else but capitalism, which is called kleptocracy.

Back to the topic. What we have to tell Dr. Weerasinghe is that the world has not gone past liberalism. The world goes along with liberalism. With the new trends of liberalism, humanism has come into existence. The religion in the 21st century is humanism. We kindly request him not to get things mixed up. We had to write this to maintain ideological accuracy.

This is open for discussion, by Dr. Weerasinghe or any other academic.
Lanka News Web editorial

S.B tears the threadbare reputation of the hypocrites -Exposes how Padeniya passed E-Bar exam (video) !


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News -23.Feb.2017, 11.45PM) It was none other than the Medical Council of Sri Lanka (SL) which proposed that SAITM be registered as an Institution awarding degrees in Sri Lanka (SL) . At that time 9 out of the ten University Dons (professors and deans of faculties) to whom this proposal was presented said in one voice that SAITM shall be registered. If Carlo Fonseka the present president of the medical council  is saying , irrespective of the decision delivered by the courts , SAITM shall not be registered , such laws exist in the ‘Crows Island’ and not in SL, said former minister of education S.B Dissanayake  .
It is hoped this sane and sensible explanation of Dissanayake made during a media discussion 21st will make Carlo and his clan wiser  though sadder on realizing their idiocy and imbecility despite their literacy.
The minister  made copious revelations including  secrets while answering questions posed by the media .The minister  went on to expose,  the GMOA president Padeniya who is so violent and vociferous now and showing ‘great concern’   for medical standards  ,  passed the efficiency bar exam by pressurizing the Health ministry to lower the pass  marks . While the required marks was 50 , Padeniya could secure only 35 marks . It is only by lowering the pass marks to 34 ,Padeniya  could succeed. 
Indeed , if the actual standard was not lowered Padeniya  who is vociferous  about medical education standards would not have passed the E-Bar exam .
In India there are about 3000 private Universities awarding degrees.. In Nepal too there are 50 such Universities. Then why only in SL , this has become a lunatics’ bugbear  ? the minister questioned.
Even the  daughter of the registrar of Medical Council studied in SAITM and was in the fourth batch. The daughter of the Dean of the faculty medicine of Colombo Medical College is at Nepal medical College and the daughter of the Dean of the faculty of medicine of Rajarata medical College is also studying in a   private medical College abroad , the minister pointed out. The minister also said he is fully aware of   the inferior standards  (vices)  of every one of those who are talking about maintaining superior standards in medical  education. 
The video footage of the full text of the speech of S.B. who unmasked the hypocrites and tore the threadbare reputation  into shreds of those who are talking about maintaining superior standard, is hereunder 
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by     (2017-02-23 20:49:58)

Sri Lanka: A rational approach needed to Solve the SAITM crisis!

The most important point raised against SAITM medical training is the inadequacy of their clinical training component, and perhaps the lack of sufficient qualified staff required for different disciplines. These deficiencies can be addressed in the short term in respect of those who graduated recently, while a long term permanent solution may also be worked out as suggested by some parties.


