Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, December 13, 2016

Swift involvement reduced potential losses to port: Navy





2016-12-13

The Navy today assisted to load 1,086 cars and jeeps onboard a South Korean Vehicles Carrier, ‘Glovis Phoenix’ which arrived at the Hambantota port for the loading of vehicles, the Navy said.

 It said the ship was scheduled to leave the Hambantota Port for its next port of call in Durban, South Africa, having the vehicles loaded expeditiously by tomorrow. 

The Naval personnel made an extensive effort to rectify the damages caused on the generators, power supply system and cleared all the obstacles caused to equipment and machinery by these saboteurs.

 The swift involvement of the Sri Lanka Navy helped reduce the potential losses that would have been suffered by the Sri Lankan Government due to non-operations of the harbour as a result of the sabotage carried out by port employees, the Navy said in a statement. 

The protest campaign staged by the port employees of Hambantota Harbour on 7th December 2016 continues to its seventh day as of today hampering the routine work of the Hambantota Port.

 The Navy said it got the tense situation which erupted on 10th December under control restoring back the security of the harbour and establishing normalcy.


Series of agitations by JVP with workers, farmers & fisher folk

The JVP is getting ready to hold a series of massive agitations throughout the country rallying working masses including farmers, fisher folk and workers.
The Member of the Political Bureau of that party K.D. Lal Kantha emphasized that institutions that have deprived rights of the working masses would be encircled to demand back rights that have been slashed.
Mr. Lal Kantha said the continuous ‘Sathyagraha’ campaigns that are being carried out in Colombo and Hambanthota harbours would continue, whatever obstacles are placed, until the casual workers in the harbours are made permanent and are absorbed to the Port Authority.
He said the government has slashed the fertilizer subsidy given to the farmer community and if the government does not take measures, as has been promised, to pay farmers the fertilizer subsidy money within two weeks, they would take to the streets with the farmer community.

The ‘Sathyagraha’ he had joined regarding issues of employees in Department of Labour ended in victory and the present struggle too would end only in a victory said Mr. Lal Kantha.

