Deadly earthquake rocks central Italy; dozens dead, hundreds missing

At least 120 people were killed after a 6.2-magnitude earthquake and a series of strong aftershocks struck the region.

By Stefano Pitrelli and Anthony Faiola August 24

AMATRICE, Italy — In this ancient town laid waste in seconds, Sister Mariana Lleshi, 35, walked the rubble-strewn streets in a daze. A patch of white gauze was taped to her forehead. Behind her stood the ruins of her convent — flattened by the 6.2-magnitude earthquake that slammed Italy’s heartland Wednesday.

Twenty women — mostly nuns, and a few lay residents — went to bed there Tuesday. By late Wednesday, seven were still missing, part of a far larger tragedy unfolding in this Mediterranean nation. As rescuers searched the debris with dogs, a nearby policeman shook his head. “Just look at it,” he said, shrugging at the devastation in lost hope.

A powerful 6.2-magnitude earthquake ripped through towns in central Italy in the middle of the night on Aug. 24, leaving fatalities and rubble in its wake. Rescuers are frantically working to reach survivors trapped in collapsed buildings and beyond blocked roads. (Jenny Starrs/The Washington Post)

The quake struck at 3:36 a.m. — as townspeople across central Italy slept. “I remember hearing something, a loud noise, and then hiding under my bed,” Lleshi said. “I was screaming, and I got out and started running when the ceiling started coming down.”

A young man who was staying overnight at the convent found her in the chaos and guided her to safety. “All I could see was destruction around me,” she said. “I had lost all hope to get out of this alive, but God sent me his messenger.”

On Wednesday, many others across a vast swath of earthquake-prone Italy were not as fortunate. At least 120 people died in the quake, a death toll that could jump as search crews rake through the rubble in cities, towns and villages across the regions of Lazio, Umbria and the Marches. Hundreds were injured and missing. Thousands were left homeless.

“No family or village or town will be left alone,” Prime Minister Matteo Renzi said in a national address. Saying Italy would vigorously accelerate the ongoing rescue effort, he pledged that “we will continue to find people alive.”

[The world’s deadliest earthquakes since 2000]

This part of Italy — known for its gently sloping vineyards and olive groves, and its precious towns of cobblestone streets — was already confronting a plague of economic stagnation, its population aging and decreasing. Not as rich as Italy’s north or as aid-worthy as its poorer south, it is a part of the country where investment in infrastructure lags.

Yet the vacation month of August is when the area’s towns come alive with part-time residents and tourists — a fact that officials said could drive the death toll up.

Buildings swayed from Rome to Venice. But large parts of Amatrice — a town of 2,700 known for supplying the chefs of popes and the recipe for one of Italy’s greatest pasta dishes — were left in total ruin. Amatrice was among the worst hit, part of a list of unlucky towns including Accumoli, Posta and Arquata del Tronto.

This weekend, Amatrice was to host the 50th-annual Spaghetti Amatriciana Festival — a celebration of its famous tomato-and-pork-jowl pasta dish scheduled for the town square. That square is now a pile of rubble, and Amatrice is counting its dead.

The 15th-century main gate to the town — which resisted invasions and past earthquakes — crumbled.

Italian rescue workers searched for survivors among debris in the rural town of Capodacqua August 24, after an earthquake that struck central Italy devastated the town. (Reuters)

Two cathedrals, from the 14th and 15th centuries, collapsed.

“We were used to earthquakes, but now the town is no more,” said Amatrice Mayor Sergio Pirozzi. “We will keep on digging. Hope is the last to go.”

In town, people draped in white blankets stood shellshocked next to destroyed buildings. Aerial views of before-and-after pictures showed the magnitude of the destruction.

On the town’s dusty, devastated streets Wednesday, the bell tower clock was still stuck at 3:36 a.m. Three women walked on restlessly, one of them in a panicked search for her fiance. All around, rescuers plucked away at rubble with heavy machinery, pickaxes and bare hands.

At one point, 10 men with a search dog pinpointed a possible survivor — or body — buried in the rubble. They labored feverishly in the debris of a gutted building.

There were moments of relief and joy — several survivors, including a small girl, were pulled alive from debris. But random scenes of tragedy also unfolded. A man ran across a street, shouting in pain to a friend. He simply said, “Marco, he’s dead.”

And there were heroics. “My brother, he risked his life to try to save his wife,” said distraught resident Nunzia Onori, 55. “He ran back into the house to save her while it was collapsing. He tried so hard. But she did not make. It makes you want to cry.”

Yet many here mourned for the town itself — for so much history lost.

“It’s horrific, horrific. Everything has been stolen from us — from an economic perspective, a social perspective and a cultural perspective,” said Luca Faccenda, 65.

[Why the earthquake in Italy was so destructive]

The main earthquake, a shallow six miles below ground, was centered about 106 miles northeast of Rome. A string of aftershocks as strong as magnitude 5.5 continued to hit the affected zone, and the damage was far flung, with some of the worst devastation in Lazio.

In Accumoli, another hard-hit town in Lazio, Mayor Stefano Petrucci described extensive damage and casualties.

“Four people are under the rubble, but they are not showing any sign of life, two parents and two children,” the mayor told the RAI news outlet.

Authorities called on residents in affected provinces to avoid congesting roadways, to help rescue workers. Appeals were issued for blood as hospitals dealt with a rush of earthquake victims. The Vatican dispatched its fire brigade.

Speaking in St. Peter’s Square in Vatican City, Pope Francis said: “I cannot but express my great pain and say I am with the people in all the places stricken by this earthquake.”

The earthquake evoked memories of 2009, when a 6.3-magnitude quake struck farther south, killing more than 300 people. That quake was centered around L’Aquila, about 54 miles south of the latest quake.

Rémy Bossu, head of the European-Mediterranean Seismological Center in France, said shallow earthquakes of this magnitude were not highly unusual in the zone hit Wednesday. In addition to the L’Aquila earthquake, another hit Umbria and the Marches in 1997 that severely damaged the famous Basilica of Saint Francis of Assisi.

He said the main problems in the area were widespread older buildings that cannot withstand earthquakes of this magnitude.

“The problem is that the [earthquake-proof] building code only applies to new buildings,” Bossu said. “To retrofit an old building is a very complex and costly operation. So it's only done for key buildings, such as hospitals.”

In Amatrice, many of the buildings were not reinforced to withstand earthquakes of this size — including the 1940s convent with the missing residents.