by R. P. Gunawardane-
( February 24, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) There have been wide ranging views in all media regarding the degree awarding status of the South Asian Institute of Technology and Medicine (SAITM) in respect of their medical degree program. I consider this an extremely important national issue with regard to the expansion of the higher education sector in Sri Lanka. Therefore, we need to address this issue without any bias, and considering the current realities, global trends in university education, and long term national interests in Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka Medical Council (SLMC), the University Grants Commission (UGC) and the Ministry of Health are the three most important organizations responsible to settle this issue. It is apparent from recent developments, particularly after the Appeal Court decision, that all interested parties pursue a confrontational approach, rather than trying to move towards settling the issue in the best interests of the students who have gone through the SAITM programme. It is also regrettable to note that some trade unions of respected professions are resorting to trade union action against an order issued by the Court of Appeal.
In any country the independent judiciary is responsible for interpretation of the law and for checks and balances of the executive, and therefore, the decisions of the judiciary should be respected. A good example is coming from the US, where the President, considered to be the most powerful person in the world, had to accept a lower court ruling to suspend his executive order preventing immigration from some selected countries. Thus, such legal disputes could only be settled by legal means alone.
The suggestion by some interested parties for this institution to be taken over by government is counterproductive. It will definitely make matters worse. It is grossly unfair to bring down an important institution built by a dedicated group of Sri Lankans, just because it has some deficiencies. It is much wiser to get the SAITM to correct the deficiencies and conform to the guidelines stipulated by the regulatory bodies. Closing down or government takeover will seriously hamper much needed non-state sector participation in the expansion and diversification of higher education in this country. Instead, such ventures should be encouraged and promoted under a proper regulatory mechanism so that similar issues will not arise in the future. Thus, deficiencies in the SAITM medical degree program should be addressed and remedial measures taken immediately by the SAITM administration in consultation with the SLMC, UGC and the Health Ministry.
It is regrettable to note that SAITM, on its part has continuously disregarded the guidelines issued by the regulatory bodies in their development process. Their gross negligence towards the stipulated guidelines is clearly evident, as reported by Professor Carlo Fonseka. In addition, SAITM authorities have not explained the current status of their degree program to the students at the time of admission. It is rather unfortunate that no action has been taken by the appropriate authorities well in advance to avoid the present situation. Now the first batch of SAITM medical students is already graduated and they are really the victims of the lapses on the part of the SAITM and regulatory bodies. There is evidence to show that the SAITM authorities have made some attempts to use government hospitals for clinical training with no success. It is important to point out that their attempt to use a government hospital for clinical training was stopped by the same group vehemently opposing the provisional registration of SAITM graduates!
The most important point raised against SAITM medical training is the inadequacy of their clinical training component, and perhaps the lack of sufficient qualified staff required for different disciplines. These deficiencies can be addressed in the short term in respect of those who graduated recently, while a long term permanent solution may also be worked out as suggested by some parties.
In the short term, the most urgent issue is to sort out the provisional registration of the first batch of students graduated from SAITM. It is essential that the authorities work out a plan immediately, in the best interest of these students who are really the innocent victims. In this connection, the proposal presented by the Deans of the state medical schools merits serious consideration, although it does not appear to be perfect. They have proposed that these students should be given clinical training in four specified disciplines for a period of one month, in each case in a teaching hospital. However, it is difficult to imagine that this short training program would be sufficient to cover up their deficiency, since the students in state medical schools go through a rigorous clinical program for a period of over 3 years. Yet, it is necessary under the circumstances to implement an acceptable fast-track clinical training program for these affected students by the Ministry of Health, as early as possible with the agreement of the SLMC.
The most serious issue, with regard to private medical schools as well as newly established state medical schools, is the quality of clinical training. Lack of a proper teaching hospital for clinical training at the SAITM is a very valid issue that should be addressed as early as possible for a long term solution. A suggestion to use the Avissawella hospital for clinical training has been raised. This may be a good idea because it does not seriously affect medical students of other faculties. Once an acceptable hospital is selected, the government may establish a state-private sector partnership to develop the selected hospital under the guidance of the Health Ministry. SAITM can upgrade this hospital under the guidance of the Health Ministry to satisfy the needs of clinical training of SAITM students. This will satisfy SLMC requirements and benefit both the government and the SAITM in the long term.
It is extremely important to note that all the requirements and standards stipulated by the SLMC or UGC, or any other relevant regulatory body, should be applicable equally to all state and private sector medical schools. This is the internationally accepted and a fair procedure, which should be acceptable by any court of justice. The SLMC will have to demonstrate that this is the case. If a private medical college operating in Sri Lanka satisfies these conditions, there is no need for their students to sit the ERPM exam for SLMC registration. They should be treated exactly the same way as for students from state medical schools.