The Myth About The University Admissions Criteria


Colombo Telegraph
By M. Y. M. Siddeek –December 13, 2016 
Dr. MYM Siddeek
Dr. MYM Siddeek
Truth alone will endure, all the rest will be swept away before the tide of time” – Mahatma Gandhi.
I believe there is a widespread myth that the Tamils were badly affected due to the university admissions criteria of the successive governments of Sri Lanka. There is no truth in it. It is true that not only the Tamils but also the Muslims who studied their A Levels in Tamil medium were affected by ethnic/language based standardisation of university admissions implemented in 1970 and 1971. However, with the introduction of the District Quota System, the Tamil students from the Northern districts of Vavunia, Mullaithivu, Mannar and Kilinochchi, from the Eastern districts of Trincomalee, Ampara and Batticaloa and from the Central province districts of Nuwara-Eliaya, Badulla, Bandarawela immensely benefitted. The District Quota System has been implemented by the successive governments since 1972 to admit students to the universities.
Before 1970, university admission was based on pure merit. The number of Tamil and Sinhalese students was almost equal in highly demanded medical and engineering faculties in the universities.  However, the Sinhalese students in the faculties were not proportionate to their population in the country. Therefore from 1970, the university admissions policies made it compulsory for the Tamil students to score higher marks than the Sinhalese students to enter the same faculties in the university. For example, Tamil students had to score 250 marks to get into Medical or Engineering faculty while Sinhalese students only had to score 229 and 227 marks respectively.  In short, students sitting for examinations in the same language, but belonging to two ethnic groups, had different requirements of minimum marks to enter the universities. It is widely claimed by some that this open discrimination of the then United Front Government of 1970 caused enormous harm to ethnic relations between Tamils and Sinhalese. This made it difficult for Tamil youths to enter university and as a result, the Tamil youths were not able to find suitable employment. Therefore, they say that this made the Tamil youths hate the Sinhalese and the university admission policy was another reason for the conflict between the Tamils and Sinhalese in Sri Lanka.
From 1971, the same government made some changes to the university admissions criteria and the students were admitted to the universities based on language they sit. The number of Tamil and Sinhalese students admitted to the universities was proportional to the number of participants who sat to the A Level examinations in Tamil and Sinhala languages. This obviously decreased the proportion of the Tamil medium students in the universities. It is noteworthy that, according to 1971 A Level examinations results, a large proportion of the Tamil allocation was enjoyed by Tamil students from Jaffna and a large proportion of the Sinhalese share was enjoyed by the Sinhalese students from Colombo. Therefore, the Education Minister of that time seriously thought about this imbalance between the districts due to lack of facilities in the other districts of the country. Therefore, the District Quota System was introduced in 1972 to take into consideration of extremely limited facilities available in the districts other than Colombo and Jaffna. It is also important to note that, the ethnic/language based standardisation was in existence only for two years. Therefore, it can also be argued that impact of those short-lived criteria to admit students to the universities is immaterial considering a long history of higher education system in Sri Lanka.
The District Quota System for university admissions introduced in 1972 abolished medium wise standardisation of marks. There is no evidence for existence of language based standardisation after 1972. One of the other reasons for the introduction of the District Quota System was to control continuing influx of students to Colombo and Jaffna schools due to lack of facilities in other districts. It was therefore thought that if admissions to universities were decided on a District Quota System, an incentive for good students to remain in their home towns would be created. Therefore, one of the objectives of the District Quota System was to ensure that the best students from rural schools gain admission to the universities from schools in their own districts. It was also thought that selections on a District Quota System would eliminate the handicaps created by the lack of sufficient satisfactory facilities in certain areas such as Nuwara-Eliya, Mannar, Vavunia, Mullaithivu, Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Monaragala, Polonnaruwa etc. This fact was never appreciated by the critiques of the District Quota System and was never mentioned in the debates. According to the District Quota System of 1972, 30% of university places were allocated on the basis of island-wide merit and 55% of the places were allocated on the basis of comparative scores within districts on the basis of the population strength of each district. Therefore, if a district has a population of 18% of the total population of the country, 18% of places available for any particular group of courses were allocated to that district whereas another district with a population equivalent to 7% of the total population, it would get only 7% of places in that particular, group of studies. An additional 15% was reserved for students from underprivileged districts such as Nuwara_Eliya and Trincomalee. This 15% too was allocated on the basis of the population strength of the underprivileged districts. Once the total number of students for each district is determined on the basis of the population strength of the district, 100% merit basis was applied within the district to select the students for each course of study. I am not arguing here that this is the best system because a student’s performance can be affected by various factors such as I.Q., school and home environment, extra- curricular activities, attitude and aptitude for learning etc. Inclusion of all these factors into the admission criteria is impossible. It is very important to note that Sri Lanka has only a small number of universities and therefore , the education system in Sri Lanka is very competitive. Approximately only 9% of the students who sit for the G.C.E (Advanced Level) examinations, and only about 14% of those who qualify, are admitted to universities. Therefore, it is fair to provide opportunities to the students from all the districts, more importantly to the students from educationally underprivileged districts other than Colombo in the West and other than Jaffna in the North. The District Quota System has also brought an ethnic balance. In 1969, before the introduction of standardisation/District quota System , the Northern Province which was pre-dominantly a Tamil province with only 7% of the population of the country, was allocated 27.5% of the places for science-based courses in Sri Lankan universities. By 1974, after introduction of the District Quota System, this was reduced to 7% which is equivalent to the population proportion of the province. Similarly, from the other predominantly Tamil districts of Vavunia, Mullaithivu, Mannar, Batticaloa, Trincomalee etc. the percentage increased to closer to their population strength. Similarly, the Western Province with 26% of the population of the country was allocated 67.5% of the places of science-based courses in 1969. This reduced to 27% in 1974 which is closer to the population strength of the district. It should be stressed here that the majority of the share enjoyed by Jaffna Tamils were distributed among Tamils in other Tamil districts such as Vavunia, Mullaithivu, Mannar, Trincomalee, Ampara, Batticaloa and Hill country where the facilities in the schools were very poor. Majority of the share enjoyed by Colombo was distributed among rest of the Sinhalese. This is the major impact of the District quota System.

