Army officer who wrote ’I killed Lasantha’ before hanging was 100 kilometers away on day Lasantha was killed !

(Lanka-e-News -23.Oct.2016, 10.00PM)  The retired sergeant major  Jayamanne who is supposed to have committed suicide  after leaving a note in connection with the murder of Lasantha Wickremetunge, on the day of suicide had  been at a place 100 kilometers away from the venue where  Lasantha was  murdered , police investigations have revealed , said Ajith Perera , the deputy minister of  power and renewable energy.

The minister made this disclosure when he attended a workshop conducted for  the UNP members  at Bandaragama.

''During the Rajapakse administration, because  Sunday Leader newspaper editor Lasantha was continuously  writing against  Rajapakses  and exposing the robberies in detail , and how during the war the country was pillaged and plundered by them supported with facts and figures most truthfully , the Rajapakses who were enraged killed Lasantha.

Not only did they keep way from conducting an investigation into Lasantha’s murder , they concocted and propagated all false stories about it.

At this juncture , when our efficient police are investigating this and are tracking down the culprits , and when it is in the final stage , a retired individual who  was  in the intelligence service of the forces suddenly dies. In order to rescue the suspect who is in incarceration , writes a note that , ‘ I killed Lasantha’ before he died. 

Such mysterious deaths   are likely after committing a wrong because of  mental torment or before being arrested  . But at that moment writing a letter and leaving it is suspicion ridden , and anybody is bound to suspect it . Therefore people are asking whether he died due to hanging or he was hanged after killing?’

By now it has come to light based on the investigations so far , this individual who supposedly committed suicide was in his village on the day Lasantha was murdered. That is about 100 kilometers away. Based on his phone call  details this has been uncovered. 

Hence it is most intriguing how that individual could say he  killed Lasantha when he  has been 100 kilometers away from the place where Lasantha was murdered on that fateful day.  Suspicions have therefore been aroused. Hence , it is  a reasonable doubt  that those who committed the murder then are now committing more murders to conceal the crime. Following the investigations , based on the latest developments, we are led to suspect justifiably that those who killed even though are sans power now , are still continuing with their killings in order to mislead the investigators and the public.''

(Thanks to Nayanadula Sendanayake – Lankadeepa)
Translated by Jeff

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by     (2016-10-23 16:43:10)

More Army Promotions To Murder Suspects

Jayamanne’s house during his funeral

Sunday, October 23, 2016

Despite of serious allegations levelled against the Sri Lanka Army (SLA), last week they have once again granted a promotion to a suspect involved with the murder of the Founding Editor of The Sunday Leader Lasantha Wickrematunge.
Highly reliable inside sources of SLA, who wished to remain anonymous, told this newspaper how the Commander of the SLA had granted a promotion to Brigadier Anura Wanniarachchi to the rank of Major General on Thursday, October 20 without considering that Wanniarachchi is accused of concealing evidence from Wickrematunge’s investigations.

Although it is the practice of the management of any institution, leave alone SLA, to go through the past records of their employees before being promoted to a higher rank, astonishing revelations show as to how the Sri Lanka Army, that should maintain the standards of a military institution, has always granted promotions and other perks to the military intelligence unit members who are accused of involvement in Wickrematunge and Prageeth Eknaligoda murders.

“Wanniarachchi is accused of concealing evidence on the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge and is now being questioned regularly by the CID. Despite the allegations levelled against Wanniarachchi, Commander of SLA, Chrishantha de Silva granted a promotion even without getting the CID clearance which is a bad precedent to the once respected Sri Lanka Army,” sources said.

Wanniarachchi was the former Director, Military Intelligence at the time of the arrest of intelligence unit members Kandegedara Piyawansa and seventeen others for Wickrematunge’s death. He was last questioned on Friday, October 14 by the CID into the murder and is the second military intelligence member in the accused list into Wickrematunge’s murder, to get a promotion.

“The first to receive a promotion while in the remand prison was Kandegedara Piyawansa, a member of the military intelligence unit. In addition. Piyawansa was paid his salary and allowances he was not entitled to continuously. When this was highlighted in the media, the present Army Commander Chrishantha de Silva went on to say that it was a ‘mistake’ of the army. Having accepted that granting a promotion and other perks to an officer accused of a crime was a mistake, what made the Commander to promote Brigadier Wanniarachchi to the rank of Major General. Will he on a later date say that it too was a mistake? Was it done on the request of the present Director, Military Intelligence Unit to show their ‘gratitude’ to the members of the intelligence unit,” army sources queried.

Meanwhile reliable defence sources said as to how the Army Commander too is concealing important details into Wickrematunge’s investigation and added that in the event this situation continues, the CID will have no other options but to get the Attorney General’s opinion and serve indictments even to the Army Commander which would be an embarrassment to him.

“From the time Chrishantha de Silva took over office of the Commander of Sri Lanka Army, he was not supporting the investigations into political murders. As the Commander he has to direct the officers concerned to provide details the investigators want into the killings of former MP Raviraj, Prageeth Eknaligoda and Lasantha Wickrematunge.

Since the military intelligence is accused of their direct involvement into these three murders, does Chrishantha de Silva want to cover it up by not providing the CID the much needed vital details or does the Commander act on what the Director, Military Intelligence says to him,” sources claimed.
Meanwhile SLA sources accused the intelligence unit officers for tapping the telephones of Law and Order Minister Sagala Ratnayake and carrying tales to President Maithripala Sirisena to encourage him to take Sri Lanka Police under his purview.

