Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, August 17, 2016

EU logo no shield from Israel’s bulldozers

“With the demolitions, the kids get scared. It’s really hard but we keep going. Israel wants us to leave but we stay put. We have our faith,” says Bilal Hammadin, 22, resident of Abu Nuwwar village near Jerusalem.
Silvia Boarin-15 August 2016


Bilal Hammadin looks beyond the tin shacks in the occupied West Bank village of Abu Nuwwar, home to approximately 600 Palestinians, to the red-roofed homes in Maaleh Adumim, an Israeli settlement where nearly 40,000 people live.

“As I was growing up, I could see the settlement getting bigger. I guess you can say that we grew up together,” he says, laughing at the irony.

Hammadin knows all too well that the expansion of the settlement – built in violation of international law, which forbids an occupying power like Israel from transferring its population into the territory it occupies – has meant the steady de-development of his community.

In February, the Israeli army demolished two trailers which were to serve as a new school for first- and second-graders. The cabins, donated by a French nongovernmental organization and funded by the European Union, bore visible EU logos.

150 donor-funded structures demolished

This month France condemned Israel’s demolition of buildings in Nabi Samuel village funded by French humanitarian aid. Israel has destroyed or confiscated French-funded structures, including a school, three times in the village so far this year.

In the past, these large stickers bearing the EU logo offered a modicum of protection from demolitions. But this year, at least 150 European-funded structures in the West Bank were demolished by Israeli bulldozers in the first three months of 2016.

Some observers – including a far-right Israeli politician who has advocated for the demolitions – suggest the spike in destruction of EU-funded structures is retaliation for the EU’s new regulationsrequiring labelling of Israeli settlement goods issued late last year.

Israeli demolitions of Palestinian structures in the West Bank on the whole increased threefold during the first quarter of 2016 over the previous rate of 50 demolitions per month between 2012 and 2015.

Most of those demolitions took place in Area C, the 60 percent of the West Bank under total Israeli control per the terms of the 1993 Oslo accords signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization.

Israel issues demolition orders on the pretext that structures were built without a permit. But between 2010 and 2014, Israeli authorities approved only 1.5 percent of Palestinian applications for building permits in Area C.

Protest but no accountability

In a letter to the Israeli military, eight ambassadors to Israel protested the “dismantling and confiscation” of European-funded shelters in May and June this year.

On Friday, the EU’s external affairs spokesperson condemned the upsurge in demolitions, including of EU-funded structures.

Israel “must halt demolitions of Palestinian houses and property, in accordance with its obligations as an occupying power under international humanitarian law,” the spokesperson added, and “cease the policy of settlement construction and expansion, of designating land for exclusive Israeli use and of denying Palestinian development.”

But so far there has been no move by the EU – which lavishes funding on Israel, including forresearch projects on occupied land – towards accountability for the demolitions. And so Palestinian communities brace for more destruction.

Silvia Boarini is a photojournalist based in Jerusalem. She is the co-director of the documentaryEmpty Desert.

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A Nonviolent Strategy to End War

peace_love

Robert J. Burrowesby Robert J. Burrowes

( August 10, 2016, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) There is a long history of anti-war and peace activism. Much of this activism has focused on ending a particular war. Some of this activism has been directed at ending a particular aspect of war, such as the use of a type of weapon. Some of it has aimed to prevent a type of war, such as ‘aggressive war’ or nuclear war. For those activists who regard war as the scourge of human existence, however, ‘the holy grail’ has always been much deeper: to end war.

There is an important reason why those of us in the last category have not, so far, succeeded. In essence, this is because, whatever their merits, the analyses and strategies we have been using have been inadequate. This is, of course, only a friendly criticism of our efforts, including my own. I am also not suggesting that the task will be easy, even with a sound analysis and comprehensive strategy. But it will be far more likely.

Given my own preoccupation with human violence, of which I see war as a primary subset, I have spent a great deal of time researching why violence occurs in the first place – see ‘Why Violence?‘  and ‘Fearless Psychology and Fearful Psychology: Principles and Practice‘.  – and by taking or teaching strategic nonviolent action in response to many of its manifestations.

Moreover, given that I like to succeed when I work for positive change in this world, I pay a great deal of attention to strategy. In fact, I have written extensively on this subject after researching the ideas of the greatest strategic theorists and strategists in history. If you are really keen, you can read about this in ‘The Strategy of Nonviolent Defense: A Gandhian Approach‘.

However, because I know that most people aren’t too interested in scholarly works and that nonviolent activists have plenty of worthwhile things to do with their time, I have recently been putting the essence of the information in the book onto two websites so that the strategic thinking is presented simply and is readily available.