Sri Lanka’s internal war cost US$ 200 billion


North Sri Lankan battle field
By P.K.Balachandran - 13th December 2016 02:44
COLOMBO: Sri Lanka’s internal war which ended in May 2009, had cost the country around US$ 200 billion according to India’s former National Security Adviser and Foreign Secretary, Shivshankar Menon.
In his book Choices: Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy, Menon says that this estimate does not include the “opportunity cost” to Sri Lanka which was once the fastest growing and the most open economy in South Asia.
About deaths, the veteran Indian diplomat turned security expert says that between 1983 and 2009, 80,000 to 100,000 people, including combatants from both sides, lost their lives. Among them were 30,000 to 50,000 civilians, 27,693 LTTE cadres, 23,790 Sri Lankan army personnel, and 1,155 men of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF).
The final stages of the war had created a little over 300,000 refugees or Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). The war had also left 1.6 million land mines in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
Torn Society
But the real casualty of the war was Sri Lanka’s composite society, something that the LTTE and Sinhala chauvinism are “equally responsible for”, Menon says.
“Sri Lanka’s democracy was flawed by disappearances, killings, torture, detention, and widespread human rights abuses committed by all sides in the war. Civil-military relations were skewed, Sinhala society was militarized, and the brutalized remnants of Tamil civil society were leaderless, without direction or hope. Nor was there any sign of an attempt to come to terms with the legacy and result of the war, to undertake real reconciliation,” he observes grimly.
Menon points out that LTTE chief Prabhakaran had left his Sri Lankan Tamil community “gutted and brutalized” by his war.
“The Jaffna Tamils, who had once fed, led, ruled and thought for Ceylon, were reduced to a group of refugees in their own country and abroad, dependent on aid and the dole, their best and brightest dead or in exile. In death and in life, Prabhakaran’s baleful impact on his people continued to take its toll.”
Menon appreciates Sri Lanka’s successes in post-war rehabilitation, but adds that “peace is more than an absence of violence and the presence of basic infrastructure. It is also in the mind.”
And this is where Sri Lanka has failed since the war, he points out and adds that both the Sinhalese and the Tamils have failed to grasp the nettle.
“A victorious regime under Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sinhala majority did not show the magnanimity in victory that true peace requires. Equally, the Tamil community does not have leaders left, who can make peace. A Mandela needs a De Klerk and vice versa. Neither is visible in Sri Lanka.”
“In Sri Lanka, politics is stunted on both sides. Nor has either side, or the international community, managed to get past the arguments of the past. How relevant those arguments of the past are today, is debatable,” he says.
Harping on the past and the solutions offered in the past “shows a paucity of leadership and thought” in both the Sinhala and Tamil parties, Menon points out.
He recalls that India had urged Rajapaksa that if he was to be the “leader of all Sri Lankans” he should reach out through devolution of political power, restore human rights, and give a “sense of dignity to the victor and the vanquished alike.”
But Rajapaksa could not bring himself to be politically magnanimous in victory, Menon says.
However, the Indian diplomat admits that Rajapaksa was correct in telling India that there was no one he could work with on the Tamil side

10 Years of Groundviews: What’s the impact?




Image via The Latest 

PETER REZEL on 12/14/2016

Any pioneering venture that stays the course requires commendation and acknowledgment. Therefore when invited by Sanjana, founder curator, to pen a few lines on Groundviews’ 10thAnniversary, I saw it as an opportunity to highlight a unique achievement, realised in a most difficult decade of Sri Lankan history. It is the labour of love and sheer dedication and commitment that has seen to fruition an idea, to some extent ahead of its time.

Free education, quality health service is the first priority of a JVP government

Free education, quality health service is the first priority of a JVP government

Dec 13, 2016

The only way to liberate Sri Lanka from the past 68 years of dismally cursed history is to elect of a JVP government in 2020. JVP MP Dr Nalinda Jayatissa recently delivered a seminar titled, 'Our solution to the country's crisis' to a packed audience in a Feltham Community College, London.  The audience was notably different to usual JVP organised meetings, representing many areas of the UK and comprising both JVP and non-JVP members. 

The seminar was further enriched by a session delivered by guest speaker Dr Ranjeet Brar, Central Committee member of the Communist Party of Great Britain Marxist Leninist, which has close ties with JVP U.K. 
 
In his detailed speech Dr Nalinda explained the present crisis that Sri Lanka is facing including social, economic, political, cultural and environmental disasters, bought on by the two parties that ran the country in turns for the past 68 years namely SLFP and UNP governments who have no solutions, aside from lies and manipulation, having stolen people's votes through lies, deception and cheating, and subsequently have run the country through deception, corruption and control, while appearing to acts as the nations saviours while in reality providing no solutions to the problems that ordinary people face every day. Through presenting economic and statistical data to the audience, Dr Nalinda was able to demonstrate that the only thing that these governments have managed to successfully achieve was to increase social, financial, political problems.
 
The current government is a combination of the two said parties. Despite it being introduced as a national government, as in previous history, they remain a group of corrupt individuals and families who influence, manipulate and interfere in running the government. There is no science based systematic programme of improving the country here. There is only cheating, raping the country and wasting taxpayers money in a corrupt system that runs from top to bottom. In addition these governments have failed to bring different communities together in harmony.  They have failed to efficiently deal with international diplomatic relations and have handed the country's sovereignty by surrendering control to other nations and borrowing sums of money so large that we can never repay, leaving a country that is in debt to the world and utterly destroyed. 
 
He emphasised that under a JVP government, first priority will be given to the education and health services, increasing quality and access to all. Additionally it would create government bodies comprising of educated and intelligent people who will develop science based programmes that develops the country's workforce with help from the private sector to systematically improve and develop the economy. Science based agricultural programmes would be implemented to produce food that is required for the country to be self sufficient; technology and industries would be funded to produce the equipment that is required for agricultural industry; universities would be created to develop and train graduates for these industries with additional agricultural universities being built throughout the country. 
 
He also said that they would build a fairer system to distribute the economic gains and the wealth of the country, encouraging the development of a society that is democratic, non-nationalist and non-religion based where everyone will have equal rights including the right to practice their religion.
 