“The recent speech made by the President, which raised eyebrows of most of those who voted to bring him to office, was a result of a conspiracy of the military intelligence unit. It is a well know secret as to how the intelligence unit chief, after tapping Minister Ratnayake’s telephone conversations, had informed the President that Minister Ratnayake was in touch with the former President and his brother, the former Defence Secretary. Minister Ratnayake had been in touch with the two Rajapaksas not to pass any inside information of this government or to split the SLFP but to avert any undue clash over the legal action taken against the Rajapaksa family members. Before contacting the Rajapaksas, Minister Ratnayake had always informed Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe about what he was going to discuss with the Rajapaksa duo. However, in order to be in good books with the President, the intelligence unit chief had scared the President that Law and Order Minister is having secret discussions with the Rajapaksas and is trying to split the party, which prompted the President to say that he will not hesitate to take over the police under his purview,” sources added. The sources further said as to how President Sirisena confronted with Minister Ratnayake over these issues and added how the President kept silent when the Minister asked him whether it was the military intelligence unit that gave him the dead rope.

“Minister Ratnayake told the President what he discussed with the Rajapaksas and that benefits the President but not the UNP. If the Minister did not speak to the Rajapaksas to douse the anger in them against the President, it would have been a benefit to the UNP and a disaster to the SLFP. When Minister Ratnayake informed this to the President, he understood what had happened. By misleading the President, the intelligence unit chief has allegedly wanted President Sirisena to take over the police, which would be helpful to him (intelligence chief) to stop the CID from investigating into the murder of Wickrematunge and Eknaligoda,” sources added.

Meanwhile, the sources further queried as to why President Sirisena has allowed the Director of the Military Intelligence Suresh Sallay to continue in the post for so long as he is trying to create a crisis between the President and the Prime Minister.

“Unless these top officials are transferred and honest and reliable officer appointed to the post, the present intelligence officers are making every attempt to jeopardize Wickrematunge and Eknaligoda murder investigations. Directorate of the Military Intelligence Unit is a powerful position and has direct access to tap telephones of whom they want, be it official or personal.

The intelligence unit has been allocated Rs. 150 million intelligence budget which is neither audited nor invoiced. The Directorate has the full powers to spend this money and it is this money that is being used to pay for the lawyers who appear for intelligence unit members in Raviraj, Eknaligoda and Wickrematunge murders. The Intelligence Unit hires the most expensive counsels to appear on behalf of their members.

During the war there was a necessity for such a budgetary allocation but when the country is not waging a war, there is no necessity for such an allocation,” sources pointed out.

According to the sources, when Eknaligoda case is taken up, it is the intelligence unit vehicles that transport the family members of those who are in prison to the court house. “It came to light how the military intelligence members pasted posters on the walls threatening the state prosecutor who appeared for Eknaligoda with death,” sources said.

Meanwhile, after this newspaper exposed last week in its lead story how the Kegalle police failed to call the Scene of Crime Officers (SOCO) to the crime scene where Warrant Officer (l) Illandarige Jayamanne’s body was found, to take finger prints and forensic evidence, it was later revealed how the Kegalle Judicial Medical Officer (JMO) had questioned the police why they did not call the SOCO to the crime scene.

Based on Kegalle JMO Dr. Ramesh Alagiyawanna’s concern on the police failure to obtain finger prints of the dead and the SOCO’s absence at the crime scene, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), on the permission of the court, got Jayamanne’s body exhumed three days after the burial – Wednesday, October 19. It is learnt that the CID had obtained Jayamanne’s finger prints the same evening and the body is to be brought to Colombo to conduct a fresh post mortem on the directives of the Colombo Chief JMO Prof. Ajith Tennakoon supported by Dr. Jean Perera of the Faculty of Medicine Colombo and JMO Kegalle Dr. Ramesh Alagiyawanna to find out whether the deceased was poisoned before he was hung up.

Meanwhile, highly reliable sources from Jayamann’e neighbourhood, who wished to remain anonymous, told The Sunday Leader as to how those who were present at the scene were surprised how the Kegalle police responded positively to the JMO when he asked whether the SOCO was informed of the crime.

“Before the body was taken down, the JMO asked the Kegalle Crime Police as to whether the SOCO was informed of the crime and whether the police coming to the scene to which one of the police officers said that they have already informed them.

Having said that, this police officer also said that there is no necessity for the SOCO’s presence there as even if they come, they will take the dead person’s finger prints, which is available with the military intelligence unit. How does this police officer know whether Jayamanne’s finger prints are with the Sri Lanka Army (SLA)? Isn’t it the police’s duty to call the SOCO and get all the evidence for an investigation as the deceased is said to have left a note claiming responsibility for the killing of a famous journalist,” sources said.

It is also questionable as to what made the military intelligence unit members to restrict the family members of the late Illandarage Jayamanne from talking to the media during the latter’s funeral.
Fifty-one-year-old retired Warrant Officer I, Illandarage Jayamanne is alleged to have taken his life claiming it was he who killed Wickrematunge making a request to release Malinda Udalagama who is currently in remand prison for the murder.

When The Sunday Leader visited Jayamanne’s residence on Sunday and wanted to talk to the wife who had returned to the country the previous night, Jayamanne’s elder brother Rtd. Colonel Chandrasena prevented this reporter from talking to the wife claiming that she was unconscious. When made a request to allow speaking to the two elder sons, Chandrasena once again prevented the two sons from making any comment nor allowed to take a photograph of the deceased.

