Why You Should Take Your Apple Cider Vinegar at Night

By Dr. Mercola-January 02, 2017 

No doubt, you’ve seen them — lists touting the amazing curative power of apple cider vinegar for an amazing number of ills. “ACV” (as it’s sometimes referred to in studies) has been praised for its ability to balance you pH, increase good gut bacteria and help control your weight, as well as many other beneficial things.

Here’s the kicker: All those are true, and more besides. One of the most sensational is its ability to balance your blood sugar. A study1 at Arizona State University tested 11 volunteers with type 2 diabetes (diagnosed by a doctor) who weren’t taking insulin but continued taking their prescription medications.

Each participant took 2 tablespoons of apple cider vinegar with a snack — an ounce of cheese — before bedtime. The researchers demonstrated that in the morning, the study subjects had lower blood sugar readings than when they had the same snack with 2 tablespoons of water.

This is important and potentially life-changing news for half of the American population, as NBC News reports that half the country suffers from either high blood sugar or full-blown diabetes.

That’s a huge jump from the projection of 1 in 3 by 2050 made by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in 2010.2 Worse, half that number are unaware of how compromised their health really is.3

That wasn’t an isolated fluke; the benefits of apple cider vinegar have been tested in a myriad of studies, according to CNN Health,4 for many different types of health issues.

More Studies Reveal: ACV Positively Impacts Blood Sugar Levels

A recent study5 showed that three groups — adults with pre-diabetes, type 2 diabetes and healthy people — after taking an ounce of ACV, all had lower blood glucose levels when they ate a high-carb meal consisting of a white bagel with butter and a glass of orange juice; again, compared with a placebo rather than the cider vinegar.

But there’s more: Those with pre-diabetes improved their blood glucose levels by almost half, and the subjects with type 2 diabetes cut their blood glucose levels by 25 percent.

Just as dramatic are the studies involving ACV’s potential for controlling weight. The Journal of Agriculture and Food Chemistry reported a study6 on mice that were fed a high-fat diet along with the active ingredient in apple cider vinegar: acetic acid.

The animal subjects ended up with 10 percent lower body weight than the control subjects.

What this reveals, researchers assert, is that acetic acid can “turn on” trigger genes that initiate the enzymes’ ability to break down fat, which prevents weight gain. It also helps you feel full.

A study7 in Japan conducted a similar double-blind trial on obese adults, each with a similar body weight, waist measurement and body mass index (BMI), and split the subjects into three groups.

For 12 weeks, members of one group drank half an ounce of ACV, one group had a beverage with one ounce of ACV and the third group had a drink with no ACV. When the study was over, those who drank the cider vinegar had lower body weight and belly fat, smaller waist measurements and lower triglycerides compared to the others.

The scientists wrote: “In conclusion, daily intake of vinegar might be useful in the prevention of metabolic syndrome by reducing obesity.”

Apple Cider Vinegar’s Effects on Cancer Cells, Immune Support

Another thing apple cider vinegar provides is detoxification of your lymphatic system, which then helps optimize homeostatic function in your body. This may be as a result of the antioxidants in ACV reducing oxidative damage by free radicals, while improving both your blood and organs. The Truth About Cancer says:

“Cider vinegar was recently determined to be a strong antimicrobial agent and alternative to toxic and expensive chemical disinfectants. One of the most fatal bacterium, Mycobacterium tuberculosis, is resistant to disinfectants but is found to be killed by acetic acid.5

Especially in patients who are immunosuppressed, apple cider vinegar is an excellent natural antimicrobial tonic to rid of harmful bacteria and provide immune support.”8

Several test-tube studies show that vinegar can kill cancer cells. Authority Nutrition9cites several studies; one in particular in Japan used several types of fermented vinegars to induce apoptosis (programmed cell death) in leukemia cells.10

In another study, malignant breast and colon tumors, as well as lung, bladder and prostate cancers, were all inhibited using rice vinegar, but especially the cancerous colon tumors, which were inhibited by 62 percent.11

Vinegar Punch (or Drizzle) Recipes for Digestive Health and Sore Throat

If you’ve had problems such as colitis, ulcers or acid reflux (sometimes due to insufficient acid in your stomach), a double whammy of apple cider vinegar with the added bonus of fermented veggies has the potential to ease several kinds of stomach problems.