The Communist Party of Great Britain Marxist Leninist, Dr Ranjeet Brar explained in his speech that it has been a great pleasure to build relationships with the JVP discussed plans to improve these relationships and work together more closely. He explained that in today's world, the majority of the countries that have embraced the capitalist system have developed in a most unjust and destructive way, pushed by a system that has gone as far as it possibly can.  Most of the wars in the world are religious or nationalist wars that have arisen as a result of this crude, capitalist system which not only affects and destroys humanity, but also wildlife, habitats and ecologist. This destruction is unfortunately the gifts of a capitalist system. International revolutionaries Karl Marx, Engels, Lennin, tried to show the world a better system.  Dr Ranjeet concluded by calling that it is time to bring the scattered Marxist people's and nations across the world together to create one front to combat this global crisis.
 
Other JVP U.K. Committee speakers included Darshana Hettiarrachi, Ranjit Wijesiriwardhana and Asanga Karunadhara. Photography was by Bandula Maanage, Sujith Gunawardana and Deepti Kodithuwakku.

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The Role Of Civil Society In Sri Lanka’s Universal Periodic Review


Colombo Telegraph
By Kirsty Anantharajah –December 13, 2016 
Kirsty Anantharajah
Kirsty Anantharajah
Sri Lanka’s game playing at the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) during its first two reviews in 2008 and 2012 tested the ability of this human rights mechanism to achieve its aims and maintain the integrity of its principles, including objectivity and transparency. This post explores how the proactive participation of civil society pushed back against the rights ritualism displayed by the Sri Lankan state at the UPR.[i]
These analyses are particularly relevant to the Sri Lankan state, which is approaching its third review next year: Sri Lanka will be facing the UPR with a new government at its helm. Reflections on Sri Lanka’s previous two reviews must also communicate to Sri Lankan civil society its crucial role in human rights regulation through the UPR.
Narrating history
In both its reviews, Sri Lanka attempted to gloss over and conceal aspects of the nation’s recent experience of civil war, an ongoing rule of law crisis, and its peoples’ experience of human rights violations. The contributions of civil society through stakeholder submissions to the UPR provided a much needed alternative perspective.
Sri Lanka’s first review occurred in the temporal landscape of civil war that raged from 1983-2009 between Sri Lankan forces and the Tamil militant group the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam (LTTE).
In its national report, Sri Lanka discussed constitutional and legislative measures facilitating racial equality, however, it avoided detailing the human rights situation on the ground. The stakeholder submissions stepped into this void, and laid the foundations for a more transparent review. According to the stakeholders, this temporal landscape was characterised by violence and discriminatory practices that targeted the nation’s ethnic Tamil minority. An increasingly endemic culture of ‘disappearances,’ torture and extra-judicial killings combined with growing state impunity marked the human rights situationduring this period. Sri Lanka’s first UPR cycle occurred in the later stages of this conflict. In its submission, a stakeholder expressed its fears, cautioning worse times ahead for Sri Lankan peoples:
…violations are likely to escalate further given [the] government’s failure to address impunity, increasing political interference of the government in the judiciary and other organs of the state, repression of dissent and ever more excessive powers to the security forces.
These concerns came to fruition during the final offensive of the civil war. This began only months after Sri Lanka’s initial review and concluded in May 2009. According to many stakeholders, this short period saw over 40 000 civilian deaths, and grave breaches of human rights law, humanitarian law and international law. A stakeholder’s submissionreflects the indiscriminant nature of the military offensive: ‘it made no difference between combatants and civilians.’ Another key feature of this offensive was ‘the repeated military action against Tamil people in the “no fire zones” established by the Government.’
Referring to this same offensive in its second national report, Sri Lanka congratulated itself for its victory over the LTTE. The final offensive was termed a ‘humanitarian operation,’ and the state detailed the ‘human rights focus’ of this military offensive. The report declared that ‘the humanitarian operation ensured for the people of the North and East their right to live in dignity and restored democratic freedoms. Sri Lanka blandly asserted that it had maintained a ‘zero civilian casualty policy.’
Sri Lanka’s second review occurred in the aftermath of its civil war. Submissions to Sri Lanka’s second review noted a continuing deterioration of human rights following the war. Torture and sexual violence against women by Sri Lanka’s security forces occurred against a backdrop of state impunity; enforced disappearances persisted; freedom of speech and human rights defenders were under serious attack; and discriminatory practices continued.
In its second report, Sri Lanka declared that the state had ‘achieved peace and social tranquillity’. In response to the international community’s concerns about disappearances perpetrated by the state, Sri Lanka declared: ‘the Police report a relatively good rate of success in tracing missing persons.’
Sri Lanka maintained a consistently self-congratulatory narrative in its provision of information to the UPR, and it was predominantly the UN and civil society organisations that provided the mechanism with a counter-narrative and information capable of shining a light into the ‘darkest corners of the world.’

SRI LANKAN NAVY COMMANDER ASSAULTS JOURNALIST – IFJ

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Photo: Sri Lankan journalist Roshan Gunasekera is assaulted by Navy Commander Vice Admiral Ravi Wijayagunaratne. Credit: Gagana Radio.