One of the outcomes I would like to achieve through these websites is to involve interested peace and anti-war activists from around the world in finalising the development of a comprehensive nonviolent strategy to end war and to then work with them to implement it.

Consequently, I have been developing this nonviolent strategy to end war and I invite you to check it out and to suggest improvements. You can see it on the Nonviolent Campaign Strategy website.

If you are interested in being involved in what will be a long and difficult campaign, I would love to hear from you.

You might also be interested in signing the online pledge of ‘The People’s Charter to Create a Nonviolent World‘  where the names of many nonviolent activists who will work on this campaign are already listed.
Ending war is not impossible. But it is going to take a phenomenal amount of intelligent strategic effort, courage and time. Whether we have that time is the only variable beyond our control.

Robert J. Burrowes
Robert J. Burrowes has a lifetime commitment to understanding and ending human violence. He has done extensive research since 1966 in an effort to understand why human beings are violent and has been a nonviolent activist since 1981. He is the author of ‘Why Violence?’  His email address is flametree@riseup.net

Peshmerga push towards Mosul with eyes on a greater Kurdistan

Kurdish fighters have pressed further into IS-held territory in northern Iraq, and leaders are adamant any territory taken is theirs to keep
Peshmerga fighters say they have taken 11 villages in two days (MEE/Laurence Geai)

Wilson Fache's pictureWilson Fache-Wednesday 17 August 2016


KHAZER, Nineveh, Iraq - The sun rises in the morning sky and the moon has yet to fade away. The column of armoured vehicles and white pick-up trucks stretches as far as the eye can see, towards a hill clouded with dust and morning fog.

Perched on a peak, nameless silhouettes watch from behind sandbags as they prepare to send rockets towards enemy lines.

The red, white and green flag of the Kurdish region of Iraq quietly flaps in the wind from many of the moving combat vehicles. But in an instant, the rhythmic hum of their engines is drowned by the staccato scream of machinegun fire, the thud of mortar bombs and the roar of coalition jets.

This is the start of the second phase of the Peshmerga's offensive from Khazer to retake territories east of Mosul, the Islamic State group’s de facto capital in Iraq and the largest city under its control.

It is an operation that the Kurdish forces hope will pave the way to lay siege on the city in cooperation with the Iraqi army and the US-led coalition.
Peshmerga convoy presses towards IS-held village in northern Iraq (MEE/Laurence Geai)

Kurdish authorities claim to have taken 11 villages from IS, pushing further into the group's territory and closing on Qaraqosh in Nineveh province, a Christian stronghold with a pre-war population of 75,000.

“This successful operation will tighten the grip around IS's stronghold Mosul,” Masrour Barzani, the chancellor of the Kurdistan Region Security Council, said in a statement.

On day three – Tuesday - clashes were ongoing. Several Peshmerga were injured by IEDs, while IS fighters launched a series of suicide and car bomb attacks.

While the Kurds are often eager to say they fight the world’s enemy for the sake of humanity, they do not shy away from talking about their other goal: gaining ground for a greater Kurdistan.

By seizing territory from IS, the Peshmerga establish control over “disputed territories” - areas both claimed by the autonomous region of Iraqi Kurdistan and the central government in Baghdad.
General Hama Rashid Rostam told Middle East Eye that ground seized by his men was rightfully Kurdish.

“We are fighting IS, but at the same time we have ambitions for Kurdistan: the Kurds as a nation and a people like everybody else,” he says in the freshly captured village of Qarqasha.

"We are ambitious. It’s our right and we are going to get it.”
Smoke rises from an IS-held village in northern Iraq (MEE/Laurence Geai)

The Kurdish population say they have faced systematic persecutions, including large-scale massacres under Saddam Hussein.

Arif Tayfur, the commander of the Khazer sector and a senior KDP official - the political party of the Kurdish president Massoud Barzani - told MEE that Kurds had had every intention of keeping what has historically been theirs.

“The areas we are capturing now, we say it belongs to the Kurdistan region. But they (Baghdad) say it belongs to Iraq. Well, we will not abandon these territories,” he said. 

“We sacrificed our blood for our land,” he added, referring to the 14 Peshmerga fighters who had died in the offensive so far. “These areas all belong to Kurdistan but Arabs are living there. We will not give them back."

The rhetoric is sharp, but it is also supported by Iraqi law.

Article 140 of the country's constitution deals with “disputed territories”, and outlines steps that should be taken in order to resolve the territorial arm-wrestling. They include negotiations between Baghdad and Erbil and referendums “to determine the will of the citizens”.