Even as the searches continued at the convent late into the night, there were no immediate signs of hope. Church officials said many women had still not yet been found.

Human beings “are fragile, vulnerable to danger,” said Domenico Pompili, the local bishop. “This is a time of challenge, a time for rescue and a time for prayer.”

Faiola reported from London. Stephanie Kirchner in Berlin and James McAuley in Paris contributed to this report.

Myanmar earthquake kills three, damages scores of ancient temples

A damaged pagoda is seen after an earthquake in Bagan, Myanmar August 24, 2016. REUTERS/Stringer-Two men look at a collapsed entrance of a pagoda after an earthquake in Bagan, Myanmar August 24, 2016. REUTERS/Stringer

Rubble is seen after an earthquake in Bagan, Myanmar August 24, 2016. REUTERS/Stringer-A damaged pagoda is seen after an earthquake in Bagan, Myanmar August 24, 2016. REUTERS/Stringer

 Wed Aug 24, 2016 

A powerful earthquake shook central Myanmar on Wednesday, killing at least three people including two children, and damaging scores of centuries-old Buddhist pagodas around the ancient capital of Bagan.

The 6.8 magnitude quake shook buildings across the Southeast Asian country, with tremors felt as far away as Thailand - where witnesses reported high rise towers swaying in Bangkok - Bangladesh and eastern India.

"We felt quite heavy shaking for about 10 seconds and started to evacuate the building when there was another strong tremor," said Vincent Panzani of charity Save the Children.

He spoke from Pakkoku, a small town about 25 km (15 miles) northeast of Bagan, the centrepiece of Myanmar's rapidly expanding tourism industry.

The U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) said the quake struck near the town of Chauk, on the Ayeyarwaddy River south of Bagan and about 175 km (110 miles) southwest of the country's second city Mandalay, just after 5 p.m. (1030 GMT).

Fire department and Red Cross officials said two children were killed in the small town of Yenanchaung, south of Chauk.

"Two young girls died when a pagoda collapsed on a river bank," said Moe Thidar Win, deputy director of the disaster management team at the Myanmar Red Cross Society.

"One man died in a Pakokku tobacco factory when the roof collapsed on him."

In Bagan, known as the "City of 4 Million Pagodas", one female tourist was injured at a pagoda, said local official Khin Mya Lwin.

The Ministry of Information said nearly 100 of Bagan's famed pagodas, mostly built between the 11th and 13th centuries, had been damaged.

Bagan has around 2,000-3,000 pagodas and temples, spread over a 42-sq km plain ringed by mist-covered mountains. It rivals Cambodia's Angkor Wat and Borobudur in Indonesia as Asia's premier archaeological site.

SCENES OF PANIC

Elsewhere, damage appeared to have been relatively light, although reports were still filtering through as night fell.

"My house shook during the quake. Many people were scared and they ran out of the buildings," said Maung Maung Kyaw, a local official of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party in Chauk.

"Some of the old buildings have cracks. The biggest damage is to the bank building in the town."

The quake struck at a relatively deep 84 km (52 miles), the USGS said.

"Most of the reports of damage have been to the pagodas in the area, with dozens impacted, particularly around Bagan," said Save the Children's Panzani in Pakkoku.

"There have also been reports of damage to smaller, more basic buildings... Several of our staff who've lived in this part of Myanmar their whole lives said it was the strongest earthquake they've ever felt."

The quake shook buildings in Myanmar's biggest city, Yangon, and in other towns and cities, witnesses said.

Office buildings in the Thai capital Bangkok, to the east of Myanmar, shook for a few seconds, residents there said.

The quake was also felt in Bangladesh, to the west of Myanmar, where some people ran out into the street as buildings shook, residents said.

Myanmar is in a seismically active part of the world where the Indo-Australian Plate runs up against the Eurasian Plate.

In March, 2011, at least 74 people were killed in an earthquake near its borders with Thailand and Laos.

More than half of Bagan's pagodas were seriously damaged in a July 1975 earthquake that sent the landmark Buphaya Pagoda tumbling into the Ayeyarwaddy.

(Reporting by Yangon and Bangkok bureaus; Writing by Robert Birsel and Antoni Slodkowski; Editing by Alex Richardson and John Stonestreet)

Conjoined twins die after Syrian government 'fails to give travel documents'

Aid worker tells MEE that this case reflects how the international community has failed the children of Syria

Teams from Syrian Arab Red Crescent look after Moaz and Nawras who were born on 23 July (SARC)

Areeb Ullah-Wednesday 24 August 2016 

Two conjoined baby boys who were evacuated from a rebel-held Damascus suburb for emergency treatment earlier this month died on Wednesday morning after the Syrian government failed to provide documents in time, aid workers said. 

Moaz and Nawras were born on 23 July in a hospital run by the international charity Doctors Without Borders (MSF), in a rebel-held suburb of Eastern Ghouta that has been under a government siege since 2013.

The babies were unable to receive life-saving surgery as local hospitals in Eastern Ghouta did not have the necessary equipment to perform the surgery. The boys were eventually moved to Damascus by the Syrian Arab Red Crescent around 13 August, but aid workers say that precious time was lost and the government failed to issue further travel documents that would have allowed the babies to go abroad to receive emergency surgery. 

Many Western and Arab governments offered to help evacuate the twins and their family, but Syrian opposition activists claim that the Syrian Minister of Foreign Affairs did not sign off on their documents.

"The Syrian government took long to reply because the babies were born in opposition held areas," Mohamad Katoub, an aid worker from the Syrian American Medical Society (SAMS) who started the social media campaign to help evacuate the twins, told Middle East Eye. 

"Everyone around the world offered their help to evacuate the babies, but people outside of Syria don't understand that you need permission to travel outside of Syria for treatment.

"[The] French Ministry of Foreign Affairs offered to give French Travel documents instead of Syrian documents, as did the Saudis and Americans when they contacted us."

Image by aid worker and humanitarian Mohamad Katoub (@aboali_majed)

The boys were among 20 patients who needed emergency evacuation from East Ghouta in an edict published by the World Health Organisation earlier this month. 

"We had every single detail of the plan of how to have the boys be evacuated down but the only thing that was missing was permission from the Syrian minister of Foreign Affairs," Katoub said. 

"This case is one example that reflects how the international community and humanitarian world have failed the children of Syria." 

