Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, November 1, 2016

Turkey sends tanks to Iraqi border as minister warns of Mosul 'action'

Army sends hardware to Silopi, on border with Iraq, after Turkish government warns against Iraqi Shia militias entering IS-held Mosul
Turkish forces move to the border town of Silopi (AA)

Suraj Sharma's pictureSuraj Sharma-Tuesday 1 November 2016


Turkey on Tuesday started moving tanks and other heavy-duty hardware from central Anatolian cities to the Iraqi border, a move seen as potential preparation for an incursion into Mosul to prevent what it sees as possible sectarian cleansing.

Reports and images from local media showed tanks, armoured personnel carriers and bulldozers being transported out of Ankara, Cankiri and Aksaray and believed to be headed for the border town of Silopi.

Turkish Defence Minister Fikri Isik issued a short statement after the deployment began, saying "Turkey should be prepared for all eventualities".

"There are important developments in our region. On the one hand there is a serious fight against terror within Turkey’s borders, and on the other there are important developments just across our border," said Isık.

"This action is to prepare in the face of all these developments. Turkey has to be prepared beforehand for all eventualities and this is part of those preparations," he added.

Turkish officials have responded harshly to Iraqi and US warnings that it not become militarily involved in Iraq without the express approval of the central government in Baghdad.    

The Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has been adamant that one of Turkey’s red lines is the participation of Iraq’s Shia militias in the military operation underway to take back the Iraqi city of Mosul from the Islamic State group.

He has also used recent speeches to assert Turkey’s historical claim to Mosul.

Shia militias advance on Mosul

The move appears to be a response to reports which indicate that Shia militia-dominated Popular Mobilisation Units (PMUs) are increasingly involved in the advance on Mosul and are also moving on the town of Tal Afar.

Ankara and Baghdad have been at odds over the presence of a Turkish military outpost in Bashiqa near Mosul. Turkish authorities insisted that they would maintain their military presence in Iraq despite Baghdad calling it an occupation and calling for them to leave.

Erdogan has voiced concern over potential sectarian violence if the PMUs enter the majority Sunni-populated city.

Turkey pushed for a more active role in the Mosul offensive ever since it started but its participation has been rebuffed. Even Ankara’s allies the US and the Kurdish Regional Government in northern Iraq have not responded to Turkish pressure, saying it should agree with the Baghdad government, which decides on the participants and their roles in the offensive.

Despite being rebuffed Turkey has said it will not hesitate to take unilateral action if it senses that Sunnis in Mosul are faced with a threat.

Reports have also been coming in that the PMUs have been making advances towards Mosul.
Iran, a strong ally of the Baghdad government, has also offered to "fairly" mediate between Ankara and Baghdad, according to reports in local media.

The images of these deployments emerged as Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim arrived for an unscheduled meeting with Erdogan at the presidential palace in Ankara.

Turkish general in Moscow talks

Earlier on Tuesday, Turkey’s chief of military staff, Hulusi Akar, flew to Moscow to meet his Russian counterpart to discuss military cooperation between the two countries and discuss regional events.

Erdogan has stated in recent days that Turkey will adopt a pre-emptive defence doctrine from now on and conduct cross-border strikes against groups it considers as terrorist and posing a threat to its security.

The ongoing military operation called Euphrates Shield, which Turkey launched on 24 August in northern Syria, is also believed to be part of this new pre-emptive doctrine.

The Turkish manouvers come as Iraqi forces continued to advance within the city of Mosul.

Soldiers from Iraq's elite Counter Terrorism Service (CST) entered the state television station in Mosul on Tuesday, the first capture of an important building in the Islamic State-held city since the start of the offensive about two weeks ago, the force commander, Lieutenant-General Talib Shaghati, said.

"This is a good sign for the people of Mosul because the battle to liberate Mosul has effectively begun," Shaghati said.

Iraqi troops, security forces, PMUs and Kurdish peshmerga have been advancing on several fronts towards Mosul, backed by US-led troops and air forces. Special forces units sweeping in from the east have made fastest progress.

"We are currently fighting battles on the eastern outskirts of Mosul," CTS Lieutenant-General Abdul Wahab al-Saidi said. "The pressure is on all sides of the city to facilitate entry to the city centre."

He said CTS forces had cleared Islamic State fighters from most of the eastern district of Kokjali, close to al-Quds, on Tuesday, "so now we are inside the district of Mosul".
Additional reporting by Reuters

Choi-gate: South Korean man rams excavator into building to kill president’s adviser

Authorities attempt to subdue the 45-year-old man who rammed a excavator into the Prosecutor's Office in South Korea. Image via YouTube
Authorities attempt to subdue the 45-year-old man who rammed a excavator into the Prosecutor's Office in South Korea. Image via YouTube

  

A 45-YEAR-OLD man on Tuesday used an excavator to ram into a building where prosecutors questioned a woman at the core of the political scandal that has rocked the nation’s presidency, in a bid to “help her die”.

Local news reports said police detained the man after he used the construction vehicle to break through the building’s gate in a frenzied and emotional response to the woman’s statement that she “deserves death” for allegations of cronyism leveled against her.

Choi Soon-sil, who is a cult leader’s daughter with a decades-long connection to South Korean President Park Geun-hye, was arrested by prosecutors late Monday and is being examined to determine whether she had used her close ties to the premier to pull government favours from the shadows while amassing a fortune.

