Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, October 21, 2016

STD rates hit record high in U.S. as screening clinics close


 October 20 at 12:35 PM
Infections from three sexually transmitted diseases have hit another record high, federal health officials reported.
More than 1.5 million cases of chlamydia were reported last year, up 6 percent from the year before. About 400,000 cases of gonorrhea were reported, a nearly 13 percent increase from 2014. The biggest increase, 19 percent, occurred in syphilis cases, with nearly 24,000 reported, according to the annual report on STDs released by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

All three diseases are curable with antibiotics, but gonorrhea is growing increasingly resistant to treatment with antibiotics.

CDC officials said STD rates are rising at a time when many of the country’s systems for preventing those infections have eroded. In recent years, more than half of state and local STD programs have had their budgets cut, resulting in more than 20 health department STD clinics closing in one year alone, the CDC said. In 2014, the number of chlamydia cases also rose to record levels.

“We have reached a decisive moment for the nation,” said Jonathan Mermin, director of CDC’s National Center for HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention.
Most STD cases continue to go undiagnosed and untreated, putting people at risk for severe and often irreversible health consequences, the CDC said. The economic burden to the U.S. health-care system is nearly $16 billion a year, according to the CDC.

Young people and gay and bisexual men face the greatest risk of infection, and there continues to be a troubling increase in syphilis among newborns, who are infected by their mothers.

The 2015 data, the latest available, show:

• Americans age 15 to 24 accounted for nearly two-thirds of chlamydia diagnoses and half of gonorrhea diagnoses.

• Men who have sex with men accounted for the majority of new gonorrhea cases and the most contagious forms of syphilis.

• Women’s rate of syphilis diagnosis increased by more than 27 percent from 2014 to 2015.

• Congenital syphilis, which occurs when the infection is transmitted from a pregnant woman to her baby, increased by 6 percent.

Officials urged health-care providers to make STD screening a standard part of medical care, especially in pregnant women. Individuals need to get tested regularly and reduce risk by using condoms.

U.N. official urges Sri Lanka to take stronger measures to protect minorities

Reuters Canada
By Shihar Aneez-Thu Oct 20, 2016
COLOMBO (Reuters) - Sri Lanka's government must "clearly demonstrate" its political will and commitment to better protect the Indian Ocean island's minorities by taking urgent steps to resolve post-war issues, a United Nations rights expert said on Thursday.
Since the end of a 26-year war in May 2009, successive Sri Lankan governments have yet to take strong action to ensure minority rights.
Several religious places were attacked during the tenure of former leader Mahinda Rajapaksa, defeated in a January 2015 election by President Maithripala Sirisena.
Sirisena's Sri Lanka Freedom Party, once Rajapaksa's power base, now governs in coalition with the United National Party (UNP), led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.
A visit by Rita Izsak-Ndiaye, the UN special rapporteur on minority issues, comes amid complaints of rights violations by ethnic minority Tamils and Muslims.
They say the situation in former war zones in Sri Lanka's north and east has hardly changed, despite the new government's promises to take action immediately to remedy the problems.
"The government must put in place some urgent, important and concrete measures to clearly demonstrate its political will and commitment to better protect the dignity, identity, equality," of minorities, Izsak-Ndiaye told reporters.
She called for government efforts to return to its owners land occupied by the military, either charge or release those detained over security matters, and "visible steps" to transfer military powers to civilian authorities, among other measures.
"In all my discussions, demilitarization, release of prisoners, and issues of land returns frequently and prominently featured," she said in the capital, Colombo, after wrapping up a 10-day official visit.
U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon in September urged Sri Lanka to do more to redress wrongs committed during the war with Tamil rebels, including restoring the accountability of the judiciary and security services.
Although Sri Lanka, under Rajapaksa, crushed the separatist Tamil Tiger rebels in 2009, the United Nations accuses the military of killing thousands of civilians, mostly Tamils, during the final weeks of the war.
Through a U.N. resolution, Sri Lanka agreed last year to tackle war crimes and make efforts toward reconciliation. The Tamil Tigers were also accused of violating human rights during the conflict.
Sri Lanka's population of 21 million is predominantly Buddhist, but ethnic Tamils, who are mostly Hindu, make up 18 percent, and Muslims account for 7 percent.
(Reporting by Shihar Aneez; Additional reporting by Ranga Sirilal; Editing by Clarence Fernandez)

Thursday, October 20, 2016

TNA: UN rep advises to enlist minority members to forces

TNA: UN rep advises to enlist minority members to forces

Oct 20, 2016

The visiting UN Special Rapporteur on Minority Issues Rita Izsak Ndiaye had stressed yesterday the recruitment of minority community members to security forces, TNA MP M.A. Sumanthiran said.

