Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, February 6, 2017

Mosul's lost pride: Last lion starving in zoo destroyed by war


Mosul zoo was once a thriving attraction with a menagerie of animals. Now it is a shell, and its surviving animals are starving


Tom Westcott-Monday 6 February 2017
MOSUL, Iraq - The last lion of Mosul paces a tiny, filthy cage in what remains of the city's zoo after Islamic State fighters seized it as a military position, turning it into a target for Iraqi and coalition air strikes.
The starving animal sniffs the air as a local butcher drags a freshly slaughtered lamb and sheep into the small zoo.
Local children gather to watch an extraordinary feeding ritual conducted by volunteers, most of whom have little experience caring for wild animals.
The butcher throws the lamb on top of the cage and the lion stretches its full length to grab the body in its jaws, yanking it roughly down into the enclosure. It devours the animal in minutes.
The animals here have had a tough time, like us. They have been frightened like us, hurt like us, killed like us - Huther, zookeeper 

The butcher tosses the heavier ewe on the ground in front of the cage and the lion's paws slide in the mud as it struggles to tug the sheep through the narrow bars. 
This lion and one bear are the last remaining animals in Mosul zoo, a once-popular attraction which had five bears, three lions, a baboon, a family of monkeys, and a range of small exotic mammals and tropical birds.
The lion's mother died recently, and was buried in a shallow grave next to the animals' cage.
For three months, the zoo was on the front lines of Iraq's battle against IS, during which time most of its animals were killed by shrapnel, died of starvation or escaped.
As fighting raged across eastern Mosul, Islamic State fighters took control of the Mumtaz al-Nour Park, which houses the zoo, using it to target the Iraqi army with mortar fire.
For almost three months, park staff were unable to enter the premises and one animal keeper who attempted to check on the animals was so badly beaten by IS fighters that he fled the city.
The painfully thin last lion stares out of its cage (MEE / Tom Westcott)
"The animals here have had a tough time, like us. They have been frightened like us, hurt like us, and killed like us," animal keeper Huther, 25, told MEE.
"We used to clean the enclosures each day and a vet visited every week but, when the war started, we couldn't reach them, first because of Daesh and then because we were scared of the fighting, and every day there were bombs, mortars and drones."

Return to desctruction

When fighting subsided in the district, the park manger and a few remaining staff found the zoo had been struck by a mortar bomb, killing a baboon and tearing open cages, which helped tropical birds and the monkeys escape. A colony of rabbits managed to burrow their way to freedom. 
Many animals, including another lion, had died of starvation and others were eaten by hungry predators in adjacent cages. A pair of bears survived by eating their own three cubs.
"During the war, the monkeys escaped and came to my house. They visited lots of our houses looking for food," said local resident Laith, 32.
"I fed them and we were able to catch them in a net. The father monkey had been hit in the leg with shrapnel from a mortar but it wasn't badly wounded."
He proudly showed a video of him feeding the tame monkeys by hand. They seemed unperturbed by the sound of heavy gunfire in the background.
Mosul zoo's last remaining bear, which locals say lost half its bodyweight during more than three months of fighting (MEE/Tom Westcott)
Laith returned the monkeys to the zoo but, within days, they were taken away by a former animal handler, along with a miniature Spanish pony. He left behind only the fiercest animals, which were then two lions and two bears.
With the park littered with unexploded munitions and a chest freezer packed with unused IS mortar bombs, only a handful of staff checked on the animals, bringing what little food they could.