HIV effort let down by test shortages, says WHO

24 August 2016

A shortage of HIV testing could undermine global efforts to diagnose and treat people with the infection, warn experts from the World Health Organization.

They looked at responses to annual surveys that the WHO had sent to 127 countries between 2012 and 2014 asking about capacity and usage of blood tests that check HIV status and health.

They found worrying gaps in provision.

They warn that United Nation targets for HIV could be missed as a result.

The targets say that by 2020, 90% of all people living with HIV should know their HIV status, 90% of those diagnosed should receive antiretroviral therapy and 90% of these treated patients should have "durable viral suppression" (a measure of effective treatment).

Laboratory testing is vital to meet and monitor these aims.

But Vincent Habiyambere and his colleagues say in the journal PLoS Medicine that some low and middle-income countries, including African countries where the HIV burden is high, are not yet geared up for the challenge.

The surveys were sent to:

• all 47 countries in the WHO African Region

• 33 countries in the WHO Region of the Americas

• all 21 countries in the WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region

• eight high-burden HIV countries in the WHO European Region

• all 11 countries in the WHO South-East Asia Region

• seven high-burden HIV countries in the WHO Western Pacific Region

Over the three survey years, 55 (43%) countries responded to all three surveys, 35 (28%) to two surveys, 25 (20%) to one survey, and nine (7%) responded to none of the three surveys.

Testing provision did improve over the years, but shortfalls remained in some parts of the world.

Worrying gaps

Reasons for the gaps in provision included lack of reagents, equipment not being installed or maintained properly and inadequate or absent staff training. In some laboratories, machines were not serviced regularly. In others, machines broke down and were not covered by contracts to be serviced or fixed.

Dr Habiyambere and his team say: "A national laboratory strategic plan to strengthen services must be developed, implemented, and monitored by governments and their national and international partners.

"The focus of the international community, to ensure optimal use of laboratory technologies, should be on those countries where interventions for scaling up access to HIV diagnostic technologies are most needed."

They acknowledge that they did not look at private sector testing and that some countries might rely more heavily on this than others.

In an accompanying editorial, HIV experts Peter Kilmarx and Raiva Simbi say the findings show some programmes may have been "overly focused" on buying equipment without planning for how it would be used and maintained.

In Zimbabwe, for example, only 5.6% of HIV patients on drug treatment in 2015 received regular blood checks to monitor their viral load - far fewer than the goal of 21%.

This was largely down to problems with resource mobilisation and specimen transport as well as equipment procurement, they say.

"Strong leadership, resources, planning, and management are needed to scale up laboratory services," they conclude.

Sri Lanka's Human Rights Commission asks government to dispel rumors about office of missing persons

• Dr.Deepika Udagama

By P K Balachandran-22nd August 2016


COLOMBO: The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL)  said here on Monday, that there  is an “urgent need” for a public awareness campaign to dispel rumors and counter misleading and inaccurate information being placed in the public domain on the Office of Missing Persons (OMP) which is to be set up shortly having attained parliamentary approval.

“ A concerted effort is required to create understanding and a sense of ownership amongst the public in this regard,” HRCSL’s  chairperson, Dr.Deepika Udagama, said.

The OMP is being opposed tooth and nail by Sinhalese nationalists led by the Joint Opposition group in the Sri Lankan parliament. They allege that it will pave the way for the persecution of the heroic personnel of the Sri Lankan armed forces who had defeated the Tamil Tigers to rid the country of terrorism and separatism. The opposition led by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa also feels that the OMP is being established at the instance of the US and the West, before which the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe regime is allegedly genuflecting.  

On what the OMP should be like, HRCSL chairperson Dr.Udagama said that it has to reach out to families of the disappeared and provide them information about the institution through multiple means in all three languages.

“An important means of ensuring accessibility as well as create public ownership is to establish regional offices of the OMP.  Further, the membership of the OMP should reflect the pluralistic nature of Sri Lanka, including meaningful gender as well as regional representation. Members should be persons of unimpeachable integrity and competence,” she said.

“ When establishing the office particular attention has to be paid to the recruitment of staff to ensure they are persons of unimpeachable integrity, have no prior allegations of human rights violations against them, and have the ability to be empathetic to the needs and concerns of victims and the families of the disappeared. In this regard too adequate gender, ethnic, and regional representation should be ensured as well as language proficiency since the ability to serve the various communities in a language they understand is critically important.”

“The staff should be provided training in gender sensitivity, since most of the complainants are women, as well as how to deal with victims who have suffered trauma,” Dr.Udagama said.

“ To ensure transparency, the OMP has to formulate and widely publicize information on its methods of operations and procedures to which it adheres, including rules regarding confidentiality, guidance to families on how to approach the OMP and their rights in relation to obtaining information regarding progress of their complaint.”

“The OMP should have personnel who are qualified to provide on-site psycho-social support to those who require it, for instance, during or after making statements to the OMP. Every effort should be made to avoid re-traumatization of the victims.”

Certificate of Absence

On the issuance of the Certificate of Absence (COA), the concerned families have to be made aware of their rights in this regard. Given previous reports of families of the disappeared being coerced to apply for death certificates, it is important to ensure they are in no way subject to any form of coercion to opt for a death certificate instead of a COA, Dr.Udagama said.

“The COA should be valid for a reasonable period of time to allow for the investigation of the disappearance and the person's fate. If investigations are on-going the COA should be valid until investigations conclude. Since both the OMP Act as well as the proposed Registration of Deaths (Temporary Provisions) Bill refer to the COA, it should be ensured the definitions and processes set out in both laws are consistent and provide maximum benefit to families of the disappeared.”

Witness Protection

The OMP Act envisages a Victims of Crime and Witness Assistance and Protection Division. On this Dr.Udagama said: “When establishing the Division, given limited internal relocation options within the country whether public skepticism that they will receive protection from existing mechanisms, the OMP should find feasible alternatives that foster public trust and ensure protection to victims and witnesses. In order to do this the OMP will require adequate resources as well as support from government authorities at the highest levels.”

“Further, the OMP should establish an internal mechanism to address grievances of complainants regarding shortcomings in the functioning of the Office, which will enable the Office to strengthen its methods, functions and service to the public. Attention should be paid to achieving and establishing databases to document and preserve the work and records of previous commissions of inquiry as well as from diverse reliable sources after verification of facts to consolidate data on the disappeared and construct a single database.”