Ms. Ndiaye, who met the Leader of Opposition, TNA leader Rajavarothayam Sampanthan yesterday, had said that absence of minority members in the security forces was one of the major issues the minority group was facing, Sumanthiran said.
“She said that therefore minority members should be enlisted to the security forces on the basis of population,” MP Sumanthiran said.
TNA MP M. A. Sumanthiran was speaking to journalists after the meeting.
According to Mr. Sumanthiran Mr. Sampanthan had told Ms. Ndiaye that a foundation to resolve minority issues should be laid through the new Constitution.
“Mr. Sampanthan had told the UN Rapporteur that minorities should feel that the new Constitution should be one, which they too could accept as one of their own unlike the 1972 and 1978 Constitutions, which only focused on the majority community,” he added.
Ms. Ndiaye is in Sri Lanka on a ten day study tour with regard to minorities in Sri Lanka.
http://www.dailymirror.lk -

MISSION TO SRI LANKA: STATEMENT OF THE UN SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ON MINORITY ISSUES, RITA IZSÁK-NDIAYE


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Sri Lanka Brief20/10/2016

(Statement of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on minority issues, Rita Izsák-Ndiaye, on the conclusion of her official visit to Sri Lanka, 10-20 October 2016)
20 October 2016.

In my capacity as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on minority issues, I conducted an official visit to the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, from 10 to 20 October 2016, at the invitation of the Government. The objective of my visit was to hold consultations on the human rights situation of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities in Sri Lanka in conformity with my mandate.

Yahapaalana Leaders; guilty or not, for killing Nimalarajan?Appalling silence of the “good” people!

Yahapaalana Leaders; guilty or not, for killing Nimalarajan?Appalling silence of the “good” people!
Oct 20, 2016

Sixteen years had passed since that fateful night. But the responsible people still remains at large.

The irony is that they are still ruling Sri Lanka. The assassination of the only credible voice from Jaffna was carried out on the same day as Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge’s new cabinet was sworn in on the 19th October 2000. Douglas Devananda was appointed as the Minister of Rehabilitation.
Was the killing discussed at the next cabinet meeting?
President Chandrika, Mahawali Minister Mithripala Sirisena, Prime Minister Rathnasiri Wickramanayake or even the Minister of Fisheries, Mahinda Rajapaksha may know the answer. Who killed Nimalarajan? Our yahapaalana leaders are silent. Silence is golden. Breaking the silence can deny you a goldmine. It is sad and disappointing that the country is lead by men and women who has no courage and dignity to tell a simple truth.
For sixteen years, there is silence!
Are they silent because they are guilty of this heinous crime? Did they take part in it?
Below is a letter I wrote sixteen years ago. Sadly little had changed.   
Murder of a simple man from Jaffna
By Priyath Liyanage, Head, BBC Sinhala Service
Killing of a person is just a mere statistic in Jaffna. In a brutal war which has killed nearly 60,000 people, Mylwaganam Nimalarajan would be just another person. But, not to his three children who run to the door every time they hear a sound of a motorcycle looking for their father. Not to his wife who had lost a dear husband, not to his parents who are still in hospital as a result of the brutal attack. Certainly not to me. For the whole world, he was the only voice which came out of the war zone in Sri Lanka. He was the only one, the only journalist who was brave enough to tell the world about what was happening to his people.
He did it because he had to do it. He wrote about assassinations, agitations, riots, election rigging, intimidation, widows, rape, mass graves, disappearances, torture, and the suffering of a whole community.
He wanted to tell the world about the injustice against the thousands of civilians. It is understandable why the cowards who hide behind machine guns would want to silence the only independent voice coming out of Jaffna.
Nimal was a dear colleague, a friend, a brother. Whenever we wanted anything from Jaffna, he gave it. He never hesitated, never complained. He knew everyone in Jaffna, and everyone in Jaffna knew him. He was a journalist with dignity. He worked in Jaffna when the Tamil rebels were occupying it.  Pro-IPKF militants once tied him to a lamp post to kill him. But even they could not kill him. Nimal continued to work even after the Sri Lankan Army took over the peninsula. He talked to the rebels and the government forces with equal ease. Both the Army, and the rebels respected him. Sometimes they complained, but never disputed his reports.
He worked for the BBC over six years. He never got anything wrong. In 1983, the Sinhala mobs set fire to the house where I lived all my life. It changed my life for ever. The crime we did was to protect our Tamil neighbours. Another mob in a different part of the city, drove Nimalarajan and his family away from Colombo.
The year 1983 changed our lives for ever. I came to London. Nimal went to Jaffna. He decided to tell the story of his people's plight to the world. He dedicated his life to what he believed. And he died doing it. We were both sons of the Black July.
Nimal believed, and I believed that anybody could kill him. He was pleasant and always wore a smile. He never wished any harm to anyone. He always joked about the brutality and the barbarism involved in the daily life in Jaffna. That may be a way of survival for a man who had to live through it day in day out. His personality would have discouraged the most ruthless of killers. No one can shoot a man as friendly and kind as Nimal. Maybe that is why they came in the dark. After the curfew. They brought guns, grenades to kill him. Because they were so afraid of this hard working cleanly dressed small man armed with his mighty pen.
The police might investigate this brutal, inhuman, act of barbarism against a simple but powerful human being. They are afraid. Very, very afraid about simple men with ideas. That is why they have to kill a simple person like Nimal. I do not believe that they will find the shameless barbarian who killed him. But, there are people who know in their hearts. The truth may never come out. The coward who is responsible of killing him may even roam the corridors of power. Yet, more than anyone else they will know the crime they committed. We as comrades of Nimal should make sure that they will never forget.
We know the people who are seasoned with the cowardly acts will never repent. Their obscene minds will never understand the value of a person like Nimal. One cannot blame them. Blame should be with the people who appoint these cowards to high positions. People who shake hands with them. People who sit with these murderers in the same table. Who attends for gatherings to discuss the future of our beloved country. My country. Nimal's country. I hope the people who appoint these barbarians to high office will hang their heads in shame. I hope any self respecting 'liberal intellectual', and 'peace loving socialists', will refuse to walk with the murderers. I hope each time cabinet colleagues gather for a meeting, at least one of them, would have the dignity to spare a thought for Nimalarajan.
Nimalarajan lived among enemies, and died trying to build bridges between two communities which are increasingly drifting apart. Sri Lanka is a country where it is a punishable crime to defame its leaders. They imprison journalists for defamation. Yet, it is a country where one can get away with killing a journalist. Is it not a crime anymore? They killed Richard. I wept on my own helplessly, far away from home, thinking about a lost friend. They killed Rajini. I could not understand why anyone wanted to kill her. I was bemused. They killed Premakeerthi. I did not have words to express myself about someone I always admired and aspired to be. Now they have killed my comrade Nimal. I do not have any more tears. I can only think of the burning rage within. I do not weep for him.
I weep for my country. People of my beloved country has to choose between them. Which killer is going to rule us next? Which killer is going to promise us media freedom for the future?
In a country where ten thousand young lives are sacrificed every year, who is going to be worried about yet another man. Let us forget Nimal, and all the others. They are mere statistics. If we think about them more, all of us will realise that we are all guilty; because we let it happen, and stood by in silence. We should not detest the bad deeds of the bad people, we should be ashamed of the appalling silence of the good people.
(Above letter was first published by Sunday Times on 29th October 2000.
Nimalarajan Mylwaganam studio in BBC London