Sri Lanka Brief13/12/2016

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) joins the Free Media Movement, Sri Lanka (FMM) in condemning the attack by the Sri Lankan Navy commander on a journalist at the Magampura Port in Hambantota, Southern Province on December 10. The IFJ demands immediate action against the commander.

Navy Commander Vice Admiral Ravi Wijayagunaratne assaulted Roshan Gunasekera, a local correspondent for The Island and Divaina dailies, while the journalist was reporting navy action to open the port blocked by protesting port workers. Video footage recorded by other journalists showed the navy commander darting towards Gunasekera, assaulting him and using foul language.

Gunasekera later said: “I went to the Magampura Port to report the protest by the port employees. While I was reporting the event, a naval officer in civil clothes came to me and asked what I was doing there. I told him I was from [the] media and showed him my media accreditation card. Then he grabbed me by my neck and dragged me. [Then] the Navy Commander came there and I told him that I was from [the] media. He abused me in filthy language and assaulted me.”

The FMM urged President Sirisena to commence a special investigation and take the necessary legal action so that those who attack journalists, however high their positions, cannot get away with impunity. 

The FMM said: “The Navy Commander led the attack. He has also chased away the journalists, beating and scolding them using obscene language. This is a very serious incident.” The FMM deplored the assault at a time when the right to information is guaranteed by an Act, and said: “Even though affirmed to establish a better media culture, such media suppression is a blemish to the whole country.”

The IFJ said: “The assault of a journalist by the Commander of the Sri Lankan Navy is a condemnable act. The IFJ is seriously concerned by the assault of a journalist by the head of a security force and demands immediate action against him from the Sri Lankan government. Such an incident, if allowed to pass, not only undermines press freedom and the rights of the media but also has a chilling effect on free press.”
Public transport still operated under an SLFP Govt.

2016-12-13

Lanka Private Bus Owners' Association President Gemunu Wijeratne today charged that the public transportation was still under the administration of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) except in the North. 

“This is the utmost truth which prevails in the country. No United National Party (UNP) member or this government controls the transportation system in the country. The Transport Minister is from the SLFP and all the Provincial Councils except the North are still controlled under a SLFP Government. This will be a big problem to move this Government forward,” he said. 

The decisions taken by the Central government could not be put into practice due to SLFPers in the government. Because of that all the bus services in the country will come to a standstill, Wijerathne said. 

"We had discussed several issues with the President including providing solutions to the heavy traffic situation and collecting bribes from the private buses. No favorable solution by this government has been forwarded. Law enforcement to the transport sectors were implemented but there isn't any progress to the private bus industry as discussed." 

Any minister can decide the amount of fine imposed on road offenses but it should be implemented according to the constitution. (Chaturanga Pradeep) 

Neo Liberal policies are the cause of world strife -Noam Chomsky


Q It is both a pleasure and a privilege to have you speak for the first to a Sri Lankan entity - The Daily Mirror. Since we are confined by time, I would appreciate if the answers are kept as brief as possible. To start off with, during the recent election of Donald Trump, we saw a kind of rise of racism and xenophobia, a phenomenon of right wing populism that we are seeing across the world including in Sri Lanka. What are your views on this?

2016-12-14
There are many factors but there are some that are pretty common, certainly for the United States and Europe from which I have just returned, incidentally. One factor that is common and which is very significant is the Neo Liberal programme that was instituted globally, roughly around 35 years ago, around 1980 or a little before and picking up afterwards. These were programmes that were designed in such a way that they marginalize and cast aside a considerable majority of the population. So in the United States if you take a look at say the Trump voters, they are not the poorest people. They have homes, they have jobs, and they have small businesses. They may not have the jobs they like but they are not starving and are not living on US$ 2 a day. These are people who have been stuck for 30 years. Their history and their own image of life and history and the country is- that they have worked hard all their lives, they have done all the right things. They have families, they go to Church and they have done everything right just as their parents did. They’ve been moving forward, which they expected to continue: that their children would be better off than they are, but it hasn’t happened. It stopped. As if they are in a line, in which they were moving forward and it stopped. Ahead of them in the line are people who have just shot up into the stratosphere: that is Neo Liberalism. It concentrates wealth in tiny sectors. They don’t mind that, because part of the American mythology is that you work hard and you get rewards. It is not what happens but that fits the picture, the mythology. 