“Where data that has never been made public is concerned, the OMP should formulate and strictly adhere to protocols that preserve the integrity of the data and also protect the provider of the information who may be vulnerable to threats, including to physical integrity,” Dr.Udagama said.

Office Of Missing Persons What Is Behind?

by Ashanthi Warunasuirya- Monday, August 22, 2016

The government passed the Office of Missing Persons (OMP) Bill in parliament recently. Before and during the process, there were heated debates about the issue in parliament and amongst society. The controversy over this the OMP is still at large. While some say that the OMP is an attempt to take certain politicians and army personnel to the gallows, some others say that it is a positive step taken towards the long sought after reconciliation between the Tamils and the Sinhalese in the country. The opponents of the OMP also say that it has been given power to surpass the country’s present law and even power to take autonomous actions in certain circumstances. But the OMP proponents say that it has no such power but just the power enough to investigate alleged crimes and persons and submit relevant reports to the superiors. Amidst this OMP controversy, The Sunday Leader sought the comments of some prominent members of society on the issue.

Brito Fernando – Chairman, Association of the Parents and Family Members of the Disappeared

After 25 years, a government of Sri Lanka has promised the international community at Geneva that they will take steps to investigate disappeared people.
Accordingly, the government took steps such as signing the UN declaration against disappearance, setting up a task force and obtaining parliament’s approval to set up an Office for Missing Personnel (OMP). These steps can be regarded as positive developments towards keeping its promise. Although the government is not moving fast in this regard, we are optimistic about the future.

Certain extremists in the South including Mahinda Rajapaksa and Vasudeva Nanayakkara are trying to disrupt these proceedings by claiming that there are attempts made to take the army to the gallows. But if Mahinda and Vasu had brought in parliament a bill in 1989 against State sponsored abductions and executions, it would be the same bill as this one. As those who backed it then are against it today, people such as Mangala Samaraweera who backed it then is backing it still. As representatives of the family members of the disappeared, we are glad about the government’s decision. There are certain lapses in this Act. Especially, as to how these findings could be linked to justice and the steps the government should take with regard to compensation. But at this instance, we will stand by the government to defeat the agenda of racists.

It would have been better if the OMP was given some more power. We would propose for a better mechanism that would make use of the information received from the people. The government has promised to set up a separate bureau for this purpose. We urge the government to implement it soon.

It is a good sign that the government had agreed to look into the disappearances that had taken place since 1971 instead of 1989. Even the Geneva report had focused on the years – 2002 – 2009. The office would also look into the disappearances of military and police officers. This is a good step towards reconciliation. I see this as a central institution that could combine all disappearances. But we must keep in mind that this is going against the will of the racist politicians in both North and South. So we must try to make the best of it. By finding out the truth behind disappearances and by punishing those responsible for them, any future atrocity could be discouraged. It is a progressive step the government has taken by criminalizing forced disappearances. It sends a strong message to those who think of protecting these culprits to retain power. Further, the apologies made by Ranil Wickeremesinghe and Chandrika Kumaratunga to portray their honesty must be admired. The promise they have given about preventing such atrocities from taking place again in the country is good news for everyone.

——————————————————

Pubudu Jayagoda – General Secretary, Frontline Socialist Party

We have continuously said that there should be credible investigations into disappearances, killings and attacks during and after the war. The people deserve to know the truth about these alleged cases. The government had not claimed that there is a legal barrier against disclosing such information. They could have done a lot more under the existing legal framework. But they have not done anything during the past 1 1/2 years. In April 2012, comrade Kumar Gunarathnam was abducted. In November 2015, during an interview with the Sath Handa newspaper, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa admitted that he was involved in it. So we can see a clear crime here. We have so far made three complaints to the IGP about this issue. But to this date, nothing has been done. This is only one among many examples to show the government’s inefficiency.

Justice must be done to the disappeared. We are firm on the stance that the truth must be revealed. But we cannot be satisfied about the recent Act. The government must justify their decision to bring in new legislation after failing to execute even the existing laws. They must show the inadequacy of existing legal remedies. But instead, they have just brought in a new bill only to show off that they are committed to the task. At present Sri Lanka’s lack of democracy has been criticised by other countries. So, to secure foreign investments, the government has decided to set up this office. We see no genuine intention behind this measure in finding the truth. However, we will make complaints to this new office as well.

We have information about disappearances taken place since 1980’s. We also possess credible information about almost all the cases of disappearances taken place in Colombo and outstation areas during and after the war. After the present government assumed power, we have made hundreds of complaints about these cases. We even made a petition to the President. The government who kept mum in all those instances cannot be trusted in setting up a proper mechanism to find the truth about disappearances. So, we would continue our struggle forward. It is only by pressurizing the government we could win our demands. On the other hand, the Joint Opposition (JO) has said that the military would be betrayed by this measure. This is a joke. If that was the case, then it’s the politicians who commanded the army that has to be caught first. There may be a possibility of punishing those who had obeyed the commands while those who have given the command are set free. That is a political issue. However, we also oppose the opinion of the JO on preventing investigations into disappearances claiming that that they may affect war heroes.

However, we are strictly against the policy of the government in living off by selling the slogan that they are committed towards finding the truth. By doing these meaningless things without taking any progressive step to establish reconciliation, is only going to create more social problems in the long run. So far the government has taken no steps to change the minds of the people. We must now focus on laying down the foundation to future reconciliation. If the government tries to aggravate racism, that is going to be disadvantageous. We need a mechanism that is different from ordinary legislation. We are committed towards creating a social dialogue on the subject. We see no judicial powers vested on this entity. It is just another ‘investigative body’.

——————————————————-

Sandya Eknaligoda – Disappeared Journalist Prageeth Eknaligoda’s Wife

I took part in a discussion about this bill before it was brought in the parliament. There the issue of families of disappeared persons in both North and South were discussed. We made many suggestions to this mechanism. The main request was to change the name of the body. Unfortunately, our suggestions were not accepted. Generally, it is good that such an entity is set up. This provides some opportunity to look into the problems of the disappeared people’s families. However, still there are many weak points in this system; it is like what the pro Rajapaksa group is claiming about hunting down war heroes. This has been set up to do something progressive towards finding out what really happened to these disappeared people. Since it was the Rajapaksas who had allegedly ordered many of these disappearances, they are now against any investigation into the matter.