Through negotiations, the Kurdish authorities could try to hold their grip over the areas theyseize, or use it as bargaining chips with Baghdad to gain preferred areas such as oil-rich Kirkuk, according to Renad Mansour, a fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Centre.

“In the Nineveh province they will be able to say: ‘Okay we will give it back, but what do we get in return?’ So they are viewing it as an opportunity as well,” Mansour said.

“But of course, there are certain areas, cities and villages, that they won’t give up or it will be hard for them to give it up. Like parts of Nineveh and Kirkuk.”

“The reason they want a referendum is so that they can say it’s not an occupation, it’s the will of the people,” Mansour said, adding that after decades of Arabisation campaign by previous Iraqi governments, “there are definitely concerns that you would have a Kurdification”.

Peshmerga fighters wait for sunrise before launching their assault (MEE/Laurence Geai)

“I don’t see them having any sort of aggressive policies of Kurdification, like explicit ones, but again the fears are that there might be more implicit ways of favouring Kurds over others,” he said.

Since the fall of Saddam, Kurdish authorities have relied on “intimidation, threats, and arbitrary arrests and detentions” to secure support of minority communities for their agenda regarding the disputed territories, sometimes pressing those minorities living in the Nineveh province to identify as Kurds, according to a Human Rights Watch report published in November 2009. 

“The victims of Saddam Hussein’s Arabisation campaign deserve to be able to return to, and rebuild, their historic communities," the report said.


"But the issue of redress for past wrongs should be separate from the current struggle for political control over the disputed territories, and does not justify exclusive control of the region by one ethnic group."

Indeed, it is something commander Tayfur agrees. Local minorities would need to choose their loyalties: “If they decide to belong to Baghdad, we will immediately pull back."

Inside Qarqasha, gun shots and mortar explosions could still be heard late in the afternoon on the second day of the offensive. Resting next to stormed houses, Peshmerga fighters smoke cigarettes and nap, taking cover from enemy snipers.

Behind them, dozens of yellow and orange excavators are already carving out new trenches, coincidentally defining the new borders of their growing region.

“We have the right to fight for a greater Kurdistan,” General Rostam said.

Peshmerga forces say the land they liberate is theirs (MEE/Laurence Geai)

Tuesday, August 16, 2016

Protests intensify in Kashmir, security forces kill five

A Kashmiri woman mourns for civilians, who according to local media were killed during clashes between police and protesters, during their funerals in Beerwah, north of Srinagar, August 16, 2016. REUTERS/Danish Ismail-Indian policemen patrol on a street during a curfew in Srinagar, August 16, 2016. REUTERS/Danish Ismail-Kashmiri villagers shout slogans during a funeral of civilians, who according to local media were killed during clashes between police and protesters, in Beerwah, north of Srinagar, August 16, 2016. REUTERS/Danish Ismail

Indian policemen take position behind a jeep near the site of a gunfight between Indian Security Forces and suspected militants in Srinagar, August 15, 2016. REUTERS/Danish Ismail-Protesters gesture towards Indian police during a protest in Srinagar against the recent killings in Kashmir, August 12, 2016.REUTERS//Danish Ismail

By Fayaz Bukhari | SRINAGAR, INDIA

Security forces on Tuesday killed five protesters and injured 10 in clashes that erupted after crowds angered by the killing of a separatist militant in disputed Kashmir pelted them with stones and defied a curfew, officials said.

Kashmir has witnessed violent protests since July 8, when security forces killed a field commander of Pakistan-based Islamist militant group Hizbul Mujahideen who enjoyed widespread support in the Muslim-majority region.

Kashmir also saw an upsurge in violence around Independence Day holiday on Monday, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi said the country would not bow to terrorism and accused neighbour and archrival Pakistan of glorifying it.

    A senior police official said hundreds of protesters threw stones at security forces as they tried to restore order on the streets of Budgam, a district 30 km (18 miles) south of Srinagar, the state's summer capital.

The latest casualties came as security forces opened fire with automatic rifles, a step up from their earlier use of shotguns, whose pellets are meant to incapacitate but not kill. Locals say the shotguns have inflicted severe injuries, and even blinded, hundreds of people, among them innocent bystanders.

Indian troops killed a total of seven militants on Monday in two incidents, five of them gunmen who had attempted a cross-border incursion and two more, who had attacked a Srinagar police station.
One officer died in the police station shootout.

At least 64 people have been killed and thousands injured during 39 days of protests, while schools, shops, banks and offices remain closed in much of Kashmir as paramilitary troops patrol arterial roads, residential areas and mosques.