SRI LANKA HRC IS DEEPLY CONCERNED BY ATTEMPTS TO PREVENT INCLUSION OF ESC RIGHTS IN THE CONSTITUTION


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(Two children play in front of their house;Image courtesy AFP)

Sri Lanka Brief20/10/2016
Issuing a statement Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission says that it is deeply concerned by attempts made by some quarters closely associated with the current constitution-making process to prevent the inclusion of economic, social and cultural rights (ESC rights), such as the right to education and an adequate standard of health, from the constitutional Bill of Rights as full-fledged rights for which judicial remedies are available. It has been argued that only civil and political rights should be guaranteed as full rights. Arguing strongly or the inclusion of Economic, social and cultural  rights in the new constitution that is being formulated it  calls on concerned citizens and civil society organizations to step up advocacy for full constitutional recognition of all human rights so that there will be no future regrets on missed opportunities.

The Statement of the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL):

Corporal punishment Are we cherry-picking?

2016-10-18
When President Maithripala Sirisena speaks, everyone listens. Last week he spoke on corporal punishment. He justified instances of teachers and principals losing their temper and then went on to note that they, being the flawed humans they are, must be cut some slack on account of the impossibility of handling more than 30 students at the same time in one class. He could have said more, but he did not. Not surprisingly perhaps, he said all this as part of a speech delivered at a teacher's felicitation ceremony held at Nelum Pokuna.
This week's column is not about whether the President of a modern democracy can or must deliver such speeches. It's about whether the fact that teachers are as human as you and I are should shield them from legal reforms when it comes to the upbringing of children. There's a literature that spans decades and even centuries over this area. Meanwhile, commentators from both sides of the divide have spoken vociferously and have, for the lack of a better way of putting it, simplified that divide in terms of the East / West dichotomy that dictates the thrust of debates over more compelling socio-political issues.
Which is why, when examining a topic as contentious as corporal punishment (in schools), one must privilege reason and look at what each side has to say. Some say that it contributes to a culture of strict, ramrod discipline. Others say that it marginalizes those who are by nature errant as students, who can only be moulded by less harsh methods. Few, very few in fact, look beyond the rhetoric of debate and base their arguments on tested, empirical evidence.
Corporal punishment
Before delving into that evidence though, what are the arguments and the perspectives? More importantly, what is the issue? It is the corporal punishment, of course. But what does that term indicate? In a broad sense, it includes all forms of punishment (mental and physical) inflicted on a student for an infringement of a preconceived rule. It's usually touted as a last resort, but more often than not is resorted to whenever and wherever a teacher loses his or her temper over the student's intransigence.
The problem is compounded when we think of the role of the teacher. Teachers, in the most basic sense, are considered as taking the place of the parent (or in legal parlance, 'in loco parentis'). In other words, if corporal punishment is considered the norm inside the house, then it is considered a norm inside the school. Long considered the most immediate and quick method of enforcing discipline, it's easy to see how and why, regardless of the point that at law and in principle it's the last resort, it's used frequently: in the absence of other more expedient measures, it guarantees compliance at once.
In Sri Lanka, corporal punishment traces its origins to the Penal Code of 1883, Article 82 of which absolves a guardian (or any person acting as such lawfully) when he or she inflicts punishment on a child, if that act of inflicting the punishment is committed 'in good faith.'
Now 'in good faith' is probably one of the most vague legal phrases out there, but for the purposes of my column this much will suffice: despite the later reforms which invaded the Penal Code (not least being Article 308A, which explicitly provided for the offence of cruelty against children), there were subtle exceptions that shielded teachers whenever they chose to inflict punishment (Article 314, for instance, which is about the offence of 'criminal force', conveniently inserts a caveat: a schoolmaster in the 'reasonable exercise of his discretion as master' who flogs a student is not, for all intents and purposes, committing that offence).
Schizophrenic attitude
I believe that this concurrent, schizophrenic attitude of support for and opposition to corporal punishment probably explains why the contemporary discourse on it is soconfusing. It has become so schizophrenic that commentators from both sides of the divide have sustained a stark, black-and-white dichotomy when it comes to the debate.
How does this dichotomy go? It's simple. If you support corporal punishment, you are an outdated, unenlightened savage who hasn't kept up with the times. If you oppose corporal punishment, you are a Westernized, enlightened gentleman who privileges the dignity of the child over the greater, collective good. That this dichotomy is as simplistic as the moral triumph of John Keating in "Dead Poets Society", and that it has served to blur the intricacies of the debate even more, we should not doubt.
Which brings me to another more pertinent point: What exactly are the arguments for and against caning, flogging, kneeling down, and other forms of physical punishment?