But there are several structural weaknesses in this system. Especially there is no space for the victims in this mechanism. We asked the government to consider the problems of these victims under this mechanism. But the entity that has been set up t cannot do anything helpful for the victims such as family members of the disappeared.

This is the beginning of a new institute. The appointments would be carried out by the President and duties for the office as well. The office and its officials would be given adequate authority. But still there is no judicial action or a compensation mechanism included in this Act. The only thing this office can do is to summon the witnesses and carrying out investigations. I have not studied this act thoroughly. But prima facie I see these lapses.

Still there is no clear idea as to what is going to happen after the investigation phase. So it is important to include the victims in this mechanism. In a country where literally nothing was done on this issue for many years, setting up this office is indeed a progressive step. What is important is to sustain this momentum.

Unfortunately, we were able to take part in the discussions only once before it was passed in parliament. Most of our suggestions have not been considered. We have clearly emphasized that the name should be changed to ‘forces disappearances’ as there are no voluntary disappearances in this problem. It is also important to look into cases that had taken place even before the war.

——————————————————

Ruki Fernando – Human Rights Activist

This was something promised by the Sri Lankan government to the international community. It is clear that over a hundred thousand people in the country have disappeared. Even the present government has claimed that over 65,000 people have disappeared since 1995. So far the family members of these disappeared people have not been given any answer to their plight. No one knows whether they are dead or alive, why they were abducted, or what had happened to them.

The main objective of this office for the disappeared is to find out the truth about these people. Since over a hundred thousand people have disappeared, finding out the truth and informing their families the truth is essential. Without doing that, we cannot have good hopes about the future.

But unfortunately I’m not yet clear about the structural format of this institute. As parliament has approved, the entity would consist of 7 members. They are to be given equal status of commissioners. Under their supervision, investigations are to be held into various issues such as mass graves and protecting the victims. It is also allowed to seek expert advice on the issue.

Knowing the truth is expected by all family members of these disappeared people. It is equally important to compensate these victims. In many a case, bread winner of the family disappeared. So the government has a responsibility to care for these family members as well.

——————————————————-

Keerthi Tennakoon – Executive Director, CaFFE

The basic structure and management concept of this mechanism has to be admired. This is going to execute a task that the people much yearned for many years. We strongly believe that this would be able to cater something positive unlike the previous government’s attempts. What we must not forget is that it is not only the Tamils in the North that have suffered disappearances. It is common to many Sinhala and Muslim families as well. It may be true that the most number of complaints about disappearances have been made by the Tamils. But there have been a lot of complaints made by other ethnic groups especially in Batticaloa and Vavuniya Districts. So justice must be equal to all.

Finding out the truth is an important aspect of any civilised society. People have a right to know the truth. For that, we must have a mechanism to find out the truth. Those who talk about truth, hardly know about it. It is only after knowing the truth, we could decide whether to punish the wrongdoers or not.  So, it is clear that the government has taken the first step towards justice, although it was long overdue. But we must be patient to see what happens next.

‘Sathhanda’ comes under Mandana!

 Aug 23, 2016

It is reported that the renowned senior journalist Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema, the current editor of the Sunday Leader newspaper has been appointed yesterday, the 22nd instant as the Chairman of the Peoples Power Media (Pvt Ltd) Company under whose purview the controversial week end newspaper :Sathhanda” is published.

It is learnt that from today the financial and administrative functions would come under the purview of Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema.However as earlier the editorial staff would be headed by the senior political activist and journalist Deepthi Kumara Guneratna.

It has been revealed by Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema to the Lanka News Web that the “Peoples Power Media (Pvt Ltd) that within the next few months would be launching an English newspaper.

It has been said the editorial staff of the “ Sathhanda” newspaper would work independently as before.

Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema to serve as Adviser to editorial staff of Sunday Leader

It was only on the 07of July that “Sathhanda” celebrated the first anniversary..The Lanka News Web takes this opportunity to wish Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema in her new post as the Chairman of People Power Media (Pvt Ltd)

No original Sinhala Settlements in Mullaitivu

BY Mirudhula Thambiah.-23/08/2016

Northern Provincial Council Member representing the Mullaitivu District Thurairaja Raviharan said during the war period Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi Districts were totally cut-off from government administration. But after the war the lands that had permits were converted to lands with deeds and new ownership was created during the Rajapaksa regime. However, the original ownership was ignored.

Following are excerpts:

What exactly is the controversy regarding the Buddhist Temple in Kokkilai? There are allegations that you have threatened the Chief Incumbent of the temple, what is your justification?

A: I don’t have any necessity to cause threat to the Chief Incumbent of the temple. I have evidence that there were no Sinhala settlements in the Mullaitivu District; only after 1981, according to a gazette notification, were some people from the South settled in the area. Thus it is evident there were no Sinhala people in the Mullaitivu District and they have just made settlements in the 1980s. Even the gazette notification states that they were settled in Kokkilai.

Therefore, those who have built the Vihara in Kokkilai cannot argue that there was one before that in the area. I also have the deed of the land where the Buddhist Temple had been built in Kokkilai. The owner of the land is one Somasundaram Thirugnanasampanthar. Now he isn’t living anymore but it belongs to his son

Thirugnanasampanthar Manivannathas. After resettlement in 2010, he was not permitted to enter his own land; instead a Buddhist monk had illegally grabbed his land. This Buddhist monk had obtained the security of the Army at the Kokkilai camp.

There were fences around the land of Manivannathas, but that was removed and the land was illegally grabbed by the Chief Incumbent of the said Buddhist temple.

Therefore, in the initial stages when the construction activities of the Vihara was taking place I went to the area to speak to the Chief Incumbent but each time I was given excuses. I actually went there to explain the situation that the majority living in the Kokkilai area are Tamil families. They are either Hindus or Catholics. They are strictly against the building of the Vihara in this area. Will they allow building a Kovil or a Church in the Southern parts where there aren’t any Hindus or Christians? This is unfair by those who have been traditionally living in Kokkilai. The specific area where the Vihara is situated belongs to four owners and it is four acres in extent. Each acre belongs to each of them. One acre belongs to the Kokkilai Rural Hospital. However, the hospital authorities had been silent since 2011; but the private owners are very much worried and unhappy that their lands have been taken under control by the Vihara authorities. The private owners are living in alternative shelters and huts. They were not allowed to resettle in their lands since the later part of 2010.