We have 8 (Colombo, Peradeniya, Kelaniya, SJP, Ruhuna, Jaffna, Rajarata and Eastern) state medical schools in the university system coming under the purview of the UGC. In addition, another medical school was also opened recently at the Kotalawala Defence Academy (KDA) outside the purview of the UGC. State medical schools coming under the UGC are well regulated through the UGC itself and its Standing Committees, but it is not the same for KDA which is functioning under the Ministry of Defence. In these circumstances, it is hard to believe that the KDA maintains the same standard of training as in other state medical schools. It is in this context, most observers question the rejection of SAITM while the same SLMC has accepted the KDA Medical School, in addition to the newly established and poorly equipped state medical schools such as Rajarata and Eastern universities.
The general public expects regulatory bodies such as SLMC to be completely impartial and independent in dealing with these matters of national importance. If there are any plans to amend the Medical Act/ Ordinance, it is also important to consider broad basing the composition of the SLMC, to include some non-medical professionals, so that SLMC is not dominated by a particular interest group. Similar medical councils in most developed countries have wide representation including professionals from other disciplines and prominent civil society members.
Since KDA Medical School has come up for discussion, it is necessary to examine its setting up by the Defence Ministry. It is also a state medical school, although it does not come under the UGC. In the state sector, new medical schools are established based on the need, after a careful study of the infrastructure needs for teaching, clinical work, library and availability of teaching staff in different academic and clinical disciplines, among many other factors. This is usually done by the UGC through its Standing Committee on Medical and Dental Sciences. Apparently the UGC has not been consulted officially and this procedure has not been followed. In such a scenario it is hard to imagine how standards can be maintained or monitored in the absence of any expertise in the defence establishment.
In addition, there are other pertinent questions. How many doctors are needed to the defence establishment per year? Why not train the few doctors needed by the Army, Navy and Air Force in the existing medical schools in Colombo, Peradeniya, Ruhuna, or any other faculty, by spending a fraction of the colossal amount used for the establishment of a separate medical school? This is extremely important because the existing medical schools are already under funded and they need extra funding to improve their facilities.
In a previous article (Island, December 9, 2016) the author highlighted the importance of establishing an independent Accreditation and Quality Assurance Council (AQAC), applicable to all state and private sector university level institutions in Sri Lanka. The role of such an institution in this particular case is accreditation (a form of licensing) and quality assurance of the degree programs, in collaboration with the relevant professional body in each discipline, such as SLMC in the case of Medicine. In the absence of such an authority (AQAC), this function has to be performed by the UGC along with the SLMC.
In the accreditation process for medical schools, due consideration must be given specifically to minimum criteria (A/L requirements) for admission, availability of infrastructure facilities for teaching, laboratory work and library, plan for clinical teaching/ teaching hospital, quality of academic/ clinical staff and availability of scholarships/ loan schemes for needy students.
While this specific issue regarding non-state sector medical schools is being discussed, some interested parties are bringing a general issue against the establishment of private universities in Sri Lanka. They claim that it is against the free education policy in this country. Thus, it has become more of a political issue. It is surprising that no one is bothered about private sector participation in the education, health care and in many other sectors in this country. It must be realized that the state and private sector institutions can coexist and compete without harming the free education policy, as it happens now in the education sector.
Almost all Montessori preschools are run by the private sector. There are many private sector primary/ secondary schools operating throughout the island while we practice free education to all. Some of these private schools are of extremely high standard. There are many non-state sector universities and other degree awarding institutes operating in the country for many years. High quality private hospitals operate side by side with state hospitals providing valuable service, while we practice free health care to all. Government doctors are free to practice in private hospitals, although some tend to abuse this freedom. Similarly, private sector organizations operate in competition with the state sector in the transport, insurance, banking, media, fuel, energy, trade and in many other fields, giving people enough choice and thus benefitting the customers. Then, why this fuss about private universities and private medical schools as long as they comply with common rules stipulated by the regulatory bodies?
It is important to note that the top and highly rated medical schools in the world are all private, but non-profit institutions. Examples are Harvard, Stanford, Johns Hopkins medical schools in USA. Their admission is based purely on merit worldwide, and financial aid is mostly need-based. Private medical schools are operating in parallel with state medical schools in our neighboring countries such as India, Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Our students go to these countries and others like China, Malaysia, Cuba and East European countries to study medicine. When they return, they sit the ERPM exam and start practicing in Sri Lanka. We know very little about the quality of their medical education, for that matter SLMC has not sent teams to inspect these medical schools. Yet, they are allowed to practice medicine in Sri Lanka. Then, why this double standard approach to SAITM, when they are ready to fulfil requirements stipulated by the regulating authorities? Thus, all parties should assist and cooperate with SAITM in their effort to overcome deficiencies and upgrade facilities for clinical training.
We have seen over the years in this country that the state monopoly on university education has hindered expansion, diversification and innovation in the higher education sector. It is also evident that the state alone is not in a position to provide sufficient opportunities to satisfy the current and future demand for university education. Broad-basing the providers of tertiary education also introduces an element of competition to the system, which is expected to improve quality, provide more variety and reduce cost of training.Thus, it is time for us to promote and facilitate private sector participation to establish universities in all disciplines including medicine, with the implementation of national accreditation and a monitoring mechanism in association with professional and regulatory bodies, which includes SLMC in the field of Medicine.
(The author is a Professor Emeritus, University of Peradeniya, formerly Secretary, Ministry of Education and Higher Education, and Chairman, National Education Commission, Sri Lanka)