Briefly put, those who oppose corporal punishment see it in terms of the dignity of the child. Children are wayward. They make mistakes and that has less to do with intention than with an underdeveloped mentality.Among the responses I managed to collect on this point, some were quite vociferous: just as children need to be corrected, that does not absolve. Far from being perfect, these teachers can be and are flawed, which cogently explains how students who committed no crime can, in the general order of things, be punished and flogged by mistake.
Vociferous response
No less a person than the President (in that aforementioned speech) gave an instance where he had been caned for a mistake committed by another student. The most vociferous response to this came from a friend of mine, who quite eloquently said when such instances of punishment for uncommitted crimes go unnoticed, they add to a society in which even upholders of the law either punish innocents or blow relatively trivial crimes out of proportion and torture the offenders.
That is correct. One need only sheaf through Basil Fernando's harrowing "Narrative of Justice in Sri Lanka" to realize that this country is chock-a-block with glaring instances of injustice and disproportionate punishment meted out against innocents.
The message given to students when they are punished out of proportion, quite obviously, is that there shouldn't be recourse to appeal when authority is involved, or in other words, that authority figures are beyond reproach and hence, even if a crime was not committed, some past sin may have compelled the student to be pulled up and punished (the reference to past sins takes a new dimension when considering the attitude of compliance fostered in Sri Lanka, perhaps a result of the privileged status of Buddhism and multiculturalism).
Do these arguments indicate in any way the primeval, sadistic urges of those who mete out such punishments? Not necessarily. It's reasonable to surmise that far from enjoying the infliction of those punishments, the teachers involved are driven by an honest desire to retain discipline and efficiency in an institution which is by default run on uniformity and standardized procedures. That however doesn't license the continuity of harsh sanctions thrown at students, if such sanctions result in their dignity being compromised on considerably. In simpler terms, we can conclude: The discourse against corporal punishment has mainly to do with the individuality of the child.
Caning and floggings
The arguments for it, by comparison, are more colourful and varied. Responses on this count range from 'If I were not caned, I would not be where I am today' or 'The teacher punished me for a reason, which made me a better human being' to 'Children need to be disciplined in order to adapt them for the life to come after school.' 'Spare the rod and spoil the child' is a frequently quoted line tossed out to justify caning and floggings, while the discourse against them is generally pooh-poohed on the grounds that it's a 'Western disease' (that is not a term I made up and that is a term that a distinguished writer and commentator used to defend those for punishment).
The main problem with these arguments, one can correctly infer, is that they are coloured by an artificial dichotomy between the East and the West. In other words, those for corporal punishment think that their opponents are Westernized and are considered more 'enlightened' than them. That helps explain why they believe that corporal punishment is a Sri Lankan (or 'Eastern') method of instilling discipline, or why they believe that its abolition in the West (in particular, Britain and the United States) has led to a deterioration of values (whatever that means) in that part of the world.
This compels two points or problems.
Education system
The first is the assertion that our educational system from its inception privileged caning and other forms of physical punishment is only half-true. Historical records do not show whether our Pirivenas ever institutionalized caning and flogging the way they have been today. In fact one of the biggest myths surrounding this side of the debate is that caning is endemic to Sri Lanka and other Asian countries. While the ramrod austerity of Confucianism can explain the rigidity of the educational systems in East Asian countries, that hardly explains the contemporary fascination with corporal punishment here.
The second is while historical records do not bear out the view of these commentators over Pirivenas institutionalizing physical punishment, they do point at how those who invaded this country privileged caning, flogging, and kneeling down as preferred sanctions for errors and crimes in the classroom. More than the Portuguese and the Dutch, it was the British who pioneered the modern educational system in Sri Lanka. Until their arrival, we were complete strangers to the concept of public schools: needless to say, it is in these public schools that the image of the bespectacled, old principal holding the rattan cane was first formed.
Let's not forget, after all, that the sections in the penal code absolving teachers were authored by Englishmen, not 'natives.' Let's not also forget that inasmuch as various circulars issued by those in charge of education policy here (in particular, the circulars of 1907 and of 1927, the latter being the first such issued by the Education Department on the subject) regulated the use of the cane and limited it to glaring instances of indiscipline, calls for abolition came much, much later, and could hardly be said to be 'Westernized.' That is why some believe that the culture of caning students excessively, like our puritanical attitude to sex and divorce, was a result of 'enlightened' laws drafted by Victorian men.
The debate
I suppose this makes the debate a tad easier to end: Are you for a system of laws written and enforced by Victorians, however enlightened they may have been, or are you for the calls for reform made by bodies that have evolved considerably from the Victorian era? Or in still other words, would you prefer to remain Westernized in the Victorian sense of that term or Westernized in the modern, civilized sense of that term? I abhor such simplifications, but for purposes of clarity I suspect that is what makes out for the ultimate resolution of this debate.