There is no development in this issue. Even the State authorities who are aware of the land laws are keeping silent. It is their duty to intervene and help the innocent land owners who have been living in alternative places during the past years. The Vihara area does not have any Buddhist families living in the vicinity. There are some fisherman families who are living near the Kokkilai Lagoon; they have come from the South for livelihood. However, they are Catholics and it is quite puzzling as to why a Vihara should be built in this area?

I’m not talking racism, this is a burning issue. We must solve this issue for the people of the area who had been traditionally living there as they are unhappy that the Vihara is built in private lands. How could it be racism if I happen to speak of the actual situation?

 You have continuously stressed on illegal colonization in the Mullaitivu District at the NPC debates. What exactly is the current situation?

A: A new area ‘Weli Oya’ had been created with a new Divisional Secretariat in the Mullaitivu District. The existing divisions in the Mullaitivu District are Maritimepattu, Puthukudiyiruppu, Oddusuddan, Thunukkai and Manthai East. If we examine the information provided at the Mullaitivu District Secretariat regarding the new area that was created, we will not see any demarcated boundaries. Weli Oya is simply not demarcated into boundaries; however it is a newly created settlement.

Accordingly, the Weli Oya Division was created without any official announcement. Certain areas from Vavuniya North (mostly the Southern part of Vavuniya North Division) had been attached to the Weli Oya area. However, earlier these areas were part of the Anuradhapura District. In 1981 many land acquisition activities took place under the 1,000 acres project, Kent Farm project and Dollar Farm project. These acquisitioned lands were taken to create the Weli Oya Division. People from the South were brought to this area for settlement. Some 2,524 acres of paddy lands from Kokkilai, Kokkuthoduvai and Karunattankerni of 601 beneficiaries were given to the people settled in the newly created division of Weli Oya during former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s regime in the post war period. Land deeds have been distributed to the people who were settled in Weli Oya with the signature of former President Rajapaksa. Not only Weli Oya, but there are, other areas too, in which some illegal settlements are taking place, but Weli Oya is the highlighted area.

?: You and your colleagues at the NPC have continuously made allegations against the southern fishermen who enter the Kokkilai Langoon area for livelihood. However, there are reports that these fishermen have been traditionally fishing in the area. What is justification for your allegation?

A: About 20 acres of land near the lagoon area belong to the Tamil families in the division. They are the owners of these private lands. The ‘Paadus'( huts) in the lagoon area to store fish, belongs to 11 Tamil fishermen in the area, according to the gazette published in 1965. Only one Paadu belonged to a fisherman from the South. He had been a businessman who had come to the area and he is quite influential. However, currently the southern fishermen are obtaining direct permission from the line Ministry to enter the lagoon. If so what is the use in having a Fisheries Department at district level and the Provincial Fisheries Ministry? Currently all Paadus are taken over by the fishermen from the South, and the Tamil fishermen families who have traditionally lived in the area are unable to carry on their livelihood activities.

The World Bank has announced that Mullaitivu is the poorest district in Sri Lanka. The reasons are that Mullaitivu is mainly based on fisheries, therefore there are many obstacles to the livelihood of Tamil fishermen; similarly there are illegal colonizations taking place and the resources are not utilized properly.

In the initial stages after the war these fishermen from the South were just involved in seasonal fishing but gradually they permanently settled in the area which has adversely affected the Tamil fishermen. Where will they go for livelihood?

They were initially working under the 11 owners who control the Paadus. In the current context around 200 fishermen families in Kokkilai have requested for lands and houses which had been illegally grabbed. Therefore, I would like to question if, the gazette issued in 1981 is just another piece of paper?

 Why do you think Mullaitivu has the highest number of land issues?

A: During the past 30 years land issues have not been addressed properly. Most of the lands in the district only have permits. Proper documentation has been ignored and therefore those who want to grab lands are just making use of it and the security forces are providing security to the illegal land grabbers.

During the war period Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi Districts were totally cut-off from government administration. But after the war the lands that had permits were converted to land deeds and new ownership was created during the Rajapaksa regime under his signature. The original ownership was ignored. I vehemently condemn this action.

As I said earlier they have created the Weli Oya division in which the lands of Tamil farmers were grabbed. These farmers were carrying on agriculture as their livelihood. The creation of Weli Oya has created a lot of trouble for these farmers. Their lands have been grabbed for the new settlement during the previous regime.

Even the Mahaweli Development Scheme is another plan to make the Tamil people of Mullaitivu District a minority. The majority community will become the majority even in Mullativu.

The families in Weli Oya could have remained under the Anuradhapura District. Grabbing the lands of Mullaitivu paddy cultivators and settling the people of the South is illegal and why haven’t any of the current authorities understood the situation? Why haven’t they understood the grievances of the Mullaitivu people?

These colonization activities will not end here and it will even continue to occur for another five to ten years. We are aware that similar activities are now being carried out in the Nayaru area.

Tell us about the five-member medical committee appointed by the Northern Chief Minister to examine the chemical injection issue of former LTTE cadres?

A: It is a known fact that the LTTE cadres emphasized at the sittings of the Consultation Task Force on Reconciliation that they were injected chemicals during the rehabilitation process and about the complex health situations faced by them since recently and some have died due to mysterious diseases, which are still unknown. Some suspect it is cancer and others are clueless.

However, the NPC has appointed a five-member committee to conduct a medical survey with experts from the Northern Health Ministry, Jaffna Teaching Hospital and the Medical Faculty of the Jaffna University. I hope this committee will be able to solve the confusions faced by families of former LTTE cadres.

Email: che.myhero@gmail.com

Public Representation Committee Report On Constitutional Reform

By S. I. Keethaponcalan –August 20, 2016

Dr S.I. Keethaponcalan

Finally, I found the time to sit down and take a look at the Report on Public Representations on Constitutional Reform, which was released in May 2016. I was keen to carefully read the report because the appointment of the committee to gather public opinion on constitutional reform and the work of the Committee were significant political developments. They marked significant steps forward in the otherwise extremely slow process of constitution making initiated by the present government. The Committee comprised of experts from Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities. Within a short period of time, the Committee managed to visit 25 districts and record more than 2500 representations, which is an impressive achievement by any standard. The mandate of the Committee was to gather public opinion and to submit a report to the Constitutional Assembly with “recommendations” to reform the constitution (p. v).

Recommendation?