No longer a priority

But months of siege-like conditions in the area had left local people struggling to feed their own families let alone wild animals, and the zoo's occupants were not a priority. Neglected and desperate, the lions tore off two of one bear's paws through the bars, killing it.
This small and desperate meal proved insufficient for the lion's mother, who died of starvation on Thursday and was buried in a shallow grave just two metres from its cage, which still houses her son.
The loss of two of the zoo's few remaining animals prompted locals to take action and start trying to properly feed them, with hunks or frozen meat, leftovers from the butchers and eventually whole sheep. 
Children now visit to throw apples to the bear which often catches them deftly between its jaws. Others hang over the fence reaching their tiny hands grasping crisps and lettuce leaves dangerously close to the animal.
"Every few days we come here. Before, no one came but now lots of people are worried about the animals," said one visitor.
"The bear is a very sad case because it used to be twice this size. And it's awful that it had to eat its own cubs because it was starving to death."
This is the second time the beleaguered animals of Mosul Zoo have been caught up in the conflict against IS.
A more expansive city zoo used to nestle in a leafy riverside stretch nicknamed the "Mosul Jungle", but was hit by a coalition air strike targeting IS targets in 2015, killing and maiming some of the creatures. The remaining animals were then relocated to an enclosure in a corner of the Mumtaz al-Nour Park. 
It has been completely ruined... people have been breaking in and stealing things - Abu Umar, park manager 

"This was such a lovely park before and we had so many visitors," said park manager Abu Umar, who said the attraction was allowed to function under IS, although it had to be closed during prayer times.
"I invested 250 million Iraqi dinars in this park and now look, in just a few months it has been completely ruined and recently people have been breaking in and stealing things," he said, leading a sad tour from the tragic zoo around a playground, where children still play near unexploded ordinance and cavernous pits caused by air strikes. 
"There were only four Deash here in the end. They brought tyres and petrol to set fire to, so the smoke would conceal them from air strikes but all the men in the area came out and stopped them," he said.
"We were terrified if they did that, the air strikes would be worse and all our families would be killed."
He said coalition air strikes killed two IS fighters but the other two escaped, adding that it was ironic that it was Americans who had built the park in 2004 and then, 13 years later, were responsible for destroying it.
"We really need vets and maybe animal charities to come and help these two animals," said Abu Umar.
"But we also urgently need someone to help us deal with all these unexploded missiles because children still play in the park. We would welcome any help here." 
A freezer full of mortar bombs is left in the zoo (MEE Tom Westcott)

Signs Of Depression And Anxiety Can Be Seen In Newborns


Early differences in brain connectivity predict later symptoms, a new study suggests.

KATARZYNABIALASIEWICZ VIA GETTY IMAGES

 Carolyn Gregoire-02/03/2017 
The Huffington PostDepression and anxiety can take root as early as the very first moments of life. 
Certain patterns of brain connectivity seen in newborn babies can predict the baby’s likelihood of showing early symptoms of mental illness ― including sadness, excessive shyness, nervousness and separation anxiety, according to findings published in the February 2017 issue of the Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. These early symptoms, in turn, are strongly linked with clinical depression and anxiety in older children and adults.
“[Brain connectivity patterns] may indicate that for some children their brains are developing along a trajectory that increases their risk for mental health symptoms as they develop,” Dr. Cynthia Rogers, a child psychiatrist at Washington University in St. Louis and lead study author, told The Huffington Post.
“It’s important to note, however, that the experiences and environment that they are exposed to as they grow may alter these connectivity patterns making it more or less likely for these symptoms to develop.”
The initial aim of the study was to investigate functional connectivity differences between babies born prematurely and those born at full-term. Previous studies had suggested that pre-term babies are at a greater risk of developing psychiatric issues later in life, and the researchers wanted to know whether differences in brain connectivity played a role. 
First, the researchers conducted MRI scans on 65 full-term newborns and 57 pre-term babies. The premature newborns were born at least 10 weeks early, but the brain scans were conducted either on or around their original due date. Then, two years later, the researchers assessed the children for early symptoms of depression and anxiety. 
When analyzing the brain scans, the researchers focused on how the amygdala ― the brain’s fear center ― interacted with other brain regions. 
In contrast to what Rogers expected, the results did not show major differences between the pre-term and full-term babies. They found that both healthy full-term babies and pre-term babies had similar amygdala connectivity patterns to adults, although the strength of these connections was slightly reduced in the premature newborns. 
In both premies and full-term babies, stronger connections between the amygdala and the insula (involved in consciousness and emotion) and the medial prefrontal cortex (involved in planning and decision-making) were associated with a higher risk of early signs of anxiety and depression at age two. 
This means that there are certain brain patterns already present at birth ― whether the baby is born early or on-time ― that can predict later risk of mental illness.
“Our study is one of the first to detect these functional differences in amygdala connectivity at birth relating to early symptoms,” Rogers explained. “There have been some other studies in older infants and young children that have found functional differences but the advantage of studying infants at birth is these patterns are not influenced by experiences they have had after birth.”
So what does it mean that the premature babies showed slightly weaker connectivity patterns? This may reflect more widespread brain differences in pre-term compared to full-term babies ― but we’re still not sure yet what the lasting impact of those differences might be, according to Rogers.
“These weaker connectivity patterns may suggest who goes on to have symptoms, but even among preterm children there is variability in the connectivity,” Rogers said. “It is also likely that experiences that these children have after birth continue to affect the amygdala connectivity with other brain regions and that may determine who goes on to have impairing symptoms.”
The researchers plan to evaluate the children again when they are 9 and 10 years old to study how their brains have developed over time and to evaluate the lasting impact of the connectivity patterns.
“If we can understand what patterns of connectivity are related to early social and emotional impairments, we can then study what predicts those connectivity patterns,” she said. “We can evaluate whether there are experiences these children have while in the hospital or early in infancy that change these patterns for better or worse that we can aim to modify.”
This reporting is brought to you by HuffPost’s health and science platform, The Scope. Like us on Facebook and Twitter and tell us your story: scopestories@huffingtonpost.com