Kashmir is at the centre of a decades-old rivalry between India and Pakistan, which also rules its northern part, and backed an insurgency in the late 1980s and 1990s that Indian security forces largely crushed.

Both countries claim Kashmir in full.

New Delhi has rejected Pakistan's invitation to hold talks on the future of Jammu and Kashmir, and Modi said he had received messages of support from leaders in restive parts of Pakistan.

In a speech on Monday, Modi accused Pakistan of committing atrocities in its own province of Baluchistan, escalating a war of words that Islamabad said was intended to divert attention from the troubles in Indian-administered Kashmir.

Modi's defence minister, Manohar Parrikar, raised the temperature further on Tuesday, saying Indian troops had "sent back five terrorists yesterday".

He told a rally, "Going to Pakistan is the same as going to hell."

(Reporting by Fayaz Bukhari; Writing by Rupam Jain Editing by Douglas Busvine and Clarence Fernandez)

The Irony of ‘Hamilton’ Creator Lin-Manuel Miranda’s Advocacy For Puerto Rico

Lin_Manuel

by Matt Peppe

( August 15, 2016, Boston, Sri Lanka Guardian) As the economic and humanitarian crisis has worsened in Puerto Rico in recent months, playwright and actor Lin-Manuel Miranda, has given voice in interviews and Op-Eds to the severity of the crisis among ordinary Puerto Ricans. Miranda called the island’s debt crisis a matter of “life and death,” saying, “I have a lot of family who are struggling in Puerto Rico, that’s not an abstract issue to me.” He humanizes what the statistics – $73 billion in debt, $19,500 median householdincome, 11.5 percent sales tax, 64,000 people leaving per year – can not. Puerto Rico is adebt colony whose function as a political entity is to service its creditors. Ironically, Miranda achieved the celebrity he’s now using to advocate for the Puerto Rican people by glorifying and aggrandizing the most ruthless champion of creditors in American history.

Miranda has become an elite pop-culture sensation as the creator and star of the award-winning and immensely popular Broadway play Hamilton. The hip-hop musical has been as successful with critics as it has with Broadway theatergoers, dominating the Tony awards and selling out months in advance. The Harvard Business Review argues its $849 tickets are priced too low.

The show’s namesake is, of course, Revolutionary War commander, George Washington adviser, and first Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton. Miranda focuses on the rags to riches story of Hamilton – a poor immigrant who triumphed against all odds by using his intelligence and relentless hard work to fight British oppression and guide his new country to independence and greatness. In My Shot, Miranda’s title character raps:

Hey yo, I’m just like my country
I’m young, scrappy and hungry 
And I’m not throwing away my shot! 

Miranda has praised Hamilton and the other “Founders” for their ability to translate a revolutionary vision into a nation that embodied the liberal principles it supposedly stood for.

“They did a remarkable thing in sticking the landing from revolution to government. That’s the hardest thing to do. You can go across the ocean to France, where they totally fucked it up and then got stuck in a cycle of revolution and tyranny,” Miranda told Rolling Stone.

Miranda also praised Hamilton’s financial program of creating a national debt by assuming the debts of individual states: “His thinking was, if we are entrenched in each other’s finances, we’re stuck with each other.”

The problem with Miranda’s reading of history is that he assumes the liberal notion of a united nation, devoted to the common goals of freedom and equality, was any more real 225 years ago than it is today. Post-revolutionary America was never a utopia where everyone shared financially in the spoils of independence. It was a political association organized along the lines of feudal societies and their stark divisions between creditors and debtors.

A wealthy, colonial elite had managed through a massive propaganda campaign to enlist the poor to fight to overthrow British rule. The masses slogged through years battling horrid conditions in the woods and back country to survive combat, hunger, and the elements. They were paid in worthless paper they would later sell to speculators for a fraction of its face value after returning to their farms and their families upon gaining their “freedom.”

The landholders and mercantile class had sat by idly as the “exceedingly dirty and nasty people” (in George Washington‘s words) did the real work of putting their lives on the line. The financiers then used their political connections to try to turn their investments into a profit by not only receiving interest on the paper debt but getting payment on its full value. There was no one more willing to oblige this massive transfer of wealth from common workers and peasants to the elite, ruling class than Hamilton.
The concentration of economic power into the hands of the few was the desired outcome, and the reason for Hamilton’s dedication to the federalist political system. As the political battles raged between the federalists (Hamilton, James Madison and others) and the Republicans (Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, who would later kill Hamilton in a duel), Hamilton sought to consolidate power into a centralized state that could enforce the feudal relationship between those who would pay and those who would collect.
As University of Massachusetts Amherst historian Leonard Richards writes in Shay’s Rebellion
“(Hamilton) intended to strengthen the national government at the expense of the states by diminishing the ties of state creditors to the states and binding them to the central government. If their future wealth and well-being was linked to the success of the federal government, rather than to the states, their hearts and minds would follow.” [1]