The mild acid in fermentation is lactic acid rather than acetic acid, to help improve your gut microbiome. Animal studies have proven helpful when researchers want to test apple cider vinegar on digestion. In one study, Health.com reports:12

“Apple cider vinegar may also be a boon to digestive health, based on the results of a study done on mice with ulcerative colitis.

The researchers found that when acetic acid was added to their drinking water, they had higher levels of good bacteria in their guts, such as Lactobacillus and Bifidobacteria, and reduced symptoms of the gastrointestinal disease.”13

For everyday gut health, a mixture of 2 teaspoons of ACV with a teaspoon of raw honey in a cup of warm water will help. ACV with honey and ginger for a sore throat is a popular and effective remedy. Another mixture for sore throat, recommended by Bonnie K. McMillen, a nurse from the University of Pittsburgh,14 includes:

• 1 Tbsp. apple cider vinegar
• 2 Tbsp. water
• 1 Tbsp. raw honey
• ¼ tsp. ground ginger
• Optional: ¼ tsp. cayenne pepper

With this recipe, tiny sips every few hours or so and swallowing slowly for your throat to get the maximum contact of the mixture is recommended. It works! Rather than drinking ACV straight, for other applications, dilute it in a few teaspoons (or a cup) of water to help mask the flavor, which admittedly is a bit stringent.

A simple and yummy recipe to serve over broccoli, asparagus or salad greens includes: 1 tablespoon each of apple cider vinegar and lemon juice, 1/2 teaspoon of minced garlic, a dash of ground black pepper and a few fresh basil leaves, chopped.

ACV for Beauty, Health and a Few Other Things

Some people swear that drinking a tablespoon of apple cider vinegar straight up will get rid of hiccups. The conjecture is that it will “overstimulate” your nerve endings to sort of “shock” the hiccups out of your system. It’s certainly worth a try!

Soaking a cloth in ACV and placing it on a bruise is said to reduce inflammation and speed the healing process.

It’s no secret that vinegar is highly acidic, but it’s this very element that gets several jobs done you may not have been aware of. Due to its potential to change your pH,15such as in the case of dandruff and evening out dry, tired skin, it’s been used for:

Bug bites	Toning your skin	Sunburn	Poison ivy
Acne	Wounds	Dandruff	Toenail fungus
Burns	Removing warts	Athlete’s foot	Detox baths

Then there are the hints that maintain how useful this common household commodity is for cleaning and cooking. One little-known “hack” for any savory soup, from chili to veggie soup, is to add a tablespoon or two of vinegar to increase the brightness and overall flavor.

The acidity in apple cider vinegar is useful as a mouthwash and even to clean your toothbrush (and dentures16) because of its antibacterial properties (soaked in a solution of one-half cup of water, 2 tablespoons of ACV and 2 teaspoons of baking soda).

Just remember though — that same acidity can damage your teeth, which one study17 refers to as “dental erosion,” so in all these applications, diluting it with water is best. As opposed to using some kind of toxic weed killer, apple cider vinegar is another remedy for weeds, especially in cracks in your driveway or sidewalk. Roundup and other toxic products can leach into water systems that provide your drinking water.

Legend of Gayan – the real revolutionary

Photo sent to BBC by Gamunu

 Jan 02, 2017

I never met Gemunu Seneviratne, also known as Gayan, and spoke to him over the phone only a couple of times. The only time I saw him even on television was when he appeared in Britain’s Channel-4 television news. I later came to know that Gayan was among the four youths, with their faces covered by red clothes, who spoke to the news correspondent.

Confidential information

In 1989, I was tasked with the responsibility of gathering information and pictures about disappearances and handing them over to international human rights organizations. At that time, there was no internet or mobile phones, and it was a very difficult task to take handwritten information out of the country without getting caught by the Customs or the law enforcement authorities. Foreign tourists and foreign priests of several Christian sects helped us in that.

It was Gemunu who gathered information, at the risk to his life, and gave me details about persons from whom documents could be obtained. The then UNP regime and the Patriotic People’s Movement were shoulder to shoulder in terrorizing the country, and vicious murders had become a daily occurrence.