Sunday, February 5, 2017

Sri Lanka: Towards A Language Revolution for Reconciliation and Development

The language revolution should encompass the general public, particularly the rural youth. It should not create a divide between any ‘English elite’ and the masses. There can be websites to promote the language awakening and the revolution.


by Laksiri Fernando-
A ‘revolution’ is any combination of events which produces a radical shift in consciousness or behaviour over a relatively short period of time.” – David Crystal
( February 5, 2017, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian) The matters of ethnic reconciliation and economic development in Sri Lanka are closely intertwined. It is largely accepted today that erroneous language policies in the past have had a considerable negative impact on both ethnic reconciliation and economic development in the country. Although one of the key causes for the dual predicament is therefore identified, the country is far from implementing a correct policy in respect of language. Let me give a very simple example.

SRI LANKA- NATIONAL HR ACTION PLAN 2016-2021: INCLUSIVE NATURE AND INTEGRITY OF THE PROCESS QUESTIONED


Image: A woman belonging to the Sri Lankan minority Tamil ethnic group lights a candle for people (c) Getty Image.

Sri Lanka Brief04/02/2017

According to a media statement issued by 12 civil society personal, Sri Lanka government has  stopped consulting the civil society  at the final stages of preparing National Human Rights Action Plan 2017-2021.

A group of well known civil activists had been invited by the government to assist in the drafting of the National Human Rights Action Plan 2017-2021 (NHRAP) from the beginning.  Ms Kumudini Samuel ( Women and Media Collective)  Mr S.C.Chandrahasan, Ms Bhavani Fonseka (Centre for Policy Alternatives)  Mr Joe William, Former CIDA excetive)  Dr Jehan Perera ( National Peace council)  Mr Mirak Raheem ( former researcher, Centre for Policy Alternatives) were among them. They have worked with Cabinet mandated Inter-Ministerial Committee on Human Rights.

In their  joint statement 12 civil society members associated  in drafting the National Human Right Action Plan says that the draft  submitted to the cabinet was a  result of a process of active engagement, with contributions by key government and civil society representatives working on the identified thematic areas.

The statement further says that “the fact that the finalising of the NHRAP is going ahead without the drafting committees being aware and consulted on the changes raises serious questions as to the inclusive nature and integrity of this process.”