The military intelligence unit members who were present at the funeral house in numbers were seen carefully monitoring those who attended the funeral, specially the media personnel.

A close family member of the deceased, on condition of anonymity, told this newspaper as to how the military intelligence unit was monitoring the funeral house and how they have ordered the family members not to talk to the media.

“My cousin rendered his service to the military intelligence unit during his prime days but what made the intelligence unit members to ask the family not to give any statements to the media? It was up to the children and wife of my cousin to decide whether to talk to the media or not, but not the intelligence unit members.

To all the relatives of Jayammane, it is an issue as to why the military intelligence unit behave in such a manner and we believe that they knew that the children would tell that their father was not involved in any murder as such as claimed in his last letter,” the cousin said. Meanwhile it is now revealed as to why Jayamanne wrote Premananda Udalagama’s name as Malinda Udalagama which was earlier considered to be a mistake. According to SLA sources, Udalagama has also been called as Malinda when he was serving at the intelligence unit.

Meanwhile, defence sources said as to how certain call details of Jyamanne’s phone had been erased. “When the phone records and the telephone detailed bill were compared, some numbers were missing in the phone which had led the CID to investigate the matter.

They will not only trace on the numbers Jayamanne had dialed but what he has received as well. Further details into SMS will also be traced to get a breakthrough,” sources added.

Jayamanne’s suicide note too has raised suspicion, and had been sent to the Government Analyst to refer to the Questioned Document Examiner to check the handwriting was that of Jayamanne.

“What made Jayamanne to safeguard Udalagama without even considering his children’s future? It is up to the CID to find out beyond any doubt whether the military intelligence members blackmailed the wife and sons of Jayamanne to stop them from talking to the media,” sources said.

According to the sources Jayamanne had visited Badulla, Hanguranketha and Ampara from October 11 and 12 and accused the SLA once again for not giving any details on whether Jayamanne had visited army camps in those areas.

“The investigators have asked for some details from the SLA, but they are not supporting the CID.
Since a fresh post mortem is to be conducted it could help to find out whether it’s a homicide before he was hung or a suicide. There is also a doubt with regard to the suicide note. The note was neatly folded and there were no marks to say that it was tucked to his waist before his death. Being an addict to cannabis, it is said that he had smoked cannabis the night before he took his life,” sources added.

Meanwhile, questions have been raised as to where the black inked pen Jayamanne is said to have used to write his last note and whether the investigators were able to trace for the note book from which he had taken off the paper to write the letter.

Jayamanne’s death is believed to be the fourth casualty committed by the armed forces to mislead the ongoing investigations. First it was Pichchei Jesudasan from Nuwara Eliya who died mysteriously whilst in remand prison and secondly, two Tamil youth from Vavuniya, who had been shot dead by the armed forces to take the motor bicycle on which they were travelling.

This bicycle was later found in the Attidiya lake to mislead the masses to implicate LTTEs involvement with the murder. Once the fresh post mortem report on Jayamanne is released, the investigators can say whether Jayamanne’s death was a homicide or a murder.

Meanwhile The Sunday Leader learns that the Colombo JMO is expected to release Wickrematunge’s second autopsy report by November 1.

Intelligence for investigate the power crisis

Oct 23, 2016

The power crisis has become a hot topic ..these days . also there were many critics regarding  the crisis situation.  The experts and politicians were accusing each other of the crisis situation .

also there were some rumors about internal conspiracies of the national electricity  board. 
 
It is reported that the  intelligence operations has  launched  to  investigate this situation  according to the  complaints received by the government .
 
this power crisis has been a threat to  economy and security  of the country. 
When inquired by Lanka News Web Prime Minister's Office sources said that there are some complaints regarding an Electricity mafia. also, it says that when the government tries to take the decision for any of changes concerning the CEB  there will be a problem of  power supply  instantly.
 
Because of The involvement of this Group the administration of the CEB has been failed to find the solutions for this incident and  has been failed to control  the expenses  of the board 
also these  internal conspiracies has powered  due to some poor administrative decisions were taken during the Rajapakse period 
 
Mr.Ranjit Vithanage the president of the National Consumer Rights Protection movement  says that there is a  conspiracy behind the failure of Norochcholai.

Fractal symmetry of neo-right politics, nativism and religious fanaticism-Most people believe they have no stake in the system

FRACTAL: No two minor helical-cones are identical though symmetry repeats itself.Symmetry with the overall helical-cone structure is also quite manifest.

by Kumar David-October 22, 2016, 8:48 pm 

"Methinks this world is oddly made

And everything’s amiss"

The Atheist & the Acorn by Anne Finch

In a piece written for the Economist of 8 October President Obama make some perceptive observations which echo what I have been saying for a long time. Here are quotes strung together to keep length manageable.

"(S)ome on the far left and even more on the far right (have) embraced a crude populism that promises a return to a past that is not possible to restore. . . (There is) anxiety over a range of forces of globalisation, immigration, technology, even change itself. . . (D)iscontent (is) spreading throughout the world . . . manifested in scepticism towards international institutions, trade agreements and immigration. . . (T)he discontent is rooted in legitimate concerns about . . . economic forces. Decades of declining productivity growth and rising inequality have resulted in slower income growth for low and middle income families. Globalisation and automation have weakened the position of workers and their ability to secure a decent wage".