The people behind them are the ones they resent. This is not untypical; scapegoating. Blame your problems on those who are even worse off than you. And their conception is that the Federal Government is their enemy, which works for the people behind them. That the Federal Government gives Food Stamps to people who don’t want to work, that it gives welfare payments to women who drive in rich cars to welfare offices. (These are) images that Ronald Reagan concocted. Their thinking is that, ‘the Federal Government is helping to put them in line ahead of me, but nobody is working for me’. That picture is all over the West. A large part of it was behind the Brexit vote, in the United States they would blame Mexican immigrants, or Afro Americans, in the UK they would blame the Polish immigrants, in France the North Africans and in Austria the Syrian immigrants. The choice of target depends on the society, but the phenomenon is pretty similar. The general nature is pretty similar. There are streaks of racism, xenophobia, sexism, and opposition to gay rights and all sorts of things. And they coalesce when economic and social policies have been designed in such a way which essentially ignores these people and their concerns and doesn’t work for them -- and seems to them to work against them.   

Q But don’t you think Professor, the notion of an isolationist imperial power, a non-intervening imperial interest that Donald Trump has promised, is something positive for countries like Sri Lanka and the third world at large?

Isolationist is a very funny word. Take Donald Trump’s recent appointments -- the important appointments. The most important appointment is his National Strategy Advisor who is Michael Flynn. He is a radical Islamophobe. He thinks we should go to war with the whole Islamic world,-- the whole Islamic world. And his view of Islam is not that of a religion, but that it’s a political ideology like fascism, and it is at war with us and that we should destroy it. Is that isolationism? Donald Trump’s position and that of Paul Ryan and other Right Wingers is that we should sharply build up the Pentagon. They talk about our depleted military forces. I mean you don’t know whether to laugh or not. The US spends almost as much on the military as the rest of the world combined. It is technologically far more advanced. No other country has hundreds of military bases all over the world, actually forces fighting all over the world. But ‘we are a depleted military force and everybody is about to attack us and we have to build the military more’, is that isolationist? 

We have to carry out economic war against other countries, is that isolationist? No of course not. This is vulgar imperialism masked by a fraudulent concern for the working people and the middle class. Is there any such concern apparent from his cabinet appointments? (they are) straight out of Wall Street and Goldman Sachs. Take a look at the stock market, that tells you how people with power are evaluating his Presidency. (it) Shot up as soon as he was elected. The financial institutions zoomed. The world’s biggest Coal Company ‘Peabody’ which was in bankruptcy had its stock go up by about 50% within days of his election. The military industry, energy industries, pharmaceuticals..they are all going to the sky. Is that an illusion? No, it’s not. That’s the policy, the appeal is not so much the poor, but working people who have suffered, not suffered in the sense of real deep poverty, but suffered in the sense of a loss of status, a loss of dignity, and a loss of hope for the future. In the United States this is combined with an objective fact. That this country is built on extremist white supremacy, comparative measures of white supremacy across the world has put the United States way in the lead, even ahead of white South Africa, and now the white population is becoming a minority.   

Q You bring in two interesting points; one is on white supremacy and the other is on Islam and Islamophobia. Firstly though, this idea of supremacy, we have seen this even in parts of South Asia. If you see the rise of Narendra Modi, it was along the same populist lines and even in post war Sri Lanka we are seeing these same attitudes swelling up. So it is not something confined to the US. What do you think the real reason is for this?

Different reasons for different places. In India it’s the rise of Hindu nationalism, which is extremely dangerous. It looks like there is an alliance building up with these xenophobic Right Wing forces around the world. If you noticed, the reactions to Trumps election across the world, was great enthusiasm from the ultra-Right all over. In fact, his first contact was with Nigel Farage, the leader of the UKIP in England and it went on like that. There are common features, but different factors in different countries. In India, it is the Muslims, in the United States it’s Muslims too. But there were also Mexicans and so on. But I think throughout the world you see a similar failure of mainstream establishment institutions to deal with the people’s real problems.   

Q Aren’t these fears about the Muslims real? Even in Sri Lanka, there is this fear about the Muslims, along the lines of the fear prevailing in the West. Aren’t these fears about the Muslims real?

They are not unreal. Hitler’s fears about the Jews under the Nazis were not totally unreal. There were rich Jewish bankers, there were Jewish Bolsheviks. Any propaganda system, no matter how vulgar or disgraceful, can only succeed if there are at least small elements of truth. They may be small. While you are in Boston if you listen to ‘Talk Radio’ the main radio- all very Right Wing - you will hear people speaking about Syrian refugees and how they are being treated like princes. That they have been given all kinds of money, that they have been given health services, and education - ‘all kinds of things that we don’t have the Syrian refugees get’- How many Syrian refugees are there? A couple of thousand! They probably do get health services, so it is not totally false. But the typical history of scapegoating is to pick vulnerable people and find something that is not totally false about them- because you have to have some element of truth- and then build it up into a colossus which is about to overcome you. I mean there are states in the United States in the Midwest, where the legislature has passed laws banning Shari’a. How likely is Shari’a going to be imposed in Oklahoma? I mean you know it is not zero. You can find a woman somewhere who is wearing a veil, so there is something. But that’s the way it works. I think in Sri Lanka there is a pretty ugly history after all; I don’t have to recount it. 