Now that draft has been changed without any consultation with the civil society group. The group says that they are yet to see the revisions made to the draft prepared by the consultative process.

The statement notes two revisions reportedly made at the cabinet level and says  that “this action seriously undermines the overall purpose of the plan, and the process.” Those revisions are related to de-criminalising adult consensual same sex activity and decriminalising  sex work.
The group calls on the government to:
  •  Immediately release the version of the plan that was sent to the Cabinet and there visions made by Cabinet to individuals who accepted its invitation and were engaged in the drafting of the NHRAP. If media reports are accurate that the above provisions have been excluded, take corrective steps to ensure that those provisions are re-introduced.
  •  Establish a mechanism for monitoring the implementation of the NHRAP which includes civil society and Human Rights Commission participation, alongside the respective Ministries and state authorities to ensure the process Has more oversight and greater public participation. The mechanism should be able to review progress at regular Intervals that allows for correction action.
Full text of the statement follows:

Statement by Members of civil society associated in drafting the National Human Right Action Plan

We the under signed individuals from civil society who were invited to assist in the drafting of the National Human Rights Action Plan 2017-2021 (NHRAP) voice our opposition to the alleged removal of specific issues from the NHRAP.

We were part of a consultative drafting process that was led by a Cabinet mandated Inter-Ministerial Committee on Human Rights appointed to prepare the NHRAP for the years 2017-2021.
The Inter Ministerial Committee established a Steering Committee that was composed of senior officials from relevant Ministries and heads of Institutions to assist in the formulation of the NHRAP and to ensure its effective implementation.

The Steering Committee approved ten thematic areas and appointed Drafting Committees consisting of experts drawn from relevant Government agencies and civil society organisations and academia.

It also appointed two Co-ordinating Committees representing respectively the Government (Chaired by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) and Civil Society (Chaired by the Head of the Centre for the Study of Human Rights) to advice and review progress of the drafting process of international standards ,domestic law and local circumstances and to approve the draft NHRAP by identifying objectives, strategies, components, priorities, vulnerable groups, programmes and activities, monitoring & evaluation within clear time frames.

The Inter Ministerial Committee on Human Rights in consultation with the Steering Committee finalized the NHRAP and presented it to Cabinet for approval.

This process had a number of constraints, particularly in relation to the composition of some of the drafting committees, time constraints and limited consultation with a wider public. The draft NHRAP submitted to Cabinet was the result of a process of active engagement, with contributions by key government and civil society representatives working on the identified thematic areas.

We the under signed participated in this process because we believe it provides an important opportunity for the Government to address serious gaps and failings in the State’s efforts to ensure that the rights of all its citizens are protected and promoted.

The NHRAP puts forward a range of measures, from legislative reforms to policy actions, and thus offers an opportunity to ensure that measures are taken to uphold national standards and international obligations on a variety of issues.

While we are yet to receive the version of the NHRAP that was reportedly approved by the Cabinet, there have been a number of media reports quoting members of the Government stating that revisions were made to the NHRAP.

We are deeply concerned both by this action, which seriously undermines the overall purpose of the plan, and the process. Reported changes highlighted in the media include:
  • Revisions to Section 365 and 365a of the Penal Code that would de-criminalise adult consensual same sex activity. The sections of the Penal Code have been and continue to be used to discriminate against, persecute and harass LGBTIQ individuals.
  • Revise the Vagrancy Ordinance so as to decriminalise sex work. Sex workers in this country have no protection under the law as their work is deemed illegal. In failing to redress the said provisions, the Government thereof will be acquiescent in the continuing discrimination and violence against its own citizens due to introduced during the Colonial period.
We also wish to draw attention to the risk of the NHRAP 2017–‐2021 repeating the mistakes of its predecessor NHRAP2012-2016.

The information that provisions seeking to redress historic discrimination were deleted by the Cabinet and the fact that the finalising of the NHRAP is going ahead without the drafting committees being aware and consulted on the changes raises serious questions as to the inclusive nature and integrity of this process.