The Associated Press quoted police officer Han Jeung-sub as saying that the man, accused of running his big yellow excavator into the prosecution office near where Choi had been investigated, later told officials that “since Choi Soon-sil said she committed a sin that deserves death, I came here to help her die”.
Police later said the man was surnamed “Jeong” but did not reveal other details about him.

It is not known if the woman was at the office at the time of the incident, which left a 60-year-old security guard injured and damaged the gate and other facilities, the AP reported.


According to local news agency Yonhap, police said the man used the vehicle to plow through the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office at around 8:20am

The guard had attempted to stop the vehicle by firing a gas gun but was injured in the process and was rushed to a nearby hospital.

The report said the man had brought the excavator on a truck from Sunchang, a county in North Jeolla Province some 360 kilometers south of Seoul, at around 3am on Tuesday.

After arriving at the prosecutors’ office, the man unloaded the excavator nearby and rammed through the entrance gate.


Choi is accused of manipulating local firms into ‘donating’ about KRW50 billion (US$44 million) to two foundations that had supposedly been set up by her.

The close confidante of the president is also accused of swaying state affairs by gaining access to classified documents and benefiting personally through non-profit foundations, Reuters reported.

“Please, forgive me. I’m sorry. I committed a sin that deserves death,” Choi told reporters Monday on her way to meet with the prosecutors.


The scandal came to light last week when local cable TV network JTBC broke a story revealing evidence that Choi had received confidential documents and influenced government matters.

The scandal took on a strange twist when rumors swirled of Choi’s links to a religious cult, depicting her as a “shaman” who has been manipulating Park through supernatural means and even comparing her to Russian mystic Rasputin.

Last Tuesday, Park made a rare public apology, admitting that she had shown secret documents, including drafts of presidential speeches, to her confidant, who did not hold any official position.

Angered by the scandal, an estimated 30,000 people took part in a demonstration on Saturday that saw protesters march through the capital of Seoul.

Since late last week, Park has ordered over a dozen of her senior aides to resign amid an investigation into the scandal.

Public outcry over Choi has seen Park’s approval ratings take a tumble, hitting an all-time low of 21.1 percent on Thursday, according to local pollster Real Meter, while in another poll, over 40 percent of respondents said Park should resign or be impeached.

Additional reporting by the Associated Press

Record levels of assault, abduction and torture reported in Zimbabwe

NGO records hundreds of cases of political violence, which it says are mostly perpetrated by state security forces
An anti-government protester during a demonstration in Bulawayo in July. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images

-Friday 28 October 2016 

Political violence in Zimbabwe has increased dramatically in 2016, with record levels of assault, abduction and torture recorded as opposition to Robert Mugabe’s 36-year rule escalates.

Around 654 cases of political violence were recorded by a local NGO, the Counselling Services Unit (CSU), as of 21 October, compared to 476 cases in the whole of 2015.

The CSU found that assaults were overwhelmingly perpetrated by the state’s security forces – including police, military and the secretive Central Intelligence Organisation – while opposition supporters and civil society activists had been on the receiving end of the increasingly violent treatment.

One activist interviewed by the Guardian, Ostallos Gift Siziba, a student protest leader at the University of Zimbabwe, said he was abducted by state security agents in August and taken to the headquarters of Zanu-PF, the ruling party, where he was hung from the ceiling by his feet.

“It is at this time that I experienced brutal, callous and inhumane treatment,” he said. “I was tortured and assaulted with my feet hanging upwards and my head downwards as 21 youths and men exchanged chances to beat me until I passed out.”

Siziba said his interrogators demanded information about other human rights defenders, and claims at one point he was dangled over a large drum of sulphuric acid.

Siziba was then transferred to the Harare central police station, where the beatings continued. “At this instant I had lost a lot of blood and I was still bleeding. I was injured in almost all parts of my body. I was denied water, and the right to call my parents, a lawyer, or anyone. I received no treatment and had to become my own doctor,” he said.

Siziba’s experience tallies with testimonies from other victims, indicating that it is not just the frequency of political violence that is on the rise, but the severity too.

Others victims reported being injected with unknown substances during interrogations, kept in solitary confinement, and subjected to sexual threats.

Frances Lovemore, the director of the NGO, said the allegations of torture had become increasingly shocking.

“The injecting unknown substances during torture is of concern, as is the abduction of relatives of human rights defenders when the target cannot be found. The sheer force of the beatings by the police, resulting in long bone fractures and life-threatening soft tissue injuries, is reminiscent of the previous violent responses by the state and ruling party when opposition parties were deemed a threat to power,” Lovemore said.

Lovemore’s NGO provides medical and rehabilitation services to survivors of organised violence and torture in Zimbabwe. The statistics are a record of people who have sought medical and counselling assistance from the organisation, and therefore provide an indicative rather than complete picture of political violence in Zimbabwe. The real number of incidents of political violence is likely to be even higher.

Popular resistance to Mugabe, the 92-year-old president, has intensified this year before the presidential election scheduled for 2018. Opposition has been increased by a severe drought, which has left millions hungry, and a cash shortage that is disrupting businesses and has left the government struggling to pay wages. 

CSU’s statistics show that of the 654 incidents of political violence recorded, the vast majority occurred in Zimbabwe’s two largest cities, Harare (334 incidents) and Bulawayo (92), both of which have become centres for the recent wave of political opposition.