Hamilton was not trying to unite citizens together through mutual financial responsibility, as Miranda claimed. He was trying to unite the elites in dependency to the national state. To accomplish this, Hamilton “wanted to reduce – or, better yet, eliminate – the power of states. He also wanted to diminish the influence of farmers and artisans and enhance the power of landlords and merchants,” Richards writes. [2]

What became known as Shays’ Rebellion in western Massachusetts, in which a popular “regulation” revolted against the state’s new political system which had taken power out of the hands of local councils and removed the influence of citizens distant from the financial and political center of Boston, provided a pretext for the Federalists to ram through their centralized national organization of government in order to crush potential future insurrections.

Installed as Treasury Secretary in the new federal government, Hamilton immediately implemented his policy of creating an astronomical federal debt. His solution for providing the money to actually pay these financial promises was the Whiskey Tax.

This excise tax had further aims that would help reorganize American social and economic life. William Hogeland writes in The Whiskey Rebellion that Hamilton designed the law to favor large producers over smaller ones. The tax would undercut the prices of independent distillers and self-employed farmers, driving them out of business and “into the factories of their creditors.”  Hogeland writes:

“The goal was industry consolidation. Hamilton had learned from the English that commercial agriculture and large industry, when publicly chartered, given tax breaks, and financed by large loans, might turn the United States into an industrial empire to compete with England’s. The labor power dissipated on small family farms and in artisan shops could be gathered up, deployed at factories and diversified commercial farms, and boosted through efficient organization.” [3]It is not clear whether Hamilton intended to provoke an insurrection, so he could then use the military power of the newly formed government to crush it and serve as an example to others who sought to challenge its dictates. But if Hamilton did indeed want the revolt that logically followed by those impacted by the tax, he was rewarded soon thereafter.

Hamilton not only argued for a military response to the uprising, the Treasury Secretary actually took command of a militia led by George Washington to the mountains of western Pennsylvania’s Allegheny Valley. His goals were more far-reaching and strategic than merely to implement compliance and enforce the law. He sought to make an example of the organizations and protesters of the consequences of challenging federal authority. As Hogeland writes, “Hamilton was out to remove the hear of the people’s movement he’d been struggling with for more than a decade, not to prosecute individuals.” [4]
As commander of the military force that sought to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion, Hogeland writes that Hamilton sanctioned large-scale plunder:

“He made theft legal. The quartermaster corps, he announced would impress civilian property along the way. Now families watched helplessly as bayonet-wielding soldiers – no longer freelancing thieves but officials, authorized by the president – commandeered hard-won winter supplies of grain, meat, firewood, and blankets on behalf of the government of the United States. A steady, freezing rain meant the arrival of winter. Families whose sustenance was carted away faced grim months ahead.” [5]When Hamilton’s forces reached the rebels, they terrorized the local population with night raids that resulted in mass arrests. Prisoners were threatened with hanging and left shackled, freezing and nearly starved. In the end, only 20 prisoners were brought back to Philadelphia for trial. All except one were found innocent. The one conviction was later overturned.

Naturally, this history is absent from Miranda’s sanitized version of Hamilton. Instead, there is a feel-good, liberal version of Hamilton that fits the propaganda needs of the present-day American empire.

As Paul Street wrote recently in his CounterPunch article “Miranda, Obama, and Hamilton: an Orwellian Menage a Trois for the Neoliberal Age“, Miranda’s Broadway spectacle is a “brilliant ahistorical monument to Orwellian, fake-progressive bourgeois identity politics in service to the very predominantly Caucasian financial elite and ruling class hegemony.”

Miranda also ignores the structural social and economic forces that, since the founding of the United States, have kept the elite rich and the landless poor. Instead, he propagates the illusion that a person’s success (or lack thereof) are based on meritocracy. This is a convenient narrative for apologists of inequality.

“Adding to the ‘valorization’ of the American System,” Street writes, “Hamilton’s ‘Bootstraps Immigrant Narrative’ (McMaster) feeds Caucasian capitalism’s timeworn victim-blaming story line on why some few folks succeed in climbing up the nation’s steep racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic pyramids while most fail.”