Furthermore, while the NHRAP sets targets and actions, the process for assessing how and whether these have been met is opaque. The NHRAP needs to include an inclusive monitoring process so as to ensure That progress can be monitored and corrective action can be taken, since unexpected obstacles may hamper implementation and thereof or specific steps may need to be taken to ensure that measures and targets are adjusted accordingly.
 We call upon the Government to
  •  Immediately release the version of the plan that was sent to the Cabinet and there visions made by Cabinet to individuals who accepted its invitation and were engaged in the drafting of the NHRAP. If media reports are accurate that the above provisions have been excluded, take corrective steps to ensure that those provisions are re-introduced.
  •  Establish a mechanism for monitoring the implementation of the NHRAP which includes civil society and Human Rights Commission participation, alongside the respective Ministries and state authorities to ensure the process Has more oversight and greater public participation. The mechanism should be able to review progress at regular Intervals that allows for correction action.
Signatories

1.Ms Kumudini Samuel 2. Ms Camena Gunaratne 3. Ms Dinushika Dissanayake 4. MsJ ayanthi Kuru Utumpala 5. Ms Shyamala Gomez6. 6. Mr Ameer M.Faaiz 7. Mr S.C.Chandrahasan 8. Ms S. Sooriyakumary 9. Ms Bhavani Fonseka 10. Mr Joe William 11. Dr Jehan Perera12. 12. Mr Mirak Raheem 13. Ms Ermiza Tegal  14. Dr Harini Amarasuriya
Dated:February 2 2017

The government needs to be constructive rather than combative

The Sunday Times Sri Lanka
Sunday, February 05, 2017

Is the essentially combative tone adopted by the Government to the Juan Mendez report finding that a “culture of torture” is still being practised in Sri Lanka quite wise, one might ask?
Of course, we live in an age where, confounding his own advisors and despite solid evidence to the contrary, the President of the United States is on record stating bombastically that ‘torture works’ as an interrogation method.

Key Mendez findings  
But Sri Lanka’s state representatives have long adopted a far more devious method of denial. The immediate response has always been to rebut off hand, allegations that torture is commonly practised. That reaction does not appear to change, let it be the ‘yahapalanaya government’, or any other. So this blunt rejection as reported in this newspaper last week is unsurprising. Yet the larger question is whether a more sober appraisal will not actually help the country more than an obstinate ostrich-like denial.

Let us dispassionately consider what Special Rapporteur on Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Mr Mendez had said. He issued the report to the UN Human Rights Council consequent to a visit made to the country early last year. It is due to be considered by the Council at its 34th session, scheduled to run from February 27 to March 2017.

A key finding is that ‘while the practice of torture is less prevalent today than during the conflict and the methods used are at times less severe…a culture of torture persists.’ Physical and mental coercion is employed as an interrogation method by both the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) in ‘regular cases’ and by the Terrorism Investigation Division (TID) under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

Grave trends in the report
Where the TID is specifically concerned, ‘a causal link seems to exist between the level of real or perceived threat to national security and the severity of the physical suffering inflicted by agents of the Division during detention and interrogation’ Mr Mendez observed. Linked to this is the observation that he had received ‘credible reports’ of “white van abductions” by officers in plain clothes as recently as ‘up to April 2016.’ As he says, such abductions in the past, more often than not, led to enforced disappearances.

However these recent instances have led to ‘incommunicado detention of the suspect with the purpose of obtaining a confession before transfer to official Department or Division facilities.’ Meanwhile brutal abuse of detainees predominantly of Tamil ethnicity under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in order to induce confessions is found akin to a recurring decimal in interrogation practices.