Though here and there Obama hasn’t chosen the best words, he has put his finger on fractal symmetry that I have been attempting to get across. In most of the West, Middle East and elsewhere the middle is being hollowed out, by what for want of a better term I call extremist fringes – Trump, Le Penn’s National Front in France, Denmark, Austria, Brexit, Germany’s AfD, Philippine Robin Hood Rodrigo, the overarching supremacy of ISIS over moderates, and the swing to the right in Latin America. Cultural nativism, economic xenophobia, ethnic nationalism and a petty bourgeois mentality are woven into a common thread.

Where Obama is wrong is including the "far left" since the turn to the left is not extremism but filling left-oriented social democratic spaces. Alexis Tsipras and SYRIZA have pushed out the ‘old-left’ PASOK socialists in Greece and now run a government leaning on a hard bargain with EU finance capital. Spain’s Podemos leader Pablo Iglesis is tied in complex negotiations with a variety of regional and small left groups in an attempt to drive the ‘old-left’ PSOE out of the centre ground and turn this into a left-centrist (not Leninist) space. The jewel in the crown is Britain’s Labour, the largest party by membership in Europe. Under Jeremy Corbyn it is returning from a Blair-Thatcher neoliberal wilderness to its social democratic roots.

Notwithstanding this imbalance in extremism of right and left, there does remain symmetry in that the centre is being hollowed. There is fractal symmetry is the erosion of the establishment and new diffusion of political power across the world. (I will comment on exceptions before I sign off). Fractal is the right word for this roughhewn symmetry. It is a pattern oriented, semi-mathematical term that denotes recurrences of shapes, sometimes contained within each other, on ever larger or progressively smaller scales. The accompanying lovely picture of a coral-shell makes the point.

Continuing nostalgia for the Rajapaksa era is a domestic case in point. In my more sharply political writings I write the Rajapaksa clan off as serial felons and spurn the regime as a truck rolling over human rights on the road to dictatorship. A sociological view must be more nuanced; it needs to explain the conundrum of continuing widespread support for this discredited outfit and the perplexing oddity of President Sirisena going off the deep-end and transgressing constitutional propriety and berating investigative and prosecutorial institutions. Maybe the outburst is to shield the swagger of his thuggish son, or an as yet under the table deal with GR’s family and a cover for damaged goods in the military. Or is Sirisena alarmed that corruption allegations made against him in the Australian media will be investigated? Rajan Philips disposed of President Sirisena’s colic idiosyncrasies with a needle sharp scalpel last week (Sunday Island, 16 October).

But no way can the substantial residual mass-level support for the ousted hoodlum regime be explained away so easily. To cut my story of public adulation of the Rajapaksas short, I hypothesise that it is the same saga as the previous examples; a hollowing out of the bourgeois democratic centre much loved of liberals. At bottom Rajapaksa-yearning has two dimensions; moral debasement of public political spaces and disillusionment with democratic establishments. Trump’s America and Rajapaksas’ Lanka are oceans, mega-dollars and cultural continents apart, but fractal symmetry reaches over and illuminates manifest patterns. I have indulged in a litany of degeneration of current American politics not to argue that we are any better, but to say the opposite; Rajapaksa hangover is much the same.

The self-confessed

sexual predator

My Editor has the eye of a hawk and whips out his thick red pencil in a flash –on occasion though I sneak a trick past him - but surely he can’t stop me quoting the New York Times, Washington Post and Economist. These venerables revel in the predator’s foul adages: "I did try and f* her" and "I moved on her like a bitch". In another leak the stalker advises: "Grab them by the p-y. You can do anything" – and he does not mean fondling the house cat. (These respected journals explicitly spell out the f- and p-y words). He is not only a misogynist; he is also a Hispanic hater and an anti-black racist bigot endorsed by a Ku Klux Klan Grand Wizard. And then, the media has over and over again bared him as a brazen liar.

Buy my point is none of this; it is that despite this he retains a rock solid base which opinion polls put at not less than 39%; among white working-class males 55%. His egregious mien makes not a dent on this gushy base. How in pluperfect purgatory to explain this? Remember, the issue is not the debased, debauched candidate; no, the issue is what has happened to the ethical values of American polity when none of this matters and Trump remains a hero to so many? Among college educated white women, many presumably mothers of girls, his approval, despite public profanity and lechery, stands at a staggering 38%. Forget Trump, I am asking about America.

This is the context that makes the durability [at a guess more than half the Buddhist (sic!) population of our motherland] of the adoration that Rajapaksa enjoys, unsurprising. Moral degeneration, larceny and crude violence are no impediment to political acclamation in Sri Lanka. There is fractal symmetry to moral and political debasement elsewhere. Trumps primitive white American nativism and Lanka’s ethno-chauvinism are birds of a feather. American economic discontent, anxiety at losing global pole position to China and death of manufacturing, are more alarming than current economic fears in Lanka. But in our case, civil-war functioned as an alternative de-stabilizer.

Nothing I said should be taken as a whitewash of Hillary Clinton or our yahapalana outfit. But I do insist that their peccadillos, though many, pale in significance when stood beside Trumpeting lewdness and falsehoods, or the Rajapaksa era wickedness and malevolence. At some point quantity does translate into quality, and there are qualitative reasons why I would rather have Hilary and this Ranil-Sirisena contraption than the alternatives on offer. I have often spoken of the critical support that I extend to the Ranil-Sirisena contraption. Then this unavoidably begs the question of limits. So when should we (the left, and genuine liberal democrats if there are any) say enough is enough, withdraw "support" and retain only "critical"? I think not yet; not till the constitution is done and Jayampathy and Lal Wijenayake get a fair shot at turning out an at least half-decent draft.