Accusations against war heroes

Detailed information sent by Gayan to London was very helpful to inform the international community about the abductions, killings and the torture of detainees by the armed forces. Other than us, MP Mahinda Rajapaksa, Mangala Samaraweera and Vasudeva Nanayakkara took the human rights violations to the UNHRC.

The last time I phoned Gayan from a phone box in South London, he told me that his safety had been compromised. One disguise he made to cover his identity was to rinse his mouth with liquor and put a pack of cigarettes in his pocket.

Information sent to BBC by Gamunu

When I proposed him that I could help him to leave the country through a western diplomatic mission in Colombo, he refused it pointblank, saying he cannot abandon his colleagues and flee to save his life. He also said it would be a neglect of responsibilities when he had a lot to do.

Photo sent to BBC by Gamunu

Confusion in the struggle

Gayan was one of a handful of genuine revolutionaries who gave leadership to youths who waged a struggle amidst a troubled leadership and confused policies. He entered the struggle at the risk of his life with the intention of creating a just society. We do not know who killed him. We do not know who kidnapped him on a dark night. We do not know who kept him in a torture cell and tortured him. But, there are persons amongst us who know answers to all these questions. Those who tortured and killed him still live amongst us. The despotic leaders who ordered his killing still rule the country. We know the leaders who betrayed the struggle then and thrive today.

The fate of the thousands of Gayans who sacrificed their lives for an honest struggle for the liberation of the innocent people remains a mystery for us.  The rulers and the ruled both joined in to keep that a mystery and for that betrayal for 25 years.

Resistance in the face of death

Towards the end, Gayan lived the life of a fugitive and those who knew him say he met and talked to our parents when he came to our house and that he was a pleasant person who could win the hearts of the young and the old alike. We came to know how much our father, a UNPer even before Independence, appreciated his struggle until the end as a honest man who made a noble sacrifice without abandoning his comrades even when the battle was lost, when he decided to turn his back to president Premadasa came to see him at his deathbed at hospital. It was Gayan who encouraged my father to show that little resistance.

On a cold day of December, Gayan was grabbed away from us. I cannot tell my son a long life story about Gayan. It is unlikely to be written either. But he knows that he is named after the little hero of his father who remains committed to the liberation in which he believes. One day, he will have to tell his grandsons the story of a little hero who sacrificed everything a few decades ago.

That is the legend of thousands of little heroes like Gayan who became victims of terror, as told by the grandfather!

- Priyath Liyanage

An afterthought to the legend of Gayan….

Gemunu Yasas Seneviratne alias Gayan was killed on a day of the first two weeks of December 1989. A student of Aloysius College, Galle and Vidyalankara University of Kelaniya, he was a student of the Sri Lanka Law College in 1987-88.

Students for Human Rights

It was Gayan who started, with the guidance of the late president’s counsel Nimal Senanayake and the supervision of the slain lawyer Wijedasa Liyanarachchi, the Students for Human Rights (SHR). It was him who took to the international community the information about the abductions, disappearances and murders committed during the 1987-89 terror period. At a time when there were no mobile phones, faxes, internet, facebook, twitter and other technology, the only tool that could be used to communicate the information out of the country was the telephone.

Gemunu and Richard

In that task, the other person who worked shoulder-to-shoulder with Gemunu was journalist Richard de Zoysa, who was murdered by the Premadasa regime on 18 February 1990. The two had met mostly at the lobby of Hotel Galadari in Colombo. At the time Richard had been watched by the Army and other intelligence units. He was a close friend of the slain human rights lawyers Kanchana Abeypala, Charitha Lankapura and others. Gemunu got to know Richard through those lawyers and the two joined together to send information to international HR organizations.

Rajapaksa’s double game

At the time, Mahinda Rajapaksa was a lawyer appearing for human rights, and Gemunu was his close friend. Even then, Mahinda tried games of double-crossing, and attempted to use Gemunu to set people against Wijedasa Liyanarachchi. But, Gemunu did not fall for that as he was politically mature, despite being a youth.

His arrest and murder

In December 1989, an Army intelligence spy telephoned Gemunu and told him to meet Richard at the Galadari Hotel lobby at 4.00 pm. As promised, Gemunu went there and waited until 6.00 pm, but Richard did not make an appearance. So, he left the hotel and fell into the trap set by Army intelligence men.