The other equally grave trend in the report is his finding that Magistrates are ‘overly passive’ and rubber-stamp detention orders made by the executive branch and do not inquire into conditions of detention or potential ill-treatment. This is a conclusion that is supported by Sri Lanka’s own Supreme Court where the dereliction of duty by judicial officers has been lamented. In effect, this constitutes a most eloquent justification as to why Sri Lanka’s proposed counter-terror Act (CTA) meant to replace the PTA should not superficially put forward this excuse of ‘magisterial supervision’ in preventing torture, when practically that protection is almost nil. The initial draft of the CTA proceeded exactly on this basis, justifying the whittling down of protections accordingly.

Suspicious secrecy surrounding the revised CTA
And we still remain in a state of suspended animation in regard to what revisions have been made to the CTA. As has been remarked in these column spaces previously, the proposed CTA appears to be more draconian than the PTA. The fact that the CTA had been ‘revised’ was announced by the Government with impeccable and splendid timing just before the European Commission stated that it would recommend to the EU, the restoration of the GSP Plus trade benefit to Sri Lanka.

But the revised draft appears to be guarded with a passion that can only arouse suspicion as to the bona fides of its defenders. And this seems to have conveniently slipped off the radar of the merry travelers on the ‘transitional justice bandwagon’ who have also (and predictably so) received a series of short and sharp shocks recently by de-prioritization of transitional justice on the Government agenda.

Other aspects of the Mendez report mirror concerns stressed domestically. These include the right of a suspect to legal representation at a police station immediately after arrest and during detention. Extreme concern is expressed in regard to the ‘willingness of judges to admit confessions in criminal proceedings without corroboration by other evidence, creating conditions that further encourage torture and ill-treatment.’

Reflecting domestic concerns
Thus too, a common practice of conducting the investigation while the suspect is in custody, rather than determining the need for detention based on preliminary investigations. Certainly these particular conclusions reflect a recurrent pattern confirmed by innumerable academic and activist reports buttressed also by fundamental rights decisions of the Supreme Court from almost two decades ago.

Indeed, continuing weaknesses in Sri Lanka’s institutional processes receive special attention in the report with the confirmation by the Chief Justice to the Special Rapportuer that there is a backlog of some 3,000 fundamental rights cases before the Supreme Court. Mr Mendez acknowledges strides taken by the National Human Rights Commission but makes the pertinent point that this has left untouched the task of remedying impunity for past and present abuses through effective prosecution. He passes down graver strictures on reliance of the National Police Commission on police investigations and the ‘worrying lack of will’ on the part of the Attorney-General to investigate and prosecute torture allegations.

These are serious findings no doubt. Yet in many respects, they only echo what has been said before, by Sri Lanka’s own monitoring and advocacy bodies. They come as no surprise even though state representatives may throw up their hands in horror at the very idea.

A considered response needed
Thus, the Mendez findings and recommendations merit a considered response by the Government. Much of the recommendations also echo long standing institutional reforms that have been pending for decades. A rejection of this report out of hand will help no one, least of all Sri Lanka’s own albeit increasingly strained case that it is painfully plodding to regain a measure of normalcy after decades of terrorized abnormal state behaviour.
It is hoped that sanity rather than unhelpful hysteria will prevail in future official responses.