It has become problematic to offer any support at all to President Sirisena after be barged into a matters he is ignorant of and forced abandonment of the Sampur power project; a blunder that will cost the nation not less than Rs 200 billion - see my 25 September article. I will return to the theme of limits of critical support in a few months and at the appropriate time.

The exceptions

Fractal symmetry is not all pervasive. It is absent at this point in time in certain nations and cultures; China, East Asia, Indo-China, and maybe India and Bangladesh. My guess is in Bangladesh terrorism is an imported quantity, admittedly feeding on old religious primitivisms. Chopping off hands and honour killings are as old as religion itself but hurling bombs at civilians is not a nativist trait. In India too religious obscurantism is as old as opium, but it does not manifest symmetry with the processes that I have described in this essay. China, Japan, the Far East and Indo-China too strike me as a different ball game.

What is the reason for this dissymmetry? One can only speculate but an obvious factor is that anxiety about the material future of life and family is less pronounced in countries whose economies are growing fast as in all these cases; India, China and the Asian "emerging markets" (yak, what a tacky term) included. Culturally the region is not in decline either; hence social and family values are less in decay. Maybe I am too gross a historical materialist to appreciate finer matters, so I leave it to refined minds to take over the discourse.

The Optics Of Anti-Corruption: Let’s End The Gimmick Politics

By Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon –October 23, 2016

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon

The first 21 months of the ‘good governance’ government was an exercise in ‘gimmick politics’ (politics based on optics), which refused to deal with the ground realities that were increasingly becoming difficult to ignore. The 6.2 million people who voted for ‘change’ expected results and were increasingly getting tired of various reasons offered by the government for not punishing those guilty of vast financial irregularities. Apart from a few hundred thousands of people, most Sri Lankans are disillusioned with the ‘good governance’. Good governance has become a ‘bad word’.

“Chandi Shyama‘ of the anti-corruption campaign has returned to the AGs Department. And many people assume and perpetuate that the essence ofthe President’s speech was his critique of the independent commissions. Is that the truth? it is not.

It took two days for former Bribery Commission Director General Dilrukshi Wickramasinghe to become the chief target of the president’s speech. Dilrukshi had a lot of experience in tackling corruption, but she had little idea about political realities of Sri Lanka. Thus when the President was pointing his finger at the moon, she only looked at his pointing finger and sent him her resignation letter. As I have said earlier when President Sirisena was the face of our desire for good governance, Dilrukshi was the symbol of our hope against corruption.

It is after this episode that the people, who were hitherto blaming the President, the Prime Minister and the government for slow progress made in punishing the guilty, attempted to understand what’s going on. The people have realized that the so called ‘war on anti-corruption’ was only a gimmick. This is a truth that we had realized a long time ago, and attempting to tell the people. But some people who want to ‘protect’ the government, more than the President and the Prime Minister it seems, attempted to drown our voice by saying ‘Mahinda is coming back’.

We have always said that the speech made by the President should not have been made. It was bit of an angry speech, made by a man who was tired of the slow progress made on every front, which employed several bad examples. But conflict has always been a pre-requisite in progress and we are realizing that it is the same here.

Fight against corruption, flattened

Read More

Ex-Batticaloa Mayor Sivageetha arrested for allegedly running brothel

 October 23, 2016

Former Batticaloa Mayor Sivageetha Prabakaran has been arrested on Sunday on charges of running a brothel at a building adjoining her house.

Acting on a tip off, a special police team raided her place on the Batticaloa-Trincomalee highway and took into custody five men and two girls along with the former Mayor.

Conducting further investigations, Batticaloa police said that they would be produced before the Batticaloa Magistrate on Monday.

The place is known for rooms on hire.

Batticaloa Magistrate Court Magistrate recently ordered the police to take stringent action against brothels and prostitution in the area.

Sivageetha Prabakaran served as Batticaloa Mayor between 2008 and 2013.

Ghouls dance and prance after the ‘Cyanide speech’ which spewed up perverted justice

(Lanka-e-News - 22.Oct.2016, 11.55PM) Following the recent ‘cyanide’ tale of the president which set fire to his tail , the murderers and the corrupt who were defeated by the People’s force , but unfortunately are  now appointed to  high positions are being exposed   and they are making  a  wild display of their true colors.   As a result the masks are getting removed of the double faced , double dealing masqueraders like  Wijedasa Rajapakse , Vajira Abeywardena and Rajitha Senaratne who are pretending that they are with the good governance.

The president of good governance recently articulated his resentment against ex defense secretary Gotabaya the devil incarnate , and the ex commanders of the forces being hauled up in courts , the crimes they committed notwithstanding. 

Vajira Abeywardena via   ’Rana maga osse’       ( through battlefield)  said, the implementation of Mahinda Chinthana (the most abominable ,discarded and crooked chinthana ) is not wrong , and even  if the State officers commit wrongs , he would not allow them to be hauled up before courts.

Wijedasa Rajapakse alias most notorious ‘Deal- dasa’ who announced as long as he is the Justice minister he will not allow Gotabaya Rajapakse (the notorious criminal)  to be brought before the law , after the president’s  odious and offensive speech , began lashing out at the Civil Organizations which made supreme sacrifices and unwaveringly committed themselves  to install the government of good governance in power.