It is on the recommendation part, I believe, that I am little disappointed. A recommendation, in my opinion, means suggesting a course of action. This course of action may or may not be accepted by the receiver. According to an online dictionary, recommendation means “a suggestion or proposal as to the best course of action, especially one put forward by an authoritative body.” The Merriam-Webster defined recommendation as “the act of saying that … something is good and deserves to be chosen.” I write a reasonably good number of recommendation letters for university admissions and employment. However, I have never written a letter of recommendation to an employer saying that the person may or may not be hired. I always say the person is qualified to be hired or I say that he or she is not qualified to be hired. So, in recommendation, we propose one or the best course of action. The employer already knows that the applicant may or may not be hired.

Therefore, I expected the committee to recommend the “best” course of action based on the public opinion and socio-political realities in the country. I also expected the Constitutional Assembly to work around the best course of action proposed by the Committee. Of, course the Constitutional Assembly has the power to make any and all changes it deems fit. However, what the Committee has done is generating options on important issues. It is only part of the dual strategy adopted by the Committee. On some issues, especially on uncontroversial elements of the constitution, there have been genuine recommendations. For example, on fundamental rights, the Committee recommended a new Bill of Rights with provisions for the right to life, equality, human dignity and so on. There has been no second opinion on these issues. That is a recommendation.

Option Generation

However, on contentious issues, especially elements connected to ethnic conflict or ethnic conflict resolution, the Committee has taken an easy way out by simply listing the options available. In my opinion, this could have been done by a group of research assistants. For example, in regards to the national flag, the Committee says, the present flag could be kept without any changes or a new flag could be designed to accommodate minority sentiments. On religion, six suggestions have been made ranging from retaining the existing chapter, which confers special protection to Buddhism to becoming a secular state and providing equal protection to all religions. Then, on the unit of devolution, the Committee provided six suggestions or what it called “alternative formulas.” The Committee does not say which one is most suitable or should be adopted.

How many of us do not know that when enacting a new constitution, we could keep the present flag or change it? Many members of the Constitutional Assembly don’t need an expert-panel to say that there are two options on this factor; keeping or changing. The point is that most of the options listed or alternatives presented already exist within the devolution debate in Sri Lanka. Many of the options have been already presented by various researchers. My critic is that the Committee missed a real opportunity to pinpoint something as the best option and also justify it. This is probably one reason why the report failed to ignite a serious debate about constitutional reform and even the report. A debate will explode if (and when) the Constitutional Assembly settles on a plan.

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Can bottom-of-the-pyramid needs and aspirations be met without socioeconomic rights?

Tuesday, 23 August 2016

It is nearly 70 years since independence. Sri Lanka has been governed by many green, blue, blue intertwined with red governments, and now by a green and blue Government. The constitutions have changed to a Republican framework dropping all links with the former colonial rulers and the British crown. The economic policies enforced over this period have reflected links to capitalism, market, socialism, mixed, middle path and now social market.

Have any of these governance regimes and policy frameworks addressed the needs and aspirations of those at the bottom of the pyramid? Despite statistics, Central Bank and Census data, glossy publications, international presentations, policy statements, budget speeches, media communications and leadership pronouncements in Parliament; and publicly before and after elections, have the bottom segment of society been effectively touched?

Despite published GDP per capita numbers, enhancing household incomes, acceptable gini-coefficients, better regional distribution of incomes, improving numbers on poverty statistics, reducing unemployment, and high level achievements in meeting Millennium Development Goals, the answer appears to be a definite “No”.

The above conclusion is drawn by following the findings supported by recorded evidence in TV pictures, derived under the Capital Maharajah News 1st ‘Gammadda – Geying Geta 2016’ report, prepared in collaboration with the University of Peradeniya. This report has been prepared by visiting 738 villages in the country covering all districts and identifying the pivotal issues, hidden below the surface, confronted by the communities in the respective areas.

The common thread that appears to run through these segments of society, equally across the island, appears to be that their needs and aspirations have not been recognised and prioritised by the State, due to the villagers being powerless and voiceless; and being unfocussed by all levels of persons in governance (village, pradeshiya, local government and district level). The only focused attention appears to emerge closer to elections, where promises and commitments are freely given; but never honoured post elections

Three main issues

The three main issues identified related to; 

• below acceptable level infrastructure, with the lack of connectivity and access via bridges and village roads to towns where education, health, other services and market opportunities are available
• Water problems dominated the next major hidden issue, with the lack of clean drinking water and water for irrigation and household consumption being major demands in all provinces
• Lack of opportunities for generation livelihoods supportive incomes sufficient for basic sustenance was the next major issue. The lack of markets for produce, lack of financial capacity for even home garden cultivation activities and in some cases the total lack of opportunities for young and old and especially female householders, to engage in economic activities were key constraints

Thereafter a host of other key issues emerged in areas linked to lack of acceptable housing, human –animal conflict, education and schools, transportation, health land ownership challenges, consequential impact of war and natural disasters, environmental pollution and irrigation.

The common thread that appears to run through these segments of society, equally across the island, appears to be that their needs and aspirations have not been recognised and prioritised by the State, due to the villagers being powerless and voiceless; and being unfocussed by all levels of persons in governance (village, pradeshiya, local government and district level). The only focused attention appears to emerge closer to elections, where promises and commitments are freely given; but never honoured post elections.

It appears from news reports that the Gammadda Report and its findings have been duly communicated to the authorities in governance at the Centre, but their response actions have not been forthcoming. From news reports it appears that only the President has reacted positively to the findings and come out openly in support of programmes delivering the needs and aspirations of these segments at the bottom of the pyramid. This has led to the News First Group organising a collective business and civil society initiatives to address some of the pressing issues as a social responsibility initiative.

The unique finding which appears to have emerged from ‘Gammedda Project’ is that the provision of most of these basic needs required financial allocations of Rs. 5 million or less per village. If the average per village requirement to meet the basic needs and aspiration of these villagers is estimated at Rs 2.5 million per village, the total outlay for the 768 villages will be Rs. 1,920 million. In comparison the Daily FT of 9 June noted that “Moving a supplementary estimate in Parliament on Tuesday Government sought approval for Rs. 1,175.5 million to purchase 32 cars for 30 Ministers, State Ministers, and Deputy Ministers.” – See more at: http://www.ft.lk/article/546987/Govt--denies-Rs--1-17-b-vehicle-budget-excessive#sthash.N5cbv2uZ.dpuf

Hostile and critical view

Regrettably some of the leading powers in governance appear to have even taken a hostile and critical view of the News 1st initiative, calling it “political”, and “playing politics”. They appear to feel that the media’s role is limited only to exposing the plight of those at the bottom of the pyramid; and the media institutions should not extend its mandate to taking publicly, the role reserved to governments in dealing with the findings, as thought best by the Government.