From Inclusive Ceylon To Excluding Sri Lanka


Colombo Telegraph
By Charles Ponnuthurai Sarvan –February 4, 2017
Prof. Charles Sarvan
From inclusive Ceylon to excluding Sri Lanka: Grandfather’s Letters. Letters by C. Suntharalingam (1895-1985), edited by C. Anjalendran, Sailfish Publishers, Colombo, 2016.
Time is unredeemable; what might have been is an abstraction ~ (Adapted from T S Eliot’s poem, ‘Burnt Norton’)
Chellappah Suntharalingam (1895-1985; known variously as “Sun”, “Sunth” and “Sunthar”) passed with distinction in Mathematics at Oxford University. He joined the Ceylon Civil Service but, energetic and restless; bored with signing gun licenses, he resigned. For a while, he was vice-principal of Ananda College (unthinkable for a Tamil in Sri Lanka today); later the first Professor of Mathematics, Ceylon University College. Entering politics and winning the Vavuniya seat, he was a proverbial “stormy petrel”; individualistic; fearlessly frank and outspoken. D S Senanayake, before he became independent Ceylon’s first Prime Minister, frequently visited Suntharalingam, and “Sunthar” personally knew many of Ceylon’s political leaders, both Sinhalese and Tamil: “I met Arunachalam in London in 1920 when he came as Leader of the Ceylon Reform” deputation.” I met Ramanathan in 1915 in London when he came to save the Sinhala people from the atrocities of British imperialism (p. 61). The book is not without humour: “educated and recruited in England”, young Suntharalingam on his return received proposals of marriage from some of the richest “Thamil” (see below) families of the day, but the prospective brides were fatter than their fat dowries (p. 19).
The cart-drawn journey from Jaffna to Colombo took five to six days. Suntheralingam was about fourteen when he travelled from Chunnakam to Urumpirai by train for the first time (p. 33). Though his mother was illiterate, “Sunthar” says she highly educated. A wise and strong widow, through careful planning and frugality, she educated five sons in then-faraway Colombo. As a child in Jaffna, “Sunthar” walked to school, sat on a floor smeared with mud and cow-dung, and wrote out the Thamil alphabet on sand. (He uses the phonetically more accurate “Thamil” rather than the anglicised “Tamil”.) Even as a Professor of Mathematics, he would mentally calculate in Thamil while lecturing in English (p. 30). He recalls that some children brought nothing to eat at school, and physical hunger affected their mental performance (pp. 46-7). He quotes with approval the Latin saying, ”Mens sana in corpore sano”. Before beginning homework by lamplight, he would wash, say his prayers and wear holy ash: the attitude to studies was almost reverential. Supper was served only after homework was completed. (No doubt, their cooking was done over a wood fire. I remember the short hollow tube, black with use and soot, through which my mother blew to encourage the fire, the flames casting a red glow on her.) As a child in Jaffna in the 1940s, I recall that if a pupil accidentally dropped a book, any book, she or he would pick it up and touch the forehead with it as a sign of contrition. If they were caned in school, children usually didn’t tell their parents for the reaction most likely would have been: “What! You gave the teacher cause to beat you?”
The way of life of a people, their values and attitudes (all summed up in the word ‘culture’) cannot be separated from the physical environment. The high value placed on education is not surprising. Jaffna didn’t have lush plantations nor industry and factories; the soil was arid, demanding much patient labour. It’s therefore not surprising that many “Thamils” moved out in search of employment (some beyond the shores to Malaya). Their self-discipline and industry led to a success that was felt to be disproportionate to their number, in turn exciting deep resentment and anger. (To blame British favouritism for alleged disproportionate Tamil success took away credit from one side and self-reproach from the other.) Comparisons have been made with attitudes to the Jews in the various countries in which they existed prior to the establishment of the state of Israel in May 1948.

I was forced into a deal with India, Jayewardene told U.S. envoy

Rajiv Gandhi and Jayewardene sign the India-Sri Lanka accord in Colombo in July 1987. – Photo: The Hindu Archives  

Former Sri Lanka President claimed his troops refused to take Jaffna, reveal declassified papers

Return to frontpage-FEBRUARY 05, 2017


Sri Lanka was forced into making a deal with India as its own armed forces had twice refused to “take Jaffna”, then President J.R. Jayewardene has been quoted as saying in a declassified document, nearly 30 years after the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was deployed in the island nation.

Jayewardene told visiting American diplomat Peter Galbraith that he had twice ordered his troops to take Jaffna — “burn the place to the ground” — and they had talked him out of it on grounds of unacceptably high casualties.

A little over 1,200 Indian soldiers died in IPKF operations against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in northern and eastern Sri Lanka between 1987 and 1990. In May 1991, former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, who had signed the July 1987 peace deal with Jayewardene, was assassinated by the LTTE.
In response to significant promises of devolution of powers to the Tamil minority and recognition of Tamil as an official language, India agreed to provide military assistance — the IPKF — to ensure peace according to the 1987 Gandhi-Jayewardene accord.