Usaviya Nihandai A documentary based on fiction?


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By C. A. Chandraprema-

Prasanna Vitanage’s new film ‘Usaviya Nihandai’ has run into controversy with the Colombo District Court issuing an interim injunction order banning the screening of this film on an application made by a former Magistrate Lenin Ratnayake. We have had movies based on the life stories or the deeds and misdeeds of various criminals like Maru Sira, Yakadaya and Saradiel but this was the first time a film had been based on the alleged misdeeds of a Magistrate. The word ‘alleged’ has to be used here because the controversy that this film has run into is based on the contention that the misdeeds that this Magistrate is supposed to have committed have never been proved. This film is not presented to the public as a work of creative fiction but as a documentary based on real events.

The trailer of the film features Victor Ivan and lawyer Kalyananda Tiranagama giving their opinions on how serious the Magistrate’s alleged misdeeds were. Little wonder that the former Magistrate concerned, Lenin Ratnayake who is now a practicing lawyer had gone to courts seeking a permanent injunction banning it. This controversy once again brings into focus issues relating to the media and the judiciary which had been under discussion in the past few weeks in connection with scurrilous and defamatory statements against judges made in the alternative media especially websites.

The film is based on a headline story published in the Ravaya in 1999 stating that the then Baddegama Magistrate Lenin Ratnayake had been found guilty of all charges brought against him before a three-member committee comprising of Appeal Court judges appointed by the Judicial Services Commission to go into allegations made by the Ravaya against the Magistrate. The charges related to the following.

1. Summoning a female suspect by the name of Jayantha Gunawardena Menike to his chambers through a lawyer on 17 December 1999 and having sexual intercourse with her.

2. After the victim had fallen ill following this incident, sending a vehicle and getting her down to an unspecified place, threatening her with a pistol and once again having sexual relations with her.

3. Taking one W. B. M. Kamalawathie, (the wife of a suspect named Chandana Pushparuwan being tried before him) to the Gampola Rest House on the pretext of recording a secret statement from her and having sexual relations with her.