These persons in governance and their coterie of advisors appear to be firmly of the view that socioeconomic rights should not also be made a justiciable fundamental rights embodied within the Constitution. Their fears are based on the likely beyond capacity consequential costs, the likely judicial intervention in a purely political and governance arena decision making and above all the likely unmanageable public expectation set at a highly raised bar.

It must be recognised that there are cogent arguments supporting both for and against the embodiment of socioeconomic rights as a justiciable right within a constitution – A well-balanced reference is found in the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) publication titled ‘Social and Economic Rights,’ which begin with a quote by Julie McDowall, Scottish author and social activist reading, “But it’s hard to stand on your own two feet when your bones are softened with rickets and you’re wheezing with asthma from the black blots of dampness on the spongy bedroom wall.” http://www.constitutionnet.org/files/social_and_economic_rights_0.pdf

"The unique finding which appears to have emerged from ‘Gammedda Project’ is that the provision of most of these basic needs required financial allocations of Rs. 5 million or less per village. If the average per village requirement to meet the basic needs and aspiration of these villagers is estimated at Rs 2.5 million per village, the total outlay for the 768 villages will be Rs. 1,920 million. In comparison the Daily FT of 9 June noted that moving a supplementary estimate in Parliament, Government sought approval for Rs. 1,175.5 million to purchase 32 cars for 30 Ministers, State Ministers, and Deputy Ministers "

No other choice

However, in a third world democracy with a powerless, voiceless and socio-economically neglected segments at the bottom of the pyramid, there may be no other choice but make sociocultural rights a justiciable fundamental right, in order at least to flag in the open, their basic needs and aspirations in a prioritisation of resource allocations of the nation.

How else in a local context after 70 years of independence can those at the bottom of the pyramid bring out their basic needs to stand alongside the other demands for allocations made by undemocratically governed party hierarchy thinking and decision making driven political processes, which end up placing their own priorities before a legislature supposed to represent the sovereign people of the country?

For instance, as examples, how can those at the bottom of the pyramid seek budgetary allocations in meeting their basic needs, including;

• Adequate allocations for education to correct the present inequities ( there is significant variation in learning outcomes among provinces) as recently highlighted by Dr. Deshal De Mel in his presentation ‘We Don’t Need No Education’ (including the need to improve educational outcomes in rural and estate sectors and among students from the types of schools attended by low income households);
• In war torn areas households without homes and female headed households without livelihood supportive employment or home garden cultivation options;
• Villages, households and schools without safe drinking water, adequate competent teachers and teaching aides;
• Villages without irrigation for cultivation and water for household consumption;
• Fisher families with their livelihood options negatively impacted by development and external threats (e.g. Colombo Port City construction linked sand mining, wind turbines constructed in Puttalam, Indian bottom trawling incursions to Sri Lankan territorial waters and due to restrictions in high security zones in the north/east)

Whereas governing political leaders strive to advance their pet projects with significant national resource allocations for;

• Western Region Megapolis
• Colombo Port Financial City connected infrastructure support
• Colombo Metro Rail Project
• Kandy and other city development plans
• Establishment of tourism zones
• Establishment of ICT parks

If the Constitutional amendments embed socioeconomic rights as a part of fundamental rights, despite the negatives outlined herein before, the plight of those powerless and voiceless persons at the bottom of the pyramid and their basic needs and aspirations will have avenues to be surfaced, be focused in the minds of the political leaders and the Executive and their conscience pricked, when critical decisions on national resource allocations are made and thereafter adopted by the legislature.

In terms of the global initiative of Sustainable Development by 2030, Sri Lanka is required to have in place an agenda of action for people, planet and prosperity with goals and targets which stimulate action over the years in areas of critical importance for humanity and the planet:


People 

•To end poverty and hunger, in all their forms and dimensions, and to ensure that all human beings can fulfil their potential in dignity and equality and in a healthy environment.

Planet 

•To protect the planet from degradation, including through sustainable consumption and production, sustainably managing its natural resources and taking urgent action on climate change, so that it can support the needs of the present and future generations.

Prosperity 

•To ensure that all human beings can enjoy prosperous and fulfilling lives and that economic, social and technological progress occurs in harmony with nature.

Peace 

•To foster peaceful, just and inclusive societies which are free from fear and violence.

Partnership 

•To mobilise the means required to implement this agenda through a revitalised Global Partnership for Sustainable Development, based on a spirit of strengthened global solidarity, focused in particular on the needs of the poorest and most vulnerable and with the participation of all countries, all stakeholders and all people.

It is therefore essential that the proposed Constitutional Reforms, devolve basic decision making power to the village communities and such devolvement are supported by compulsory resource allocation commitments, with decision making on the priority and projects for such resource spends being vested in the relevant communities.

‘Gram Raj’ concept

In the above context, it is recommended that the proposed Constitutional Reforms include articles to convey that the ‘Gram Raj’ concept has been firmly embedded within the new Constitution, and that these provisions will ‘empower and enthrone common citizens of society’ and will effectively bring them within the decision making governance framework of each Grama Sevaka Division.

In furtherance of this empowerment, the Constitution must compel the Finance Commission to ensure that 5% of the Capital Expenditure voted in any budget year or an allocation for each Grama Sevaka division of not less than Rs. 5 million, whichever is higher is allotted by the annual budget, as reserved spend for village development. The investment priority and relevant projects covering this spend must be determined by the Grama Sevaka Division communities, by majority consensus.

These funds will be allocated to the relevant Provincial Councils and the Chief Minister and the Chief Secretary of the Province should be jointly held accountable for effective deployment of funds at Gramasevaka Division level. The Chief Secretary, as the Chief Accounting Officer, should be required to submit annually a report to the Parliament of the effective deployment of funds, the description of projects, how implemented and setting out what positive outcomes accrued to the village communities.

If there are 15,000 Grama Sewaka divisions in the country, the funds outlay required for this provision will be a minimum of Rs. 75 billion annually. The total capital expenditure voted in 2016 was Rs. 1,274 billion. This allocation then converts to 5.9% of the voted capital expenditure.

(The writer is a good governance activist and a former Chairman of the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce.)