You can find plenty of cases of massive atrocities and crimes and so on. A demagogic leader and the administration which is not working in the interest of the population but in the interest of wealth and power, almost reflexively is going to turn to attacks on the vulnerable with the support of the media and often the intellectual classes, and blow up small elements of truth into a massive attack. The United States is extremely interesting in this respect. It is the most safe and secure country in the world, but it is probably the most frightened country in the world. Do you know any other country where people feel that unless they take a gun to Church or a restaurant they might be attacked? I mean, does it happen in Sri Lanka? 

Q No.
 
Does it happen anywhere else? but it happens in the United States of America. All over the United States people feel terrified -- ‘they are coming after us’, and that goes way back in American history, and it has roots. There are historical roots.   

Q Going by what you just said Professor, Edward Said, one of your contemporaries and friends writing in the early 80’s in his seminal work ‘Orientalism’ and ‘Covering Islam’ points out that Islam has been portrayed by the West, as a monolithic entity. That the West ignored the different histories and different cultures and so on. Have the Muslims of today, 30 years on, bought into this propaganda and believe themselves that they are in fact a monolithic entity?

Take the US or the British policy towards Islam. It has been highly supportive of the most radical elements of Islam. That is true of the British and it’s true of the Americans after they took over from the British. So who is the leading US ally in the Islamic world? Saudi Arabia, perhaps the most extreme, radical, fundamentalist State in the world. But certainly in the Islamic world. And a missionary State, which uses its huge resources to sponsor its Wahabist extremism through Madrasas and so on. It is the main source of Jihadism. The main ally is that -- monolithic. I mean what state power does, and propaganda usually follows, is (to) find what will support a power interest. In these cases imperial policy. If it happens to be radical Islam that’s fine. At the same time we might be fighting radical Islam somewhere else. The propaganda system would create images of Islamic terror seeking to destroy us when that turns out to be the plausible kind of scapegoating. So 9/11 happened and the Tamil Tigers atrocities happened. You can use those as ways of building up fear, anger, and anxiety to support the tendency to hide under the umbrella of power from these forces about to destroy us. Like Shari’a law in Oklahoma, got to protect ourselves!  
 
Q You spoke of a new shifting of the world order when you spoke of Nigel Farage and other Right wing elements shifting towards Donald Trump. Is there a shift in the international sphere, like we saw during the Cold War, where the world went into two different sides including the non-aligned? A kind of shift today that is happening, between the Right Wing nativists on the one hand and the Left wing internationalist on the other?  

First of all, I don’t really agree with the conventional version of the Cold War. You take a look at the events of the Cold War. Not what intellectuals talk about, not the ideology. Take a look at the events. The events of the Cold War consisted of violent attacks by the US within its domains -- which is most of the world. And Russian, violent attacks on its much smaller domain, which was Eastern Europe. That was the Cold War. Each side used the alleged threat of the other as a justification for its own internal repression. So the US had to support a terrorist war against Nicaragua because of the Russians, who were not anywhere nearby. The Russians had to invade Hungary because of the Americans. That was the Cold War. There was, in a way, you could describe it as a kind of tacit compact between the two imperial powers: The huge imperial power of the United States, the smaller imperial power of Russia. Kind of a tacit compact in which each side was authorized to carry out violence and repression in its own domains, for the US this means most of the world, without an actual conflict. Now there was a danger, always, a serious danger that an actual conflict might blow up in which case we’re finished. As soon as there is a major nuclear war, humans are done with. So there was always a fear, if there was a confrontation; but if you look at the events of the Cold War you get a very different picture. And it’s the events that matter, not the words.   

Q But is there a realignment across the world, Professor, between this Right-wing populist xenophobic elements and… 
No, there is Left liberal populism too, take the United States.   

Q You gave me a good precursor to the next question. Isn’t the left liberal dead? I know you’ve had your differences with Slavoj Zizek but as he points out what Clinton personified and is a symbol of is that Left liberal position- a coalition which had you and also Alan Dershowitz, which had ‘Occupy Wall Street’ and Wall Street together. Isn’t this coalesce…

There is lack of comparison there. Alan Dershowitz speaks for the, it’s kind of a mixture, but the xenophobic extremist Right -he is all over the place. The Left liberal media, say NPR, he’s on it all the time, Right wing media he is on it all the time. Then there’s me. Am I on (them)? In fact, when you leave, take a photograph of one of my favourite front pages of a journal. I liked it so much I framed it. It’s the main Left liberal journal – ‘American Prospect’ – and it has a picture of two evil creatures who are threatening American liberalism, one is Dick Cheney and the other is me. That’s the parallel. And it indicates what’s in the mind of American liberals --“We’re being attacked by these monsters on both sides”- One of them who sits in an office and has no access to anything, the other -- the guy who controls the biggest military machine in the world and is invading Iraq, those are the two forces. Same with the rest, ‘Occupy’ versus Wall Street, what’s the comparison? Actually, there is a comparison, but not what’s being described. ‘Occupy’ is very small, it doesn’t begin to compare with Wall Street. But the population does. And a lot of the population supports them (Occupy).