4. Concealing from the Judicial Services Commission the fact that when he was an employee of the Ceylon Insurance Corporation he had been found guilty of fraud and dismissed from his job.

Last Sunday, Victor Ivan had once again stated that the allegations made by him against Lenin Ratnayake were correct and that the latter had been found guilty of all charges by the committee appointed by the Judicial Services Commission. He had said that he himself, and W. B. M. Kamalawathie, Chandana Pushparuwan, Jayantha Gunawardena Menike, B. Abesinghe (Kamalawathie’s husband) lawyer M.S.M Faiz and Police Inspector Wimalaratne de Silva and W. Mihindukula, Nimal Wijesuriya, lawyer Tissa R. Balalla, on behalf of the Insurance Corporation, had given evidence.

In last week’s reaffirmation Ivan wrote that according to lawyer Faiz Mohamed’s evidence, when he went to the Magistrate’s chambers, Ratnayake had been alone with Jayantha Gunawardena Menike and one sash of the door had been closed and the other covered by a curtain and another lawyer had been standing outside. Ivan stated that it was the lawyer standing outside who had ‘pimped’ for Ratnayake. President’s Counsel Hemantha Warnakulasuriya has a different take on this. He says that at the original stages, he too had been misled into thinking that Lenin Ratnayake had been found guilty of all the allegations made in the Ravaya and that he too had written about it in his own column ‘Mudliar’ in the Sunday Times.

Warnakulasuriya says that he was lucky that Lenin Ratnayake did not sue him or the Sunday Times for defamation at that time because there is no evidence to prove that Ratnayake had been held guilty by the three member committee of Appeal Court judges of the allegations mentioned in the Ravaya. It should be noted that Prasanna Vitanage’s documentary is not based on the dismissal of a Magistrate but on the specific allegation that he had engaged in non-consensual or coerced sexual relations with a female suspect and also with the wife of another suspect. At least according to the trailer, it is the sexual aspect that seems to be emphasised. Lenin Ratnayake was in fact removed from the judiciary by the JSC following the inquiry that was initiated against him.

What is under serious contention is whether he was found guilty of the allegations made by the Ravaya especially the charges of sexual misconduct. Warnakulasuriya says that if three judges of the Court of Appeal who did the preliminary inquiry into the allegations against Lenin Ratnayake had found that the latter had been blackmailing suspects and the wives of suspects in cases being heard before him into having sexual relations, they would have on their own instructed the police to carry out an investigation. Warnakulasuriya says that he too had been professionally negligent back then to have declared Lenin Ratnayake guilty of sexual misconduct in his own writings to the Sunday Times.

In fact back in 1999, when Ravaya carried that headline story that Lenin Ratnayake had been found guilty of all allegations made in the Ravaya by a three-member committee of Appeal Court judges appointed by the Judicial Services Commission, the Acting Secretary of the JSC put out a statement saying that consequent to a preliminary inquiry conducted by a committee comprising of three Appeal Court judges, Magistrate Lenin Ratnayake had been sent on compulsory leave and that this preliminary inquiry was held to determine whether there were grounds for the JSC to commence disciplinary proceedings against Lenin Ratnayake pursuant to the allegations made in the Ravaya. The JSC explained that the preliminary inquiry was now over and that a charge sheet was being considered and that if anybody was suggesting that Mr Ratnayake should be dismissed before a disciplinary inquiry proper was held, that was unacceptable. The statement said that the JSC would not act in an arbitrary and unreasonable manner in violation the fundamental rights guaranteed to every individual in the Constitution.

Warnakulasuriya says that the records of the case filed by Lenin Ratnayake against Swarnavahini for broadcasting comments made by Victor Ivan indicate that Ivan did not have evidence to prove that Ratnayake had been found guilty of the sexual misconduct allegations by the three=member committee of Appeal Court judges. Quoting the Swarnavahini case proceedings, Warnakulasuriya says that when Ivan was asked to produce evidence that Ratnayake had been found guilty of improper sexual conduct with two women, Ivan had said that he did not have any documents to prove that the committee of three Appeal Court judges had found Ratnayake guilty of the charges but that he had written to the then Chief Justice to obtain a copy of the committee report and that he had a letter written to him by an Acting Chief Justice.

When the lawyer for Ratnayake in cross examining Ivan suggested that the Judicial Services Commission had presented a charge sheet against Ratnayake which did not contain any of the allegations made in the Ravaya, Ivan replied that he did not know about that. The Ravaya headline story which inspired Usaviya Nihandai was based on what was supposed to be the findings of the three-member committee of Appeal Court Judges which as the JSC explained, was only a preliminary investigation to find out whether there were sufficient grounds to institute a disciplinary inquiry against Lenin Ratnayake. The contents of the report submitted by the committee of three Appeal Court Judges of the preliminary inquiry and the final charge sheet presented to Lenin Ratnayake by the Judicial Services Commission are unknown. If Ratnayake had been found guilty of the charges of sexual misconduct by a committee appointed by the Judicial Services Commission it seems highly improbable that the matter would not have been reported to the police for further action.