The CSU found that 45% of victims were of indeterminate political affiliation, and of those with clear links to the opposition movement, more than 52% were supporters of the official opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change-Tsvangirai (MDC-T).

Obert Gutu, MDC-T’s spokesperson, responded to the findings by saying the ruling Zanu-PF’s regime had “over the years routinely targeted MDC supporters for assault, torture and intimidation”.

He added: “We are the largest and most popular political party in Zimbabwe and the regime is acutely aware of the fact that we command massive support throughout the length and breath of Zimbabwe. Hence, the regime has always targeted our supporters for victimisation.”

Linda Masarira, a former National Railways employee turned independent political activist, also suffered at the hands of the Zimbabwean police. She was arrested on 6 July and charged with engaging in violent demonstrations, and spent 84 days in jail before being released on bail.
She says she experienced constant physical and psychological abuse while in detention, beginning on the day of her arrest.

“I was the only female person that had been arrested, made to sit between male people’s legs [on the prisoner transfer vehicle]. They were touching me all over. Police were poking me with baton sticks. They try to take away your dignity and self-esteem,” she said.

After leading a protest by prisoners against the poor conditions of the Chikurubi female prison, she was moved to the notorious Chikurubi maximum security facility, usually reserved for male prisoners. There she was kept in solitary confinement for 18 days, and forced to wear leg irons.

“These are some things I had to deal with. When you oppose the ruling party, you know you’re going to go through hell. I told myself all this, that I had to be strong. And it actually made me stronger. I thought: if they are doing this to me, then what I’m doing has an impact,” said Masarira.

Russian hackers 'linked' to Democrat stolen emails

Channel 4 News has seen evidence which appears to link Russian hackers with one of the main websites used to leak emails stolen from the Democratic National Committee.
News

TUESDAY 01 NOVEMBER 2016

The stolen messages exposed deep rifts in the leadership battle between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders, and their publication was followed by the resignation of the DNC's chairwoman, along with several other top-level employees.

The issue of hacking by Russians is now at the centre of the US Presidential election as the Clinton campaign demand the FBI launch an investigation into allegations of Russian collusion with Donald Trump.

US politicians blamed the Russian government for the cyberattack, though have not revealed or detailed any evidence behind this claim, instead citing intelligence sources. This claim has been strenuously denied by Russian officials.

The stolen DNC emails were published on two websites, Wikileaks, which has denied they have come from a Russian source, and a new site called DC Leaks (dcleaks.com).

'American hacktivists'

DC Leaks claims it is the work of "American hacktivists", whose "aim is to find out and tell you the truth about US decision-making process". But research into the circumstances surrounding its registration casts considerable doubt on that claim, and instead links the site to an online network used in multiple previous attacks attributed to hackers in Russia.

The site was registered on 19 April 2016, the same month the DNC claims Russian government hackers broke in, but two months before the hack was made public.

Internet archives then show DC Leaks seems to have remained dormant until 8 June, when it began publishing the emails from the DNC. Again, this was several days before the hack was publicly announced and confirmed by DNC officials.

Research from US cybersecurity company ThreatConnect shows that the website's name was registered on a small section of an internet company in Romania called THC Servers.

The service has only been used to register a few hundred other websites. Among them are several sites that ThreatConnect claims have been used by hackers in Russia in other campaigns.

Spoof login websites

In addition, the Romanian service has been used to register a number of spoof Google login websites, such as gooogle-login[.]com. Similar types of fake Google login websites were used to trick DNC staff into clicking on emails sent by the hackers in their attack on the DNC in April.

THC Servers, the Romanian company, confirmed it had registered the names, but said it did not control the content or operation of any of the sites. DC Leaks did not respond to our request for comment.

Toni Gidwani, Director of Research Operations at ThreatConnect, said: "Taking all of this different evidence together, both in terms of the overlap [in the hacked emails and the content on dcleaks.com] and where the content came from, the connections with the way site was set up, there's too many pieces of evidence to dismiss altogether."

Gidwani, formerly of the US Defence Intelligence Agency, added: "That’s what gives us great confidence this site is a strategic leak outlet for Russian hacks."

Could the Nigerian #Bringbackourgirls campaign be merely a political stunt?

bring_back_our_girls

The critics cite as hints to the puzzles, the fact that the principal of the kidnapped girls’ school, instead of being censored or reprimanded for negligence, was rewarded. Following some months after the kidnapping of the girls the school principal Asabe Kwambura was compensated with a plum government job as Bornu State’s Board of Education Commissioner. Another point which the critics make is that only a few weeks after Buhari publicly expressed helplessness in the matter and requested for UN’s help, a part of the girls, 53 of them were released by their captors.

by Osita Ebiem-Oct 30, 2016

( October 29, 2016, New York City, Sri Lanka Guardian) President Muhammadu Buhari led his country’s delegation to the United Nations 71st General Assembly meeting in September, 2016 in New York. During the meeting Buhari requested from UN’s Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to help Nigeria negotiate with the Islamic terrorist group Boko Haram for the release of the abducted Chibok school girls. The alleged abduction of about 276 high school girls in April 2014 from their school in the middle of the night made news headlines around the world. It was further publicized through the Twitter hashtag; #Bringbackourgirls. When the wife of the United States President Michelle Obama joined the campaign on Twitter to condemn the dastard inhumane act of the Islamist terrorists the news went viral worldwide. Pressures came from several quarters to bear on the then Nigerian government of President Goodluck Jonathan to expedite efforts at trying to free the captured girls from the jihadists.