The reality in Puerto Rico is that the population is suffering due to the same financial empire Hamilton was instrumental in designing and implementing. Like the small farmers and artisans whose livelihoods were crushed by Hamilton’s policies that transferred their wealth to the financial elites, Puerto Ricans are being forced to keep paying their ever-shrinking incomes to service the claims against them.

One can imagine Hamilton delighting in the privatization of Puerto Rico’s highways and airports, as well as the stipulation in the PROMESA bill that would allow an un-elected junta appointed by the U.S. Congress to lower the minimum wage.

While Miranda advocates for more flexibility for Puerto Rico to restructure its debt and help stabilize social life on the island, he doesn’t seem able to recognize that Puerto Rico’s problems are rooted in its political status as a colony conquered by the U.S. empire.

The fiction that Puerto Rico is anything other than a colony was put to rest recently when the Supreme Court’s Sanchez Valle ruling acknowledged Puerto Rico does not have sovereignty and the U.S. Congress holds all political authority over the island. As a colony ruled by outsiders for their own benefit, the population of Puerto Rico is powerless to change the socioeconomic system imposed on them through the political process. This is exactly how Hamilton would have wanted it.

For Miranda, who talks eloquently of the problems facing his family and the people of Puerto Rico, there should be no greater symbol of the dispossession and social destruction that appear to be reaching a breaking point in Puerto Rico than Alexander Hamilton and his feudal politics that stripped people of their livelihoods and turned them into little more than commodities whose station in life was to produce wealth for others.

References
[1] Richards, Leonard L. Shays’s Rebellion: The American Revolution’s Final Battle. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014. Kindle edition.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Hogeland, William. The Whiskey Rebellion: George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and the Frontier Rebels Who Challenged America’s Newfound Sovereignty. Simon and Schuster , 2015. Kindle edition.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.

Malaysian officials claim ‘Muslim-only maids for Muslim families’ directive just a ‘guideline’

Domestic workers from Indonesia and the Philippines on their day off. Image via Flickr.
Domestic workers from Indonesia and the Philippines on their day off. Image via Flickr.

16th August 2016

MALAYSIA’S Immigration Department has denied banning non-Muslim maids from being employed in Muslim households in the country, saying it was merely a “general guideline”.

On Monday, local media reported that the department had issued a directive saying non-Muslim maids should not be assigned to Muslim employers.

The department’s director-general Mustafar Ali attempted to clear the air, saying the suggestion that Muslim families should only hire Muslim maids was proposed in a general circular signed by his predecessor.

“This is just a general guideline with many exceptions and considerations,” he said in a statement, reported The Star.

News of the supposed directive alarmed maid agencies and employers yesterday, as many were concerned that it would affect the supply of maids and unnecessarily limit the choice of workers for Muslim households.
My bro & I were both taken care by maids. Majority non-Muslim. We grew up in Sabah, 3/4 Christians and went to a church schools.
 
Further confusion was caused when department officials explained that it was not a new ruling after rejecting online applications made by non-Muslim maids at the request of Muslim households.

“If they did not allow Muslims to hire non-Muslims from the beginning, why did they allow it earlier?” asked a maid agency owner who wished to remain anonymous.

Mustafar pointed out that he had never made any official announcement regarding such a directive, adding that the department would give due consideration to all Muslim employers’ requests, applications, or appeals.
I was raised by several non-Muslim maids & this never happened to my siblings. They're nice & we love 'em dearly.https://twitter.com/fmtoday/status/765131437800423424 
 
Meanwhile, in response to the furor over the issue, a mufti (Muslim legal expert) in the state of Perak expressed his support for such a directive.

According to Free Malaysia Today, Harussani Zakaria said that from an Islamic perspective, it was not wrong for Muslim families to hire non-Muslim maids, but was worried that children under the care of non-Muslims may be influenced and adopt the practices of other religions.

He posed the possibility that maids who have strong Christian backgrounds could “influence Muslim children”.

Here Come the Young

In the coming years, the population of people under the age of 30 in some of the most fragile and unstable countries is going to skyrocket. And the world is not ready for them.
Here Come the Young

BY KRISTIN LORD-AUGUST 12, 2016

As tweets and headlines skip from crisis to crisis, the largest youth population in human history is coming of age in a steady, unstoppable wave.

While countries across Europe and East Asia are grappling with declining birthrates and aging populations, societies across the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia are experiencing youth booms of staggering proportions: More than half of Egypt’s labor force is younger than age 30. Half of Nigeria’s population of 167 million is between the ages of 15 and 34. In Afghanistan, Angola, Chad, East Timor, Niger, Somalia, and Uganda, more than two-thirdsof the population is under the age of 25.