So the question that now hangs over Prasanna Vitanage’s purported documentary film on judicial misconduct is whether it is based on fiction?

President’s speech and India’s concern

2016-10-19

Subsequent to the controversial statement made by President Maithripala Sirisena that summoning Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the Navy Commanders to Court regarding the Avant Garde Accusation was wrong, the following day which was Thursday, Indian High Commissioner Y.K. Sinha had met Maithri. Although sources from the Indian High Commission said the meeting was to discuss Maithri's trip to India, we cannot say whether Maithri's controversial speech was also subject to discussion on that occasion.
India is a country that has an eye on the behaviour of the Security Forces of Sri Lanka. The reason is Sri Lanka is a neighbouring country to India. When the Indo-Lanka Agreement was being signed, JR feared that the Army in Sri Lanka will carry out a conspiracy against the Agreement. The reason was Minister of National Security Lalith Athulathmudali who was in charge of the Army was strongly opposed, on policy, to this agreement. If JR could not control the Army and some chaos ensued, JR's most trusted Minister Ronnie De Mel had asked the then Indian Prime Minister Rajiv whether he could send the Indian Peace Keeping Force. When the Indo-Lanka Agreement was signed, Rajiv sent Indian military ships to Colombo to protect JR's Government.

When the war ended in 2009, Army Commander General Fonseka went to the North and delivered a controversial statement. That is, that he will not permit the land that the Army freed to be subject to a political solution. Subsequent to this statement of his, Mahinda suspected whether an Army conspiracy could take place opposing his government. Army Intelligence Divisions which had fallen out with Fonseka, handed over reports to Mahinda Rajapaksa that Sarath Fonseka was planning on carrying out something like that. Kapila Hendavitharana who was in charge of the Army Intelligence Division was entangled in conflict with Fonseka. Mahinda believed in the reports of Kapila. As soon as Mahinda received thee reports he summoned the Indian High Commissioner Alok Prasad at dead of night to Temple Trees.

Controversial statement

Mahinda inquired from Alok Prasad where he could arrange for the assistance of the Indian Army in order to protect his government if by chance an Army Conspiracy took place. At that juncture Alok Prasad spoke to India and got down ships of the Indian Navy to Colombo.

Civil Society Activist Professor Sarath Wijesuriya said that Maithri made the controversial statement about Gotabaya and the Navy Commanders recently based on false reports handed to him by Intelligence sectors that there was a wave of anti-government sentiments within the Army. During the past when Intelligence sources handed over their reports against Fonseka to mislead Mahinda, he did not shout it out in public. He requested the assistance of India and later removed Fonseka from the post of Army Commander. If Maithri made that statement based on those reports, it is a very dangerous situation. The reason is a tremor was experienced within the government and the image of the President was also damaged. If Intelligence divisions are attempting to take over the administration of the country by handing over Intelligence reports to the President, the room for Sri Lanka too, to become a victim of the tragedy that has taken place today in Pakistan where Army Intelligence sources control the Presidents of Pakistan, is very real.

In his controversial statement Maithri said that if there are no accusations against the Army Intelligence Division Officers who have been taken into custody regarding the murders of Journalists Lasantha and Prageeth, they should be released. One day after he made this statement, a Sergeant Major committed suicide accepting the blame that he committed the murder of Lasantha and requesting that the Intelligence Division Officer who is in custody right now in connection with the murder be released. While Maithri requested that he be released if there are no accusations based on Intelligence Division Reports, a Seargeant Major has committed suicide requesting that he be released.

This is a very dangerous situation. While a retired Sergeant Major says that he killed Lasantha, and information has been revealed that he was deployed in Army service even after his retirement, there is suspicion regarding an invisible hand that is in operation within the Army. If Maithri does not clear out the pawns of Gotabaya and cleanse the Army and take control into his hands, huge destruction is at hand. If Maithri becomes a prisoner of these invisible hands, it would not be possible to prevent Sri Lanka becoming another Pakistan.

Here, it is valuable for Maithri to identify the war heroes and the Rajapaksas or the Army personnel who carried out the contracts of the Rajapaksas. If he cannot identify them, it would be degradation of war heroes who served the country and not of those who worked on behalf of the Rajapaksas during the war.

The Punishment for Crime

justice-courts-legal-system

Buddhists believe in the Middle Path – the ethic to balance a basic need for law and order with their principles of compassion and forgiveness. Thus Buddhist teachings show no sympathy for physical punishment, no matter how bad the crime.
by Victor Cherubim 

( October 20, 2016, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) We live in a changing society where almost every whim and fancy of human nature is tolerated and accepted. But it is not so, in many countries and cultures.