 In fact take the US elections, in terms of numbers, Clinton won pretty easily. But more interestingly, if you look at younger voters, first of all Clinton won overwhelmingly, but Sanders won even more overwhelmingly. Here is somebody who came out of nowhere, no economic support, no rich supporters, no corporate support, 100% media opposition, basically unknown, talking about socialism, which is a bad word, and overwhelmingly won the youth support. Well, the constituency that supported him does not have money, power, corporate backing, and so on. So they are not considered popular, they are just kind of off the spectrum of discussion, but they are there. And they can change policies.   

Q Professor, since you spoke of the youth, we have watched you speaking about how Universities dumb down thinking or intellect. You are a person who, since your early teens, you have questioned the status quo, do you see that among the youth today? Are the youth questioning the status quo as much as they should? 

Well, why did an overwhelming majority of young people support Bernie Sanders? That is the answer to your question. Yes, of course they are challenging the status quo. They don’t have wealth, military power, corporate backing, media backing, nor support from intellectuals; but sure, they are challenging the status quo. All the time.   

Q But across the globe, aren’t you also seeing them move towards the nativist nation state concept?

You are seeing that, but you are also seeing something like the Sanders phenomenon, Soy Podemos in Spain. I just happened to be in Barcelona, Barcelona is a major city, and the mayor who was just elected is a Left-wing activist. These things exist all over Europe. The Corbyn phenomenon in England, the Labour Party elite is bitterly opposed to it, of course the Tories kind of like it, because they want to see the Labour Party collapsing. But, it’s substantial. As soon as Corbyn opened a possibility for people, ordinary people, to participate, the Labour Party shot up. These are real opportunities. Take the Trump voters in the United States, many of them voted for Obama in 2008. Why? If you remember the campaign slogan, it was ‘hope’ and ‘change’ and they were voting for hope and change. They didn’t get any hope and they didn’t get any change, so they are disillusioned and now they are voting for someone else who is calling for hope and change.   

Q But don’t you see that happening even in South Asia? That it’s either Trump versus Corbyn? That the liberal middle ground, for which I use Hillary Clinton as a symbol is losing ground. That you need to pick a side, instead of staying in the centre? 

Everywhere. Everywhere, the mainstream political organisations which are kind of centrist -- centre Left or centre Right -- are diminishing and collapsing. That is true of institutions too. There’s anger at institutions, contempt for them, hatred of them. Not just the political institutions, but the banks, the corporations, just about everything except the military. This, to go back to our original discussion, is a reflection, substantially, of the Neo Liberal policies of the past generation. It has harmed much of the population, offered nothing to them, given power and prestige to extreme wealth and professional elites who are protected. So, it leads to anger and resentment against the established institutions.   

Q Moving on, has the media changed landscape since you wrote ‘Manufacturing Consent’ in 1989? Is the media manufacturing consent now?
 
Well, we didn’t actually say that media was manufacturing consent; we said that -- that was what they were trying to do. We discussed the nature of the media. There’s a separate question – to what extent is it effective? And that’s an interesting question, but we didn’t discuss it. They’re still doing it in the same way. In fact, dramatically. Take November 8, two things of critical significance happened on November 8. One of them was massively reported, the other, which was much more important, received no report – that was the Marrakesh Conference of two hundred countries that tried to implement the Paris programmes to try to save the human species from destruction. That’s a lot more important than what happened in the US election. And, in fact, it was undermined by the US election. What happened in Morocco is astounding if you look at it; one country was leading the way to try to save civilization from self-destruction. One country was way behind, trying to lead the way towards self-destruction, the first was China the second was the United States. That is a remarkable spectacle. Did you see a comment on it?  

Q Nothing...  

That is manufacturing consent.   

Q Finally, you have come to the evening of your life after over half-a-century of being the epitome of pioneering thought and intellectual discourse, what are your views on religion? And what is your personal belief of life after death?  

Personally, it means nothing to me, but if it means something to other people, that is fine. As long as they don’t bother others. I don’t ridicule it, I don’t have contempt for it, I have respect for their views, but they are not mine.   
Q And your views on religion, you were born into a Jewish family and raised…   

Well, remember that Judaism is fundamentally a religion of practice, more than belief. So, say my grandfather, who was basically still living in the 17th century Eastern Europe was ultra religious. But if I had asked him, did you believe in God? He probably wouldn’t have known what I was talking about. Judaism means carrying out the practices. My father was basically secular, but deeply involved in Jewish life. If you go to a New England church on Sunday morning, you would find people who are deeply religious, but not believers. Religion to them means community, associations, helping each other, having some common values and so on. Religion could be all sorts of things. But to me, it doesn’t happen to be a value; if other people do, that is their business.