Boko Haram’s leader Abubakar Shekau did not make things easier either when he boasted that he would sell the girls into sex slavery and do worse things to them. It did not take very long for him to make good his threats. Based on the horrific stories of some of the girls who were said to have escaped from their captors and, especially those of a particular girl who fortunately, could not detonate the explosive device with which she was laden in the marketplace; some of the people’s worst fears were finally confirmed. It became clear that Boko Haram was using some of the girls for their suicide bombing missions in markets and other public places. As the girls’ ordeals continued, the international community held its breath, wishing for some spectacular rescue mission to happen. Some people expected something, maybe similar to the famous Israelis’ 90-Minute rescue mission in Uganda’s Entebbe Airport in July, 1976. Sadly, and to the prolonged pain of the girls, the parents and the country, no such thunderbolt mission was forthcoming. Jonathan’s government became discredited.

With a built up frustration which turned into outrage there was a worldwide condemnation of the Nigerian government of Jonathan, a Christian president from the south for being unable to rescue the girls. So, the prevailing local and international anger set the stage for the need for the emergence of a Nigerian political messiah whose path was prepared by the pains and griefs of the captured girls’ families and a host of well-wishers scattered all over the world. At this point, any impostor; the devil himself or better still, an unschooled former dictator whose only credential is his place of origin, would have filled in that position of the anticipated Nigerian redeemer. Coming from and representing the section of the country which believes they are born to rule the rest peoples of the Nigerian union, Muhammadu Buhari was very qualified to be that redeemer. The most important thing that this Nigerian savior, as most saviors, needed to offer was a promise of future redemption both of the girls and a country without corruption in a future time. Though, in no time it became glaring that there was a major difference between the Nigerian savior and most other saviors, it did not matter anyway.

An important qualification of most saviors is eloquence or the ability to use words and say the right things at the right time in a coherent and comprehensive manner. But a Nigerian savior, because of where he comes from and the powerful people backing him, could mumble some unintelligible nonsense and the rest of the world which thinks that “Nigerians” do not know the difference would cheer. In the opinion of those cheering, a Nigerian or an African savior does not really need intelligible words to communicate with citizens or to participate at the world stage in discussions of international concerns. The body language, not verbal language of a Nigerian and other African leaders is enough. These great deciders who back these African saviors know what is best for Africans, after all.

Perhaps it was surmised that the kidnapped girls’ ordeals did not need any verbal explaining. Everyone already knew all there was to know about them. So, whoever that had the guts to (or at least promised to do these things in a future time) rescue the captured girls from the Sambisa Forest (one of Boko Haram’s strongholds) and can also destroy the well-known Nigerian problem of corrupt and sharp practices with the same blow, such a person is qualified to become Nigeria’s president. In the opinion of the great deciders, Nigeria’s complex problems can conveniently be reduced to just one: Corruption. Corruption has been “accepted” as the only thing responsible for all the deplorable human conditions, poverty, social and political crisis that are endemic in the Nigerian country. Therefore, Nigeria’s leadership candidate did not need to verbally articulate the problem’s ramifications and how he intended to solve it, everyone already knows.

However, just to satisfy some who still doubted and avoid making the whole charade to appear too simplistic, some superficial or maybe mischievous? analysts of the Nigerian problem also added leadership failure to the list of reasons for Nigeria’s failure. It had long been agreed to by all the “expert” analysts of Nigeria who “know the best,” that the faulty colonial structure of a united Nigeria should never be broached as the probable cause of the country’s failure as a nation state. It is more convenient to blame leadership failure and political corruption that are mere symptomatic effects of the real problem which is colonial structural failure. Yet, the truth is that the faulty colonial state structure is the foundational problem of the Nigerian country. But hitherto, the great deciders are still to accept this immutable truth; that Nigeria needs to be divided into smaller countries in order to solve Nigeria.

Muhammadu Buhari the man who will kill the Nigerian corruption

Buhari the current anointed Nigerian savior was a former military dictator who ruled Nigeria between 1983 and 1985. Through a coup d’état Buhari ousted the elected government of his fellow Muslim northerner Shehu Shagari. (It had long been established that the coup d’état was carried out to prevent Shagari’s Christian Vice-President Alex Ekwueme from becoming the next president after Shagari.) During the period of his rule, Buhari’s government began a program which was termed “war against indiscipline” and the public was flogged into lines and frog-jumped by mean-looking soldiers. Therefore, he was considered a tough leader and an easy choice by those who were eager for a Nigerian change. The efforts of Buhari’s horsewhip wielding soldiers who also pulled down people’s business and private buildings that were termed illegal structures were complemented by those of the special armed mobile police force infamously called “kill-and-go” by the locals.