In Indonesia, President Joko Widodo recently said: “our constitution respects human rights, but when it comes to sexual crimes, there is no compromise. We are the largest Muslim nation and we have religious norms which have to be obeyed”.

Indonesia has passed controversial laws after fierce debate in parliament earlier this month allowing chemical castration for paedophiles. The “Stop Kekerasan Seksual” campaign has won the day.
“Chemical castration is the use of drugs to reduce sex drive and libido, without sterilisation or removing organs”.

But Indonesian medical profession say it will not work. Chemical castration is not completely irreversible, after release from prison a person can reverse it with hormone therapy. It is against medical ethics and it is against human rights.

In Philippines, another South East Asian nation, Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte says: “kill all drug dealers” His method of solving the drug war is simple, curb demand and supply by killing off drug dealers. What may happen if as he promised his people that he would look the other way and give law enforcement agencies the power to kill criminals, especially suspected drug dealers?

This 71 year old President is making waves across the world with his borderline methods. What would happen if Philippines is purged of drugs?

In Sri Lanka, we are told smoking cigarettes is at a premium. But Kerala Bedi is allowed to flood in across the Palk Strait and is the talk of the town. Do the medics object to this? Has there been a campaign to stop all forms of smoking?

We have seen and are seeing various types of get tough polices on crime being promoted in different parts of the world.

The Culture of Punishment 

Judges have several tools beside incarceration to punish criminals, including probation, fines, restitution, and community service. We know that crimes are punished according to seriousness of the act and often take into consideration criminal history of the individual.

In a sense or in essence, punishment is a “loss of liberty.” But we cannot forget that basic rights must also be protected. Simultaneously, punishment is to deter future crime and to extract retribution.

In the book “The Culture of Punishment,” Michelle Brown goes beyond the prison gates and into the routine and popular engagements of everyday life, showing that those of us who are most distanced from the practice of punishment, tend to be particularly harsh in our judgments.

Where culture and punishment meet in everyday life, on the TV, movies, wars and destruction, we are aroused to seek what Dostoevsky underlined that punishment must fit the crime and not the criminal.
Can you stop the growth of crime?

Victorians in England firmly believed in punishing criminals, but faced a problem what the punishment should be?

Every religion has specific teachings and attitudes to wrongdoing.

Buddhists believe in the Middle Path – the ethic to balance a basic need for law and order with their principles of compassion and forgiveness. Thus Buddhist teachings show no sympathy for physical punishment, no matter how bad the crime.

Will Man’s “Superiority” Be This Ultimate Undoing? 


Colombo Telegraph
By Lasantha Pethiyagoda –October 21, 2016
Lasantha Pethiyagoda
Lasantha Pethiyagoda
A long time ago, our ancestors were insignificant animals that roamed the Earth alongside other animals. Prehistoric humans were unimportant, but today in contrast, we think we control this planet.
In everything we do, we act with a sense of superiority to other animals, although our “Human-ness” is questionable in terms of superiority. Furthermore, we fail individually in our survival skills if we only had nature at our disposal, in contrast to a wild animal which will generally succeed.
Humans have succeeded only when acting collectively towards outcomes determined by themselves, rather than dictated by natural needs. In contrast, social animals succeed collectively only in their rigidly predetermined roles, and lack the capacity to chart optional paths, although ingenuity in achieving naturally determined outcomes do exist.
In stark contrast, modern humans can collectively achieve marvelous results with the ability to cooperate flexibly through sophisticated communication networks. For this, unlike for animals, humans do not need any intimate knowledge of all their cooperating partners. Humans therefore easily control much of the world.
Through this capacity to communicate, we are able to manufacture technology, go to war and create industries based on needs that are planted in the human mind through mass communication. Thus, humans manage to cultivate powerful fictions that are based on the imagination.
We develop morals, principles and belief systems based on the delicate manipulation of our thinking minds and biological dictates. So, millions of humans across vast tracts of land start adhering to what they believe to be correct, true or beneficial.
It naturally follows, that as long as everybody believes in the same set of ideas, everybody obeys and follows the same rules, the same norms, the same values that define the set of beliefs.
As mentioned earlier, humans communicate not just to describe their perceived realities such as anger, hunger, love or frustration but to entice others to cooperate in an ideal or norm that has been created specifically for control.
Religious beliefs are one of the most obvious outcomes of this creation of an ideal and the conditioning of the mind in its pursuit. Lesser beliefs can include a dream home, a certain qualification or achievement etc that promises benefits. Whereas in the material world we often realise the benefits, the afterlife is a completely different notion altogether, where realization can never be proven or demonstrated.