He was first kept at the notorious Yataro Hotel torture cell at Thimbirigasyaya. Just once, he was able to speak to a renowned female HR activist in the country, but no one was able to save him.

Twenty seven years have gone by since his murder. We should enter all that we know about him to the cyberspace in order for the generations of the past and the future to help them understand as to what had happened then.

Not allowing the option of jury trials in ‘politically excitable’ cases

Sunday, January 01, 2017

Consternation accompanied by fervent chest beating on the part of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) in regard to the acquittal of suspects (including three Navy intelligence officers) charged with the murder of TNA parliamentarian and lawyer N. Raviraj in Colombo in 2006, is an instructive lesson in regard to the evils of political game-playing.

Notably this vehemence had been absent regarding the unconscionably delayed legal inquiries into the killings of five Tamil students in Trincomalee and seventeen aid workers in Mutur during that same year. Neither was a whimper raised when the Unity Government deafeningly trumpeted that the independence of the judiciary in Sri Lanka had been restored subsequent to the defeat of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2015. On the contrary, this outrageous claim was fully supported by the TNA at the time.

Greater prudence not seen

Thus the single act of sending a sitting Chief Justice home by executive fiat (notwithstanding the many evils perpetrated by that worthy) and sitting in his place, a Chief Justice of Tamil ethnicity was paraded as having addressed minority concerns. While the (unfortunately) un-blinkered among us took this assertion with a grain of salt, it resonated with an international community which was too relieved to have seen the last of the Rajapaksas to seriously question this preposterous assertion. Suffice to say that this mischievous propaganda spin was backed enthusiastically by the Government’s political partners and cheered on by its civil society supporters, including most reprehensibly by the Bar Association of Sri Lanka which should have exercised greater prudence.

Two years later, this profound lack of foresight if not manifest political dishonesty haunts us. Failures of justice range from the dismal performance of the hyped anti-corruption effort and inability to seize the ill-gotten gains of the Rajapaksas to spectacular failures of justice in regard to extra judicial executions, enforced disappearances and torture. This is precisely why the state party report before the United Nations Committee against Torture (CAT) some months ago was a weary litany of the same justifications and excuses put forward by its predecessor. This is also the same reason why state agents responsible for the most grievous abuses during the Rajapaksa decade reinvented themselves as ‘yahapalayana’ flagbearers.

And last but least, this was why the worst counter-terror draft law since Sri Lanka’s independence was drafted in secret even while the initial draft to replace the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) by the Law Commission of Sri Lanka was unceremoniously discarded. Ironically (given its conservative bent), the Law Commission’s draft, albeit with gaps including its ambivalence on giving a suspect the right to legal counsel at the very first stage of arrest, is far better than the other secretive counter –terror draft .

Leaving the Rule of Law dysfunction untouched

In whole, the change in Government switched faces around in power but left much untouched under the surface, particularly where the prosecutorial and legal process was concerned. Grave concerns of the Rule of Law were kept in abeyance. No effort was made to separate outstanding concerns regarding the country’s dysfunctional justice institutions from political ‘spin.’ The Raviraj acquittal is the most recent manifestation of this.

Let us take the central premise of the objection relating to the acquittal which focuses on the all-Sinhalese jury that heard the matter and came to the conclusion (reportedly) that the accused cannot be convicted based solely on the fact that they were identified by several witnesses in the case. Certainly this is not the first case which involves the prickly issue of acquittals of (Sinhalese) accused by all Sinhalese jury trials in cases involving atrocities perpetuated on Sri Lanka’s minorities.

There is a long string of such cases, including the Mylanthanai Case where the accused Sinhalese soldiers opted for a jury trial with a Sinhala speaking jury. Witnesses were brought all the way from Trincomalee in the Eastern province to the capital Colombo for the trial. The accused were acquitted on 25 November 2002.

The acquittal occurred despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary as buttressed by (then) High Court Judge, the late S.Sriskandarajah’s observations urging the jury to reconsider its decision in the light of several factors in the evidence placed before it. However, the same verdict was returned by the jury.