Though, Buhari in the opinion of many Nigerian experts is an epitome of a typical corrupt Nigerian leader “of the first order,” yet change mongers who were anxious to duplicate the American “Obama change” in Nigeria wanted change by all means. Despite the fact that there are abundant public records of Buhari’s unsavory corrupt trails, his backers like himself believe in Buhari’s private personal interpretation of what corruption is. By his private definition, the universally acknowledged corrupt former Nigerian maximum military ruler Sani Abacha “was not corrupt.” By this incredible declaration, like the legendary king of old, Buhari has been dancing naked in the public to the Nigerian corruption music while wearing an invisible garment which he believes perfectly covers his dirty corrupt warts from public view. With such false public image of the untainted Nigerian saint who was beatified by a gullible college of blind cardinals, Buhari became the mythical quintessential Nigerian tough saint-ruler who would kill the Nigerian corruption because “himself, like Abacha is not corrupt.”

Sending an S.O.S. to the United Nations

In the meantime, many watchers saw President Buhari’s request to the United Nations to help Nigeria negotiate the release of the Chibok girls as reading from a rehearsed political script; a gimmick. His critics believe that the request was planned and delivered at an appropriate time and place to produce the desired dramatic effect. It was meant to refresh the mind of the international community on the unfolding political drama in Nigeria. The suspense was thus heightened and the audience was like told to expect the next big thing on the agenda – the release of the kidnapped girls. It was seen by most observers of the Nigerian political scene as a ploy or a sort of mockery of the global community’s collective intelligence.

However that maybe, it’s expected that the joke would not be completely lost on the UN and other members of the international community. No matter what, there will always be some who can read between the lines. Nonetheless, it is clear that President Buhari and his handlers have convinced themselves that the whole world will always collectively fall under the spell of the religious/political antics of the Islamists of northern Nigeria. From all indications northern Nigerian Muslim fundamentalist, like their counterparts in other parts of the world have come to believe that they can actually succeed in “fooling all the people all the time.”

The emergence of Boko Haram

The Islamic terrorist group Boko Haram emerged about a decade and half ago as a militant pressure group conceived to violently enforce the political and religious mandates of Nigeria’s Islamic north. Just before the emergence of Boko Haram group; as a political block, the north adopted the Islamic sharia as its legal system. Now, sharia runs pari passu in the northern region with the presumed Nigerian secular constitutional legal system. Part of Boko Haram’s declared goal is to maintain a tight-fit Islamic hegemony over the entire country or when that is not possible to create an Islamic state out of the present Nigerian country. Which is why when the former Nigerian President Musa Yar’Adua, a Muslim northerner died in office and his vice president Goodluck Jonathan, a Christian southerner replaced him, the north vowed to take back the leadership of the country at all costs. A northern representative Lawal Keita declared: “We will make Nigeria ungovernable for Jonathan. Anything short of a northern president is tantamount to stealing our presidency. Jonathan has to go and he will go . . . he will be frustrated out of office.”

Before being elected president, Buhari warned Jonathan’s government when it planned an expanded military pressure on Boko Haram strongholds in the northeast. Especially after the kidnapping of the Chibok girls, Buhari said that northerners would view attacks on Boko Haram as attacks on the northern region. In the same token, some critics have often analyzed the circumstances that surrounded the well-publicized captured Chibok school girls, and concluded that it was an elaborate political web of deceit weaved by the Islamic north to wrest power from a southern Christian president.

The critics cite as hints to the puzzles, the fact that the principal of the kidnapped girls’ school, instead of being censored or reprimanded for negligence, was rewarded. Following some months after the kidnapping of the girls the school principal Asabe Kwambura was compensated with a plum government job as Bornu State’s Board of Education Commissioner. Another point which the critics make is that only a few weeks after Buhari publicly expressed helplessness in the matter and requested for UN’s help, a part of the girls, 53 of them were released by their captors. There was no indication that United Nations negotiators were involved in helping to free the girls. Nigeria’s Vice-President declared that the girls’ freedom was not obtained by any military force or through the swapping of any captured Boko Haram fighters. Soon after the first batch of girls was released the administration’s spokespersons boasted that more girls would still be freed. Now, people are asking why the sudden change of heart by Boko Haram? The freed girls were in captivity for over two years and were supposed to have been married off, given away or sold into sex slavery for that period. Yet of those who came back, except one none had babies, pregnancies or any visible physical signs of severe sexual abuses.

After considering the above points and more, most critics insist that the whole campaign; 
#Bringbackourgirls may have been a mere political practical joke contrived by Nigeria’s Muslim north to take back the country’s leadership. It is believed to be a web of lies which unwittingly caught off guard many notable international personalities like the wife of the President of the United States of America, United Nations Ban Ki-moon and many others. Without knowing it, these otherwise decent people may have been taken for a ride, dragged and sullied in the muddy waters of the Nigerian political conundrum.
Schools ban pupils sharing birthday sweets because of growing fears about childhood obesity 

Head teachers are banning pupils from handing out sweets because of the growing fears about childhood obesity Schools are increasingly worried that cakes may contain nuts, risking serious allergic reactions in some pupils
Head teachers are banning pupils from handing out sweets because of the growing fears about childhood obesity 

By Stephen Adams, Health Correspondent For The Mail On Sunday-23 October 2016

  • Schools across the UK are banning pupils from handing out birthday cake
  • They are also preventing children from dishing out treats including sweets
  • It comes because teachers are worried about the rise of childhood obesity

MailOnline - news, sport, celebrity, science and health storiesIt has become a favourite playground tradition – children taking a bag of sweets or some cake to school to share with friends on their birthday.