How well these young people transition to adulthood — and how well their governments integrate them economically, politically, and socially — will influence whether their countries thrive or implode. Surging populations of young people will have the power to drive political and social norms, influence what modes of governance will be adopted and the role women will play in society, and embrace or discredit extremist ideologies. They are the fulcrum on which future social attitudes rest.

These young people could transform entire regions, making them more prosperous, more just, and more secure. Or they could also unleash a flood of instability and violence. Or both. And if their countries are not able to accommodate their needs and aspirations, they could generate waves of migration for decades.
In the face of this deluge of young people, world leaders should be strategizing and taking steps daily that steer us all toward the former and away from the latter. But as serial acts of global terrorism, large-scale humanitarian disasters, perplexing political trends in Europe like Brexit and persistent economic fragility demand urgent attention, the question emerges:

Is anyone even paying attention?

Consider India. More than 300 million Indians are under the age of 15, making India home to more children than any country, at any time, in all of human history. To put the size of this generation’s numbers into perspective consider this: If these children formed a country, that country would be the fourth-largest in the world, still smaller than the United States but larger than Indonesia, Brazil, and Pakistan.

Every month until 2030, one million Indians will turn 18 years old, observes Somini Sengupta, the reporter and author of a compelling new bookThe End of Karma: Hope and Fury Among India’s Young. These young people will need both education and jobs — lots of them — in a global economy that is most certainly going to feature more automation and fewer of the semi-skilled manufacturing jobs that absorbed earlier youth surges elsewhere in Asia. If India succeeds in this respect, its coming demographic bonanza holds the potential to create an unprecedented surge in the country’s economic health. If not, its youth boom could rock the world’s largest democracy and second-largest population with sustained instability.

“In the coming years, India can thrive because of its young. Or it can implode. Or both. There’s little time left,” writes Sengupta.

And India is far from being the only country grappling with a booming youth population. Africa’s current population of 200 million young people between the ages of 15 and 24 is set to double by 2045. In the Middle East, a region of some 400 million people, nearly 65 percent of the population is younger than age 30 — the highest proportion of youth to adults in the region’s history.

Booming youth populations are the demographic equivalent of wild cards for those trying to predict the trajectory of large, strategically important, and politically volatile countries like Pakistan and Iran.

In Pakistan, two-thirds of the population is under the age of 30. Many of these young people will only know Pakistan after its latest transition to democracy from 2008 to 2010 and after Pakistan ended its most recent war with India in 1999. They will also know political corruption, extremist violence, and dire shortages of energy and water. In Iran, two-thirds of the population is currently under the age of 35
These young people are educated, tech savvy, and full of potential. Whereas the revolution will be something they learned about in school, many will remember seeing Iranians pour into the streets during the Green Movement or to celebrate the nuclear deal with the United States. And they will be watching to see whetherengagement with the West benefits them or not. Will young Iranians and Pakistanis uplift or splinter the politics, economies, cultures, and security of their respective countries — or both? Will they engage the world productively and peacefully, turn inward, or pick fights with neighbors? Given the size, strategic position, and military capabilities of these two geopolitically critical countries, the answers will determine whether these two critical countries will export vitality or violence.

Unfortunately, the countries that have most of the world’s young people are also the ones that are the most ill-equipped to grapple with their needs, ambitions, expectations, and inevitable frustrations — let alone capitalize on their potential. According to the United Nations, developing countries are home to 89 percent of the world’s 10- to 24-year-olds; by 2020, they will be home to nine out of every 10 people globally. Like too many developing countries, countries like Chad and Niger rank high on lists of the world’s most fragile states. They also have populations in which half of their citizens are under the age of 16.

With this information, it is all too easy to conjure a dystopic future, the Hollywood caricature of a lawless developing country dominated by gangs of rough-talking young men brandishing firearms (Think, “I’m the captain now.”)

But what if we made a different choice? What if the world invested in the potential of these young people? It is feasible to believe these countries could pull themselves out of poverty and instability within a generation — the way China did, the way India might. But if the international community fails to act now, we will all suffer the consequences

As we ponder our path forward, we should consider that the developing world’s youth boom coincides with four interrelated global trends: an information revolution, the largest movement of refugees and displaced people in recorded history, growing urbanization that will concentrate youth in cities, and a rise in terrorism and extremist ideologies. Together these trends will spread not just people but, more importantly, their ideas at an unprecedented rate. They will raise and dash expectations pushing and pulling young people toward and away from their hometowns and homelands, toward and away from their desired futures. They will make young people around the globe aware of how others are living, the divisions within their societies, and how those they identify with are treated by governments, security forces, and other groups. This knowledge can inspire or anger. It can commit people to elevating their families and communities — or make them lash out against them.