Wimal Weerawansa the other notorious fraudster also began opposing  monks who committed crimes being brought before courts. 

Infamous Dilan Perera whose putrid and  corrupt  antecedence  is well known , and who was appointed as the SLFP  media spokesman after the good governance president became the leader of the SLFP , and through the national list became an M.P. to secure a State ministry post  charged , the leaders who risked even their lives to steer good governance government to power are dictators. Besides , summoning  an SLFP minister to court is  wrong, he added.

Rajitha Senaratne toeing the same line said ,those who committed  ‘small’ offences being summoned before court is wrong. He was in favor of  criminals who have committed serious offences only being brought  hauled up in  court , while frowning on criminals charged with ‘mini’ offences being summoned before court.

Under the circumstances , the people for good governance who are most  rudely shocked  naturally , are compelled to question on the following : 

If former  Ministers (like Fowzie) commit wrongs , yet because they are with Maithri , they must not be brought before the law
Ex Defense Secretary who committed crimes should not be brought before the law.

Former commanders of the forces who committed  wrongs  should not be brought before the law

The former State officers who committed wrongs should not be brought before the law.

Except the former rogues , the mini rogues shall not be brought before the law.

Monks who committed offences  should not be brought before the law , and since soldiers of the forces are ‘war heroes’, they should not be  hauled up in courts .

In other words what these hypocrites and masqueraders are asserting  is   , the government of good governance has been formed to bring before court only the beggars  , vagabonds and  destitute who commit offences ; and all of them  mentioned hereinbefore shall not be hauled up before courts no matter what crimes they commit . 

This is what is called ‘ Munge ammage reddha’ ( the threadbare skirts of their mothers)  in raw Sinhala. 

It is unfortunate these scoundrels  who are performing the “Sira dance” and the “ghouls’ dance”  haven’t the grey matter to  realize the day their mothers’ threadbare  skirts drop down ,not only their mothers but even  the good governance will  be stripped naked.

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by     (2016-10-23 02:50:44)

I am a tough administrator – Dilrukshi

2016-10-23

President Maithripala Sirisena publicly warned that he would take action against the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) as well as the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) for 'pursuing a political agenda' at a function held on 12 October in Colombo. The President irately said those institutions should not operate according to any political agenda at the expense of justice. In response to this statement, then Director General of CIABOC, now Additional Solicitor General Dilrukshi Dias Wickramasinghe, tendered her resignation. 

After many rounds of discussion held with several parties, the President finally accepted her resignation on 19 October. Former DG of CIABOC expressed these comments during an exclusive interview with Ceylon Today on Friday.

Following are excerpts: 

BY A Special Correspondent

?: Did you tender your resignation in order to defy the comments made by the President?

A: Yes indeed. I have always given my utmost to the cause. I am a person who believes that we could fully eradicate corruption in this country. I still believe in that. All we need is a strong commitment. I associated a zero tolerance policy at the Commission when disbursing my obligation. Although the President's comments were not made against me directly, he undermined the independence of the Commission in which I served as the Director General. Mind you, he is the first citizen of the country, making this comment on an independent Commission, and not any common man on the street. Also, I wanted to make this remark, during my tenure the President had never called me and interfered into any affair. I should give that credit to him. I believe that he was misinformed on certain facts.

However, I did not like to hold the position when the leader of this country is displeased with the turn of events or had an iota of doubt about the Commission.

The President had pledged to the people that he would establish good governance and fully eradicate corruption in the country. If the President feels that the existing investigative authorities are a hindrance to his cause, I honestly don't think that I should hold that position. I had always lived by principles and here I am walking my talk.

?: Did you divulge any information to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Cabinet spokesperson accused you of doing?

A: I fully deny this fabricated story. I see this as a cowardly act to divert the blame on me by the minster. There were so many politicians and others that knew this. I am sure even the Joint Opposition and the SLFP will not believe this concocted story that I gave info to the former President. If the minister thinks that the citizens of this country are fools, he is sadly mistaken.

?: Criticisms arose from many corners of possible bias when probing into allegations against the members of the United National Party. What is your response?

A: I must make this very clear to you. CIABOC is an independent Commission. I always strived to foster independence when probing into complaints lodged at the Commission. I never extended any preference to cases handed over to me by the Commissioners. Political affiliation of the accused was never a consideration to me when disbursing my obligation to the Commission. I read in the media the several comments made on the bond issue. I probed into the controversial bond issue the same way I probed into other cases. I must make this very clear that former Governor of the Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran was summoned before the Commission to record his statement. The inquiry is underway as we speak. Also, Minister of Health Rajitha Senaratne was summoned and presented before the Commission multiple times to record statements. Therefore, the so-called bias is a fiction created by some accused politicians for their personal gain.

There are a number of Cases under investigation at this very juncture. The Commission will definitely file action once facts are established. So, how can you frame me or the Commission as biased when we are duly and honestly fulfilling the requisites of the Commission?

Moreover, the investigations are forwarded to me by the Commissioners. I never ever take decision to investigate. That is the role of the Commissioners. My duty is to get the investigators to work, provide them with the resources to enable them to investigate. I have no discretion in selecting the complaints. It is a very transparent process.

?: How do you describe your tenure at CIABOC until the time it came to a controversial closure?

A: Well, I assumed duties in my position on 12 February 2015 at a juncture when the reputation of the CIABOC was at stake. People had lost trust due to various political influences that surrounded the Commission. Therefore, much work needed to be done to bring it back to a socially accepted state. Also, it was a time when there was a heap of complaints lodged at the Commission just after the change of government. We found it extremely difficult to cope up with the number of complaints due to various constrains existed in the Commission.