But now head teachers around the country are banning pupils from dishing out such treats because of the growing fears about childhood obesity.

Some are also increasingly worried that cakes may contain nuts, risking serious allergic reactions in some pupils.

One of dozens of schools that have imposed the ban is Dawnay Infant School in Leatherhead, Surrey. Its latest newsletter for parents says: 'In the past it has been traditional for children to bring sweets into school to share with their class. This year, however, we are aiming for a healthier school and will no longer be accepting them. We shall, of course, celebrate your child's day with a song and make them feel very special.'

Hillborough Infant and Nursery School in Luton, Bedfordshire, said: 'As part of our wish to promote healthy eating, we have decided not to give out birthday sweets.

'Your child always receives a birthday card, and the class wish him or her a happy birthday. There is no need for parents to provide sweets or any other items for birthdays.' Grayshott Church of England Primary in Hindhead, Surrey, said it was focusing on healthy eating, adding: 'Children will no longer be able to hand out sweets, cakes or treats on their birthday.'

But former school governor Margaret Morrissey, of pressure group Parents Outloud, said: 'Schools are going over the top and it is starting to impinge on children's pleasure.'



Schools are increasingly worried that cakes may contain nuts, risking serious allergic reactions in some pupils

Japanese Hospital Inquiry Finds That Lasers and Farts Don’t Mix

Japanese Hospital Inquiry Finds That Lasers and Farts Don’t Mix

BY ROBBIE GRAMER-NOVEMBER 1, 2016

Medical professionals take note: Lasers and farts don’t mix well, according to a formal hospital report released last week in Japan.

On April 15, a fire broke out in the Tokyo Medical University Hospital’s Shinjuku Ward, burning a patient as she was undergoing laser surgery on the lower part of her body. According to an independent committee of experts, the laser likely caught fire when the patient passed gas.

The committee released the report to the hospital on October 28, according to the Asahi Shimbun. The report found that all equipment in the operating room was functioning normally, and there were no other flammable materials in the room.

“When the patient’s intestinal gas leaked into the space of the operation (room), it ignited with the irradiation of the laser, and the burning spread, eventually reaching the surgical drape and causing the fire,” the report said.

This seems to be the first case of a fart-induced laser fire in an operating theater. The report did not appear to offer any recommendations to keep it from happening again.

Photo Credit: ALBERTO PIZZOLI/AFP/Getty Images

Sunday, October 30, 2016

Achieving Durable Reform In Sri Lanka

mother_of_loss_son_in_war_srilanka

Sri Lanka’s democracy was robust enough to mandate reform not once but twice in 2015. Such an historic opportunity as the country has today must not be squandered for want of an integrated framework and forum for regular discussion. It is a question of renewing and re-conceiving the multi-party, civic-political cooperation that brought about this window of opportunity for reform in the first place. There is still time for Sri Lanka to succeed where so many other transitions have failed.

by Mark Freeman and Asanga Welikala

( October 30, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Time and again, countries that have experienced repression and armed conflict have an opportunity to transition to a better future. Yet, only a minority succeeds. The challenges may appear obvious, but the path forward is rarely so. And, as the initial optimism generated by the 2015 elections comes to an end, the Sri Lankan case is proving no exception.

Many Latin American states overcame military dictatorships, but still experience very high levels of violence and inequality. The transitions in many former Soviet states produced authoritarianism and massive expropriations of state property. Many African states collapsed into anarchic civil war in the 1990s while trying to transition away from despotism. Many post-authoritarian Asian countries have experienced positive economic growth, but remain plagued by corruption. And today, many states in the Arab region struggle to create stable and accountable governments – and curb open armed conflict – despite widespread demand for change.

One recurring problem, now on display in Sri Lanka, is the size and complexity of reform programmes. Often, too much is attempted too quickly in what are highly complicated, and often highly combustible, environments. Achieving individual public goods – democracy, improvements in public services, rapid growth and so on – cannot happen without significant trade-offs elsewhere. Yet despite this, many transitional governments continue to get caught up in the illusion that “all good things go together”, acting as though their transition’s window for deep reform will last indefinitely.

Particularly problematic is the fact that governments with ambitious reform agendas, such as in Sri Lanka, rarely devote adequate attention to “integration” – i.e., a continuous adjusting of the optimal sequencing and interrelationship between all of the legitimate reforms they want to achieve. Integration of this sort too often ends up being nobody’s job, with the consequence that well-intended actions in one area of priority easily risk derailing the others – or the transition as a whole.
This is precisely the risk that Sri Lanka cannot afford to run.

As is well known in policy circles, the current government has been working since last year on a number of signature initiatives on which it has promised to deliver important results, including constitutional reform (CR), transitional justice (TJ) and broad-ranging economic reform (ER). Indisputably, the former two are crucial to ensuring that the social divisions that have plagued the country do not recur.

But the challenges of reconciling these priorities is far from straightforward, because in managing its limited political capital, the government is bound to satisfy competing interests of a wide range of different actors. For example, Tamils expect federalism and internationalised justice, the Sinhalese majority expects national reconciliation within a unitary structure, and the Muslim community’s CR and TJ interests lie somewhere in between. All groups have different sets of economic circumstances and expectations.