Trial-at-bar more suitable in ‘excitable’ cases

More recently we had the acquittals of the accused in the mass murder of twenty four Tamil villagers including women and children of the Kumarapuram village in Trincomalee in the same circumstances. So there is a pattern which cannot be airily brushed aside on the assumption that these acquittals were right and proper because they were arrived at through a legal process.

That said, to focus solely on the argument that the Raviraj acquittal poses a crisis of credibility where gross atrocities relating to Sri Lanka’s minorities are concerned raises the risk of missing the ‘wood’ of Sri Lanka’s dysfunctional justice system for the ‘ethnic’ trees so as to speak. This caution against jury trials applies across ethnicities. As expounded by (the late) Justice T.S Fernando way back in the early 1960s, the introduction of trial without jury in cases which up to that time had been triable by jury was based on the rationale that ‘the chances of ensuring an unbiased jury at times when public feeling is profoundly disturbed, whatever be the cause, are considerably lessened.’

If diligent scrutiny takes place of the many historical markers in that regard, this caution was true, for example, of jury trials in relation to cases where (Sinhalese) suspects were acquitted in the killings of (Sinhalese) civilians by all Sinhalese juries as well. The fundamental (and commonsensical) principle here is that a trial-at-bar is the most appropriate mechanism for cases that give rise to excitable public opinions.

Sober reflections in order

As 2016 draws to a close, sober reflections are in order. As last week’s column pointed out, Sri Lanka’s justice system works when it has to. It does not work when there are other considerations in play, most notably the lack of political will and the convenient subversion of the legal process by interested parties, including judges, prosecutors and others with vested interests. Civil society pressure is most useful in changing that dynamic provided that there is a basic element of genuineness in responding to the problem.

It is time to deal with the crisis of justice as a core national concern instead of cosmetically or only as a concern confined to the country’s minorities.

Relatives of disappeared protest in Vavuniya

31 Dec  2016

Relatives of the disappeared held a protest  in Vavuniya on Friday, demanding justice for the thousands of missing and disappeared Tamils.

Maithripala Sirisena, Ranil Wickremesinghe vow reconciliation in Sri Lanka

Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on Sunday vowed to achieve reconciliation in the country, even as former strongman Mahinda Rajapaksa warned the government against any steps endangering the unitary character of the state.

Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on Sunday vowed to achieve reconciliation in the country. (Source: PTI)

By: PTI | Colombo | Published:January 1, 2017

Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on Sunday vowed to achieve reconciliation in the country, even as former strongman Mahinda Rajapaksa warned the government against any steps endangering the unitary character of the state. Both Sirisena and Wickremesinghe renewed hope for reconciliation and economic development to be achieved by the unity government which marks its second anniversary next week.

Sirisena in his new year message called for brotherhood and unity among all communities to achieve reconciliation following the end of the nearly three decades-long civil war in 2009. Wickremesinghe said despite efforts to break up the national unity government, it would not waver in its commitment to install good governance, democracy and economic prosperity.

Former President Rajapaksa, in his New Year message, warned against any action that endangers the unitary character of the state and its territorial integrity.His remarks were in reference to the government’s efforts to introduce a new Constitution which is expected to grant some form of political autonomy to the minority Tamil community.

The new Constitution is expected to be adopted this year after a nationwide referendum. The main opposition leader R Sampanthan echoed the Tamil wishes in his message, saying “2017 will be a crucial year in the history of our country”.

“Our expectation, is that we should find a permanent and lasting solution to the national question. The new Constitution in the New Year, should bring about this achievement,” he said. The government expects the new Constitution to address the demand of Tamil minorities for political recognition.

With the defeat of the Tamil Tigers in 2009 the Tamil groups have opted for maximum devolution as opposed to LTTE’s goal of a separate Tamil homeland.

Reflections On Governance, Politics Of The Bourgeoisie & The Role Of Progressives In 2007

By Siri Gamage –January 1, 2017

Dr. Siri Gamage

Kumar David’s recent article (Colombo Telegraph, 01.01.2017) reflecting on events in 2016 points to some of the global challenges facing us in 2017 and the need for the left to unite if we are to avoid returning to the ghosts of the past. This is a message – though not unfamiliar in the annals of Sri Lanka’s political history – which we need to take seriously in 2017. Constitutional discussions and any moves made by the government to devolve further powers to the provinces (justifying the claims of nationalist political forces) have the potential to derail the whole process and even the very existence of the SLFP-UNP national government unless handled very carefully. The lack of a vibrant popular discourse and a popularly understood vision and justification about the need for constitutional reform can haunt those leading the process if it hits a snag without being able to muster the necessary votes in the nation’s parliament.