‘A mad fellow’

“He [Mr. Jayewardene] made clear that he shared the GOI’S [Government of India’s] implacable hostility toward Prabakaran, calling the LTTE leader ‘a mad fellow’, ” a declassified CIA document said about the February 1988 conversation.

“He stressed, though without obvious bitterness, that none of his outside friends would help him, so he had no choice but to make a deal with India,” the CIA document read.

Interestingly, the then President opened up to Mr. Galbraith and said he would hold elections in the Tamil-populated northern and eastern provinces in Sri Lanka. Polls were finally held in November 1988.
Mr. Galbraith also provides an insight into the relations between the IPKF and the Sri Lankan Army (SLA), and the ground situation in the Jaffna peninsula after being flown to the area during his visit.
“…the IPKF and the Sri Lankan forces are getting on well together, and…the situation in Jaffna, while still far from normal, is gradually improving,” the American diplomat said in an assessment.

An SLA officer, Brigadier Jayaratne, is quoted in the memo as saying: “The IPKF is doing a jolly good job in Jaffna.” He added that the SLA and the Indian troops were getting along famously, like a house on fire.
The document recounted that the Indian officers were “warm and responsive” in their interaction with the American visitors, which included Mr. Galbraith and the then U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka.

Behind the scenes

It appears that the Americans also played a behind-the-scenes role in ensuring channels of communication between President Jayewardene and Prime Minister Gandhi, a second declassified CIA document said.

In 1986, Jayewardene held a very negative view of India given that New Delhi had been training Tamil insurgents as he conveyed to visiting U.S. Senator Charles H. Percy. “I am a very peaceful man. But India’s role in this [ethnic] matter is reprehensible and the Indians have to be held responsible for their actions.” Percy, who carried a letter from U.S. President Ronald Reagan to Jayewardene, “offered to be of assistance in conveying any message” from the Sri Lankan President to Rajiv Gandhi.

Indian ‘intervention’

Interestingly, a third CIA intelligence assessment of September 1986 stated that India was “rapidly expanding” its armed forces to “intervene” in Sri Lanka.

India, it said, was improving its ability to deploy airborne troops. “The paratroopers probably would try to seize an airfield so that reinforcements could be brought in by air. U.S. defence attaché sources report the Army and Air Force practised such an operation late last year [1985] at Trivandrum, with the assault force receiving offshore fire support from Navy ships.” Trivandrum, the memo argued, resembled Colombo in topography.

In the CIA’s assessment, India would intervene in Sri Lanka in two scenarios — one, if the government collapsed and, the other, if Tamil insurgents established a separate State.

“In our view, an Indian intervention would most likely come [exactly what happened in 1987], as in 1971 [to deal with Marxist insurgents] following a request from Colombo to help in restoring internal order,” the assessment said.

Interestingly, the CIA believed that the poorly trained Sri Lankan Army would offer token resistance and opposition to a “prolonged” Indian intervention would come from Tamil and, possibly, Sinhala insurgents.

In a prescient observation, the memo concluded: “If New Delhi continues to oppose a separate Tamil state, we believe Tamil insurgents would resist the Indians as they now do the Sinhalese.”

[VIDEO] RTI In Practice




Featured image courtesy Associated Press/Eranga Jayawardena
GROUNDVIEWS on 02/03/2017
The Right to Information Act officially came into effect on February 3, 2017. We compiled a short video on the process involved in filing a request for information. The information was compiled using the Sri Lanka Press Institute’s Citizen’s Manual on Sri Lanka’s Right to Information Law, and the application form can be found at RTI Wire.
For more information, see our earlier video on Frequently Asked Questions and combating misconceptions about the Act:
If you enjoyed these, you might find “The Right to Information Act: finally a reality?” and “RTI: A reality check” enlightening reads.