These divergent interests ought to be reconcilable. However, for that to happen, 1) the government coalition must stay intact, as it is arguably the prerequisite for Sri Lanka’s transition to a more inclusive polity, and 2) effective messaging must be developed to ensure ongoing, cross-community support.
In the near term, the government will also have to succeed in a “life and death” constitutional referendum. For that, only a victory that is deeply supported by the Sinhalese majority and broadly supported across other communities can avoid the immediate end of the government, or its conversion into a lame duck administration. As such, until the referendum takes place, everything within the CR process – and likewise, everything on the TJ and ER fronts – must be handled in a way that strengthens the odds of a solid victory.

While good progress is apparently being made within the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly with regard to CR, it is unclear to what extent those outside of the elite-level discussions – such as Members of Parliament and Provincial Councillors – are aware of these developments. As a recent survey by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) demonstrates, a quarter of Sri Lankans are unaware there is even a CR process taking place, while three-quarters of the population have not heard of the Constitutional Assembly.

These statistics should provoke deep concern, as a referendum campaign for a new constitution cannot be successfully conducted unless all sections of the ruling coalition are behind it, and even more importantly, the public is informed and engaged about the rationale and substance of reform.

Of equal import is the fact that other politically intertwined decisions and processes are currently in the process of culmination – including a new national budget, fresh local elections, the imminent TJ task force report (and subsequent UN report-back process), and the various anti-corruption inquiries.

As such, an integrated framework for reform has become a political necessity. If the idea of an integrated approach is accepted in principle, it must be further elaborated into a workable strategy as a top priority. At the very least, there must be an informal but high-level working group, representing all sections of pro-reform opinion within the government, the broader political community, and civil society, that can regularly meet to discuss emerging issues, share information, solve problems, coordinate action, and consider adjustments to the strategic direction of the transition.

Such an approach is especially vital for Sri Lanka given that the unity government is made up of rival political parties. This gives rise to inevitable tensions within the government, and the prospect of reform will be fatally affected if these are not managed successfully. The President’s recent public criticisms of the manner in which certain corruption inquiries are conducted points to a lack of internal coordination within the government. Similarly, there have been conflicting public opinions expressed by the highest levels of the leadership about the means and ends of the TJ process.

Sri Lanka’s democracy was robust enough to mandate reform not once but twice in 2015. Such an historic opportunity as the country has today must not be squandered for want of an integrated framework and forum for regular discussion. It is a question of renewing and re-conceiving the multi-party, civic-political cooperation that brought about this window of opportunity for reform in the first place. There is still time for Sri Lanka to succeed where so many other transitions have failed.

Mark Freeman is the Executive Director of the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT).

Asanga Welikala is Lecturer in Public Law, University of Edinburgh, and Research Fellow, Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA).

ACHIEVING DURABLE REFORM IN SRI LANKA


Image courtesy Tamil Canadian

MARK FREEMAN AND ASANGA WELIKALA on 10/30/2016

Time and again, countries that have experienced repression and armed conflict have an opportunity to transition to a better future. Yet, only a minority succeeds. The challenges may appear obvious, but the path forward is rarely so. And, as the initial optimism generated by the 2015 elections comes to an end, the Sri Lankan case is proving no exception.

Many Latin American states overcame military dictatorships, but still experience very high levels of violence and inequality. The transitions in many former Soviet states produced authoritarianism and massive expropriations of state property. Many African states collapsed into anarchic civil war in the 1990s while trying to transition away from despotism. Many post-authoritarian Asian countries have experienced positive economic growth, but remain plagued by corruption. And today, many states in the Arab region struggle to create stable and accountable governments – and curb open armed conflict – despite widespread demand for change.

One recurring problem, now on display in Sri Lanka, is the size and complexity of reform programmes. Often, too much is attempted too quickly in what are highly complicated, and often highly combustible, environments. Achieving individual public goods – democracy, improvements in public services, rapid growth and so on – cannot happen without significant trade-offs elsewhere. Yet despite this, many transitional governments continue to get caught up in the illusion that “all good things go together”, acting as though their transition’s window for deep reform will last indefinitely.

Particularly problematic is the fact that governments with ambitious reform agendas, such as in Sri Lanka, rarely devote adequate attention to “integration” – i.e., a continuous adjusting of the optimal sequencing and interrelationship between all of the legitimate reforms they want to achieve. Integration of this sort too often ends up being nobody’s job, with the consequence that well-intended actions in one area of priority easily risk derailing the others – or the transition as a whole.

This is precisely the risk that Sri Lanka cannot afford to run.

As is well known in policy circles, the current government has been working since last year on a number of signature initiatives on which it has promised to deliver important results, including constitutional reform (CR), transitional justice (TJ) and broad-ranging economic reform (ER). Indisputably, the former two are crucial to ensuring that the social divisions that have plagued the country do not recur.
But the challenges of reconciling these priorities is far from straightforward, because in managing its limited political capital, the government is bound to satisfy competing interests of a wide range of different actors. For example, Tamils expect federalism and internationalised justice, the Sinhalese majority expects national reconciliation within a unitary structure, and the Muslim community’s CR and TJ interests lie somewhere in between. All groups have different sets of economic circumstances and expectations.