CIABOC was virtually paralyzed during the last decade, so we needed to take appropriate actions to put the system back in place and to build the capacities of the existing staff. Also, we had recruited many new faces to the Commission and trained them in conducting discrete investigations. It is not like any other institution; we needed to assure the extreme virtues of integrity and efficiency of the recruits. Also, the process of employee induction was somewhat a challenging task.

However, we managed to gradually uplift the reputation of the institution to a higher state. We have managed to develop close coordination with the UN and other foreign institutions to coordinate with us when training staff and exchange of technology and new methodologies. I must tell you that some of the complaints lodged at the Commission were extremely complex in nature and we did not have required resources at our disposal when conducting inquiries. Therefore, we needed to equip the Commission with modern techniques and capacity building when investigating the virtually impossible inquiries.

As you know, the State has recognized the international treaties and conventions on corruption thus it had been included in the 19th Amendment to the Constitution under Section 156A (1) C. Therefore, as a Commission, we had to take appropriate measures to comply with the guidelines stipulated in the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC). UNCAC is a multilateral convention negotiated by the members of the United Nations, including Sri Lanka. It is the first global legally binding international anti-corruption instrument. We had to redefine the conventional methodologies to comply with the stipulated standards.

It was a hard task but I was able to pull it through with the immense support extended to me by the Commissioners and the staff.

?: You were referring to the qualitative aspects of the Commission. What can you say about the quantitative aspects during your tenure?

A: I must state this very clearly. These qualitative aspects have produced what is termed as the quantitative outcomes of the Commission. If you go through the past records you may see the Commission had filed only around 60-70 cases a year in Courts. With the commendable support extended by the staff, we managed to file 87 cases during the first 10 months of this year. We successfully managed to bring the Rs 125 million bribery probe related to some Customs officials before justice. This is historical as this is the biggest raid conducted by the Commission. Both Kumara Welgama and Wimal Weerawansa went before Courts seeking orders to prevent the Commission from investigating them. Namal Rajapaksa has refused to come before the Commission, which led the apex court of this country to issue charges on contempt. Why did they have to do it if the Commission itself is a dead duck? As you said, we have proved in both qualitative and quantitative aspects.

?: Some media reported that you had no plan to spread the financial allocations throughout the year. What's the validity in this statement?

A: I honestly do not like to comment on these bogus news. The Commission had at its disposal a sum of Rs 123 million at the time this report was published in the media. The person who wrote the web article never questioned me. Had I been questioned, I would have given documentary proof to them.

?: Also, there were concerns with regard to claims of rigidness of your administration. Did you intentionally victimize employees?

A: I agree that I am a tough administrator. When I took office, people were used to a lethargic life. The output by almost all the divisions was minimal. So, I needed to take several administrative steps to wake them up. Their grouse was about leave. Not that they were not given leave, if they wanted more than 5 days leave within 3 months, they needed to get approval from me. One web media report said I did not allow a cancer patient to take leave for her treatment. Do you really think I am that inhuman? I do not do such things even to my worst enemy, if I ever had one.

A very senior incompetent legal officer, who was constantly in the habit of taking leave, had initiated the story to cover her incompetency. As soon as I learnt that a staff officer needed treatment (actually periodical checkup after her cancer treatment), I immediately called her to my office and granted leave. I also did not fail to call the senior legal officer and confront her on the issue.

People who know me know that I am a person with a big heart; do you think I lack moral standards or empathy? I have supported all my staff at the Commission during their difficult times. That's exactly what my religion has taught me too.

?: Don't you think that you had underutilized the media to make people aware of what is happening in the process of investigation at the Commission?

A: I am a great believer of people's rights. In terms of Article 13(5) of the Constitution, every person is presumed innocent until such person is proved guilty, which means any individual accused of any allegation must be treated as an innocent person until they are convicted in a court of law. Also, remember, had I told the media that this person and that person is before the Commission, I would have directly violated the 'innocent man' principle. The Commissioners and I strived hard to protect, preserve and uphold the law at all times.

Apart from the legal position, we considered it as a moral obligation too. They have children and families. When individuals come before the Commission their image is tarnished. This affects the kids, family and the kith and kin. I did not want to let them walk in society as criminals unless they've been convicted in a court of law.

Apart from that, some clouted media organizations reported that I paved the way to relax the overseas travel ban on Chairman of Avant Garde Nissanka Senadhipathi. See, it's the Magistrate who had lifted the travel ban and released the passport for him to travel overseas. It's a judicial affair, so how can I intervene into that?

We had conducted many events to stimulate public awareness on preventing bribery and corruption. Seminars, walks and public displays are a few of them.

Most importantly, we work under an oath. We cannot disclose any information relevant to investigations to the media. I clearly know that the Commission and I could have captured public attention if we had gone after cheap publicity. But, we didn't do that considering the duty before fame. I kindly request you to go through our annual report so that you would know what I mean.

?: Do you regret the decision to tender your resignation, considering that your name was not even mentioned in the President's speech?

A: I was on a mission to totally eradicate bribery and corruption from this country. But, I had to comply with my conscience at the given situation. I wrote a 4-page resignation letter and explained how the President had forced me to tender my resignation. The citizens want good governance. My resignation is part of that process that the intelligent fully understand.