Given the manner that the joint opposition has evolved to be a significant political force within and outside the parliament, reducing public confidence in the government due to factors including the manner it has handled corruption cases, big government and expensive lifestyles of the ruling class in a context of severe foreign debt, cost of living pressures, planned alienation of large tracts of land to a Chinese company in Hambantota – it is highly likely that there can be defections from the governing coalition to the joint opposition in 2017. This may happen before, during, or after the local government elections. Nonetheless, it will take another year or so for such defections to make a real impact on the ability for Sirisena- Wickremesinghe government to govern effectively. It is also possible for defections to occur the other way at a smaller scale. i.e. from joint opposition to the government. What is important to notice is that the joint opposition is building its political platform yet again as the protectors of the nation, its territorial boundaries, Buddhism, and Sinhala people’s rights. This is a platform that resonates with rural masses and middle to lower class urban Sinhalese in the South Western belt, Central and North-Central provinces, Sabaragamuwa etc. Irrespective of corruption charges against his family, as they have not been proven via a credible legal process thus far, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is actively rebuilding his profile and popular persona travelling around the country and abroad. His constituency in the Sinhalese heartland is likely to accept symbolism couched in nationalist language plus raw emotions and pardon him for any past mistakes when the time comes.

In the meantime, ruling politicians from both major parties seem to have settled into their ministerial and other roles comfortably oblivious to this evolving trend in the mistaken belief that the public at large is still with them, and they can hold legitimate power until the next elections. Until then their main focus seems to be to govern the country’s affairs with the help of local and foreign technocrats and local bureaucrats. This is visible largely in the economic arena. Yet no leader in the present government seems to be able to generate a national following in the majority Sinhala constituency or the minority Tamil- Muslim constituencies either in terms of a single issue of national significance or a set of such issues. They seem to govern almost by default. If they wanted to organise a national discourse that has resonance among Sinhala Buddhists and others, they would have used the language, critique, issues, and constructive suggestions, espoused by the late Maduluwawe Sobhita Thera. But those associated with the organisation Rev. Sobhita led are leveling charges against the government for abandoning the principles that he espoused.

How do we understand this conundrum? How do we understand the need for the left and/or progressives to unite? Whatever the claims and justifications pronounced by the nation’s leaders, the current alliance between the SLFP and the UNP is to be understood as ‘a marriage of convenience’ of the bourgeoisie elements of the ruling class. Beyond that there is no overarching vision, discourse, language, symbols, or images that can bind those with loyalty to the present government or even unify them. Some from the educated literati seem to understand the importance of maintaining loyalty to the present government due to the manner it came to power two years ago and by comparison to the threats people faced in their civic life at the time including in human rights arena. But they seem to be a minority. A government formed by a bourgeoisie consensus engineered by Chandrika-Sirisena-Wickremesinghe troika and joined by other petty bourgeoisie elements from the capital city and provinces in search of power, wealth, and prestige yet devoid of a powerful and easily understood discourse and vision for the future of the country with a potential to generate a mass following is thus destined to unscramble by its own actions or inactions giving the political and moral advantage to the joint opposition in coming years. When it happens, it will be too late to address the consequences or indeed the causes of such an event.

The main political, economic, and social forces behind the government that I describe as bourgeoisie (capitalist) can be understood by the terminology of a ruling class. Political leaders are joined by mega capitalists or mega deal karayo to achieve economic returns from their activities that require government sanctioning. In the absence of a yahapalanaya, curtailment of privileges afforded to the ruling class, prosecution and punishment to those who embezzled public money in the previous government, what the average Joe sees is only the replacement of one set of politicians in place of another. In the eyes of the average citizen, the government and the ruling class seem to have lost their legitimacy already – though they may enjoy formal power for another few years. It is no surprise that the bourgeoisie come together to achieve economic benefits under any government. What is surprising is the inability of the left or progressives to come together for a common cause, vision, and a political platform as Kumar David has alluded to.

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