These divergent interests ought to be reconcilable. However, for that to happen, 1) the government coalition must stay intact, as it is arguably the prerequisite for Sri Lanka’s transition to a more inclusive polity, and 2) effective messaging must be developed to ensure ongoing, cross-community support.
In the near term, the government will also have to succeed in a “life and death” constitutional referendum. For that, only a victory that is deeply supported by the Sinhalese majority and broadly supported across other communities can avoid the immediate end of the government, or its conversion into a lame duck administration. As such, until the referendum takes place, everything within the CR process – and likewise, everything on the TJ and ER fronts – must be handled in a way that strengthens the odds of a solid victory.

While good progress is apparently being made within the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly with regard to CR, it is unclear to what extent those outside of the elite-level discussions – such as Members of Parliament and Provincial Councillors – are aware of these developments. As a recent survey by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) demonstrates, a quarter of Sri Lankans are unaware there is even a CR process taking place, while three-quarters of the population have not heard of the Constitutional Assembly.

These statistics should provoke deep concern, as a referendum campaign for a new constitution cannot be successfully conducted unless all sections of the ruling coalition are behind it, and even more importantly, the public is informed and engaged about the rationale and substance of reform.

Of equal import is the fact that other politically intertwined decisions and processes are currently in the process of culmination – including a new national budget, fresh local elections, the imminent TJ task force report (and subsequent UN report-back process), and the various anti-corruption inquiries.

As such, an integrated framework for reform has become a political necessity. If the idea of an integrated approach is accepted in principle, it must be further elaborated into a workable strategy as a top priority. At the very least, there must be an informal but high-level working group, representing all sections of pro-reform opinion within the government, the broader political community, and civil society, that can regularly meet to discuss emerging issues, share information, solve problems, coordinate action, and consider adjustments to the strategic direction of the transition.

Such an approach is especially vital for Sri Lanka given that the unity government is made up of rival political parties. This gives rise to inevitable tensions within the government, and the prospect of reform will be fatally affected if these are not managed successfully. The President’s recent public criticisms of the manner in which certain corruption inquiries are conducted points to a lack of internal coordination within the government. Similarly, there have been conflicting public opinions expressed by the highest levels of the leadership about the means and ends of the TJ process.

Sri Lanka’s democracy was robust enough to mandate reform not once but twice in 2015. Such an historic opportunity as the country has today must not be squandered for want of an integrated framework and forum for regular discussion. It is a question of renewing and re-conceiving the multi-party, civic-political cooperation that brought about this window of opportunity for reform in the first place. There is still time for Sri Lanka to succeed where so many other transitions have failed.

Mark Freeman is the Executive Director of the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT). Asanga Welikala is Lecturer in Public Law, University of Edinburgh, and Research Fellow, Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA).

Portents For Black July And After


Colombo Telegraph
By Rajan Hoole –October 29, 2016
Dr. Rajan Hoole
Dr. Rajan Hoole
We have confirmation from different sources that it was the UNP that was behind the campus violence. Thulsie Wickremasinghe, the main ringleader, has been identified as a UNP agent. He, it is said, was given good positions later by the Government. Qadri Ismail who was then a student at the University and was later in turn a journalist with the Island and Sunday Times, confirmed that the violence was a UNP affair. He also added, “Strangely enough, it was the JVP that worked hard to get the Tamil students back”. It also signifies a vacuum where the traditional opposition was ineffective. The UNP had created a situation where only the extreme-right or the extreme-left, which was not averse to the former’s methods, could thrive. In the South the vacuum was filled by the JVP from the violent Left. In the North- East it was to be the LTTE representing the extreme Tamil Right.
The ideas that surfaced at Peradeniya in May were those which emerged from the mouths of attackers at the end of July. Those who had destroyed Tamil houses down a road were heard saying, ‘We have cleansed this place!’ It suggests that at least by May 1983, an influential section of the UNP was planning for the big show while also laying down the line for those who still had some sanity left.
It is also worth noting that the attack on the Tamil students at Peradeniya marks a deliberate shift in political violence by the UNP. The document Communal Violence July 1983 put out by the Civil Rights Movement lists previous attacks on university students: – viz. Vidyalankara Campus (March 1978), Katubedda Campus (April 1978), Polgolla Campus (February 1979), Vidyodaya Campus (March 1979), Colombo Campus (March 1980), Kelaniya University (June 1980). (Note that subsequently all these campuses of the former single University of Ceylon, became independent universities; e.g. Vidyalankara Campus became part of Kelaniya University.)
These attacks were concentrated in the 27 months from March 1978 to June 1980. Parallel to this there were several UNP mob attacks against trade unions during this period, culminating in June 1980 when unions preparing for the general strike were attacked. Also in the same month there was a brutal attack on the teachers at Maharagama Training College. The CRM document says on the attacks on students, that thugs were brought from outside and the Police too participated in some of the attacks. Moreover, when the unions were attacked ‘no police protection was afforded to the pickets’.
The attacks here were not communal, and, had the clear purpose of breaking the opposition to the Government’s introduction of an open economy. There were no similar attacks on students for nearly 3 years after June 1980. We may therefore take it that the attack on Tamil students at Peradeniya flowed from a general decision about dealing with the Tamils taken at the highest levels of the UNP hierarchy.
In the next four chapters we will deal with these developments one by one. They are the developments in Trincomalee, the build up of opinion among the Sinhalese where sentiments were becoming violent resulting in the unbridgeable gap between the Sinhalese and Tamils, the assault on legality and a momentum, already observed, to resort to extra-judicial means in dealing with Tamil activists.