Coming to terms with the global youth surge is about so much more than managing the logistical and governmental challenges of providing enough healthcare and education and jobs. It is about how the expectations and grievances and aspirations of these young people will shape the cultural norms and societal ideals of their societies. It is about the character and mores of a still-forming generation — and how they will affect us all. But, again, we must ask the question: Is the world even paying attention?

“Aspiration is like water,” writes Sengupta. “It needs a place to go, or else it drowns everything in its path.” In other words, if the raised expectations of masses of young people are left unmet, frustrations may fester, grievances will grow, and those people may choose to seek out their opportunities elsewhere.

Already, an exodus of people fleeing violence, poverty, or simply a lack of opportunity is underway; rising youth populations are only likely to feed it. The young, not the old, are more likely to vote with their feet. Roughly 25 percent of all Afghans want to leave their country, according to a recent Gallup poll, and more than 100,000 Afghans are expected to head for Europe this year. The same poll, compiled from more than 450,000 interviews in 151 countries from 2009 to 2011, found that 40 percent of Nigerians (a country of more than 180 million) would emigrate to the West if they could. Approximately two million Iraqis have already left their homeland. And they are willing to pay high prices and accept great risks to do so. As a young Kurdish doctor fleeing Iraq in a dangerous voyage via a rubber dinghy told New York Times correspondent Rod Norland, “Better to die quickly there than slowly in Iraq.”

Developed countries in Europe are not the only destination. Migrants from more than a dozen African nations have already landed in North Africa and an estimated 100,000 African migrants now live in Morocco alone. Syrian refugees registered by the United Nations now number 2.1 million in Egypt, Iraq, 
Jordan and Lebanon; there are 2.7 million in Turkey and more than 29,000 in North Africa. Half of all Syrian refugees in the world are children under the age of 18, many of whom missed important years of schooling and whose future paths are now in question.

Youth booms historically paid dividends in the form of economic growth. South Korea, for instance, translated its youth boom into twelvefold GDP per capita growth between 1970 and today, 

keeping unemployment for its large youth population around 10 percent. If this history repeats in large population centers like India and Pakistan, Nigeria and Ethiopia, Egypt and Iran — all of which currently have unusually large youth populations — economic booms will transform whole regions.

But the ability of developing countries to create enough jobs in today’s technologically advanced and ruthlessly efficient global economy is far from assured. Even wealthy and well-educated countries like Germany and the United States are struggling to employ elements of their workforces and sustain a prosperous middle class. A lack of economic opportunity concerns young people worldwide as the pace of technological advancements decreases the demand for manufacturing labor even when economies are growing. In Jordan, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia, for example, youth unemployment rates already exceed 30 percent, and youth populations there are expected to grow by another 20 percent or more over the coming 15 years,according to the U.N.

There is also the risk that the unmet expectations of youth could fuel widespread violence. While there is no empirically concrete link between joblessness and terrorism, unemployment can contribute to a broader sense of marginalization and grievance that can drive young people to commit acts of violence, whether they live in Nairobi, Baghdad, or the Brussels neighborhood of Molenbeek. According to recent survey by ASDA’A Burson-Marsteller, Arab youth across the Middle East view a lack of jobs and opportunity as factors that aid the recruitment efforts of extremist groups in that region.

As a 2015 Mercy Corps report and many other studies makes clear, grievances due to experiences of injustice, discrimination, corruption, and abuse by security forces are more important drivers of political violence than poverty. Thus, merely finding jobs for youth does not reduce the incidence of young people committing acts of terrorism or political violence. Addressing their grievances through effective institutions of governance and justice is an important, though admittedly long-term, response. Yet another, perhaps more easily attainable objective in the short term, is giving young people a sense of self-worth and the ability to contribute to and shape the future of their communities as well as their own individual futures. Economic needs are important but are only one of many dimensions of a person’s life.

To change the trajectory of youth living in challenging circumstances around the world, young people need economic opportunities, civic engagement, and justice as well as opportunities to positively change their communities. They need to develop their identities as individuals who have something to contribute, and as citizens. They need to come together to shape more positive futures for themselves and for others. And they are not just going to wait.

Tapping the potential of massive youth populations worldwide could be the opportunity of the century. Or, it will unleash even more disorder, division, and violence. Or both. To echo Sengupta again, the world is now home to a tipping-point generation that will bend the arc of history. There’s little time left.
Photo credit: NOAH SEELAM/AFP/Getty Images