However, what worries me is that the President had, by accepting the resignation letter, sent a strong message to all public servants of the outcome of standing up for principles and good governance without being subservient to politicians.

I do not have to harp on the pressure exerted by politicians on public servants. Only a few like me can withstand it. I do not think this would augur well. That's my only regret.

State investigating outfits

Should President be kept informed of those summoned?

By Shyamon Jayasinghe-October 23, 2016, 8:14 pm 

Responding to the widespread criticism of his famous speech at Sathviru Sanhinda’ programme held at the Sri Lanka Foundation, President Sirisena clarified that what he insists is that when former Defence personnel- all and sundry nationally defined as ‘rana viruvo’ - are summoned for questioning by the Bribery Commissioner and other Independent Commissions, he should be prior informed of such action. This raised many an eyebrow among knowledgeable persons.

I can understand such a privilege being applied to currently serving Commanders of the Forces and the IGP. By definition, such officials are crucial to the maintenance of national security and the rule of law, and it would be both problematic and enigmatic if they are summoned without the Commander-In-Chief knowing in advance. But for the retired, who are summoned to explain some serious allegations relating to their time in office? What’s wrong with that?

If the charges pertain to robbing state funds, to money laundering, to serious sexual abuse or to murder itself - all done while they were in service, why not summon them without any such intimation? Right now, there are serious charges that reek the air about retired defence and army personnel over a host of alleged crimes, ranging from million-dollar purchases of aircraft and murder, to the stealing of turtles. There are charges that retired army personnel had been employed to carry out murder. It is clear that there was something rotten about the defence establishment of the former regime. The recent suicide of a retired soldier claiming he killed the Sunday Leader Editor and that, therefore, he is hanging himself in remorse, sounds more phoney than truth. The Thajudeen murder is still high profile and crying for justice. The physical assault of journalist Upali Tennekoon and the disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda are all, along with Thajudeen, attributed to retired army soldiers.There are allegations that slush funds of the intelligence arm of the government had been used to pay such retired personnel, masquerading under spurious names. Were the top rankers in the Forces aware of these? That is a moot point?

Whether these charges are proven or not is not the issue. That they are very serious allegations do constitute the issue. If confidence in government is to be re-established it is crucial that independent commissions be allowed to investigate them all without interference from the executive or the legislature. Yahapalanaya cannot be established without building public confidence in government. Besides, there is a futuristic aspect about yahapalanaya, in that the envisioned vibrant working of independent bodies, whose independence is guaranteed by the constitution, would have a detrimental effect on potential crimes of this nature by anybody and any government set-up of the future. Thus, it is good for now, and good for the future health of government - this government or any other. It is a question of setting the system right.

What are the options available to the President if he is informed prior about the summoning of such service personnel. Can he give an order to stop it? No; for that would not only be illegal but would undermine the independence of the independent commissions. On the other hand, if the President fails to stop action, then he will be made a victim of the anger of the affected serviceman. What all this means is that the President gets unwittingly embroiled in the issue. In Sinhala we call it "illang kanawa."

At the back of this whole crisis, symptomised by President Maitripala’s now famous speech, is an unwillingness of our politicians in general to accept the modernity, validity and necessity of having operating bodies independent of their control. I am not saying this specifically targeting the President, who has done better in this respect than his predecessor. The deep-rooted value, amplified no doubt during ten years of rule by the former regime, is that politicians who run government own the country as their personal property. One witnessed this political-cultural trait in the notorious act of brutal bullying of the former Chief Justice, Shirani Bandaranayake. Even before former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, we had President JR Jayewardene who gloated in public that he had all the powers to do anything, except to make a gender change. The privatisation of government decision -making had been carried to the extreme by resident Mahinda Rajapaksa. The danger was that this right to government as private property trickled down to the entire political edifice. We are stuck in it still -although some measurable progress has been made.

I believe it is vital for yahapalanaya to rectify this fundamental canker in our body politic. The President, Prime Minister and all Ministers, must set the example and the model. A constitution should create the required legal framework. The Nineteenth Amendment was indeed a breakthrough but it must be followed up by a totally new constitution and the broad education of the people.

There is another important issue here: There is a dilemma involved in this transformation towards independent para judicial bodies. I think President Sirisena’s provocation had been a reaction to the dilemma. An Independent body should not be perceived as being a law unto itself. If this does happen, and if personnel driving such bodies try to foster their egos, then a new form of injustice will be perpetuated.

A good illustration of an apparent bad practice was the allegation made by President Sirisena that A. H. M Fowzie of the SLFP had been interrogated before rookie cops. If such an occurrence did take place, the appearance of it did not look good. This allegedly diminished the stature of the venerable political leader. Appearances of fair play on the part of independent commissions are crucial. In the end, wide social acceptance is a must for the functioning of such bodies. Therefore, such Independent Commissions must be inculcated in right behaviour patterns and a code of conduct must be presented to them.

It would be pertinent to conclude with a quote with reference to the judiciary from Australia’s Chief Justice Gerard Brennan, AC, KBE: "The reason why judicial independence is of such public importance is that a free society exists only so long as it is governed by the rule of law - the rule which binds the governors and the governed, administered impartially and treating equally all those who seek its remedies or against whom its remedies are sought. However vaguely it may be perceived, however unarticulated may be the thought, there is an aspiration in the hearts of all men and women for the rule of law. That aspiration depends for its fulfilment on the competent and impartial application of the law by judges." This statement, meant to relate narrowly to the Judiciary is applicable in spirit to all independent commissions.