Accountability must be addressed before framing new Constitution: Wigneswaran

2016-08-07
The Chief Minister of the Tamil-majority Northern Province, C.V.Wigneswaran, has said that accountability for the war crimes allegedly committed in the last phase of Eelam War IV must be established before the Sri Lankan government formulates a new constitution to address the basic political question, Indian Express reported.

 Addressing the Tamil Peoples’ Council in his capacity as its co-chairman in Jaffna today, Wigneswaran said that the constitution planned by the government will not be drafted to the Tamils’ satisfaction unless accountability issues were satisfactorily addressed prior to that.

 He told the council that he had heard from someone involved in the constitution making exercise that the government is planning to brush accountability under the carpet by showing the international community before the September session of the UN Human Rights Council, that it is seriously working on a new constitution to address the political grievances of the Tamils. The plan is to get the new  constitution passed by the March session of the UNHRC. By doing so, the government hopes that it can divert attention from the accountability issue and urge the Tamils to look to the future rather than look back at the past. 

Wigneswaran said that it is essential for any Sinhalese-dominated government in Sri Lanka not to be seen letting down the predominantly Sinhalese armed forces. Therefore, every effort will be made to dodge the issue of accountability or water down the accountability process. 

Government has already said it will not allow foreign judges. But the Tamil people cannot rely on the impartiality of Sri Lankan judges when the accused are military personnel as exemplified by the recent acquittal of six army officers in a case relating to the slaughter of 24 Tamils in Kumarapuram in Trincomalee district in 1996, Wigneswaran said. The Tamils must insist on having foreign judges in the proposed Judicial Mechanism, he emphasized.

 On the importance of accountability for the Tamils ,Wigneswaran said that fixing responsibility for the conduct of the armed forces during the war is a duty owed to the young militants whose sacrifices had brought the Tamils’ issue to the attention of the world.

 As regards the new constitution ,Wigneswaran said that the Tamils must insist on the adoption of a federal structure with the unification of the Northern and Eastern Provinces to form a single Tamil-speaking province. The Chief Minister said that even if the term federal is not used, there could be an arrangement to give “self rule” as adopted in Spain after the ouster of dictator Franco.

 Justifying the call for the merger of the North and East, Wigneswaran said it is necessary to keep the culture and integrity of the Tamil speaking people against encroachments by the majority Sinhalese. Within the united North and East, the Tamil-speaking Muslims could have separate autonomous unit, he added. 

Wigneswaran called for vigilance against attempts by the Sri Lankan government to divide the Tamil-speaking people and by-pass the NPC in taking decisions relating to matters pertaining to the Northern Province. When experts recommended that the Northern Economic Zone be located at Omanthai and the NPC agreed, a certain Central  Minister insisted it should be in Thandikulam. This finally led to the setting up of an Economic Zone in two places.

 When the NPC objected to the project to build 65,000 prefabricated houses for war displaced saying that they are uninhabitable, the Sri Lankan government said that the houses would be given to the displaced Sinhalese and Muslims, thus dividing the displaced. The government also formed a separate committee to resettle displaced Muslims and Sinhalese.

 Now an attempt is being made to identify ancient “Sinhalese” villages in the North on the basis of evidence of Buddhist practices, with the aim  of settling Sinhalese in these villages. Wigneswaran pointed out that the so-called Sinhalese villages were actually Tamil Buddhist villages because the Tamils were Buddhists in ancient times. (Indian Express)

Land Acquisition In The North Creates A Stir

by Easwaran Rutnam-Sunday, August 07, 2016

Soldiers patrolling the North during the war

An attempt to acquire private land in the North has created a stir with Tamils in the area raising strong objections and accusing the government of misleading the international community.

The government however denied claims there was a move to acquire

private land in the North with Minister D. M. Swaminathan telling The Sunday Leader the government does not require more land for the military in the North.

Tamil National Alliance (TNA) member and former Parliamentarian Suresh Premachandran said that while publicly releasing private land, the military was also acquiring land in some parts of the North.He said that one such attempt last week in Mullaitivu was blocked by civilians and politicians in the area.

“The Navy is attempting to permanently take over some private land in Vadduvaakal in Mullaitivu where the final battle between the LTTE and the army took place during the war,” Premachandran told The Sunday Leader.

He said that on Thursday officials of the Survey Department had attempted to survey some 617 acres of land in the area.However Premachandran said civilians who owned part of the land protested together with politicians in the area and the move to survey the land was suspended.

“Most of this land belonged to people in the area but it is now being occupied by the military. The military is now trying to make it permanently theirs,” he alleged.He also claimed that the Navy has erected fences around the property and civilians cannot enter the area.

Premachandran said that more than 100 plots of land in several parts of the North including in Visuwamadu have been taken over by the military after the new government came to power.

“The people need this land for cultivation,” he said.

Meanwhile the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) also strongly objected to the government’s policy of acquiring private lands or even allocating state lands for the use of the services of the Army and the Navy in particular in rural areas.

TULF Secretary General V. Anandsangaree said that the TULF had always taken a positive and moderate view even on sensitive issues like acquiring private lands or allocating state lands at random without justifiable cause to establish a camp amidst civilians.

“I am shocked that when strong protests are made often by various organizations in the North and the East about this matter, the decision to acquire 617 acres of private lands for the Navy in Mullivaikkal of the Mullaitivu district is very provocative. I never look at any problem from a communal angle but always welcome reasonable actions of the government taken without any sinister motive,” Anandsangaree said. He noted that the country after 30 years of turmoil is limping back to normalcy but some happenings in various parts of the country are causing grave concern to the people and a lot of tension is prevailing in the North over this type of happenings.

“What is the hurry for the government to put aside attending to many urgent issues and to concentrate now in setting up camps for the services. Is there any urgent need for any army camp in the North. If so let the country know about it,” he said.

He also said that he was surprised that although the TNA had gone out of its way and extended its full cooperation to the government, the government is causing embarrassment to them.

“This is an issue serious enough for the TNA to withdraw its support to the government. The TNA is misusing the term TNA to the advantage of one single party in the Alliance, which itself has no legal status to function as a political party. I call upon the TNA Parliamentarians of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) to resign their seats if they can’t prevent the opening up of more and more camps all over the North and the East, which action justifies the fear of the minorities that the government does not take the minority’s objections seriously,” he said.

Anandsangaree said he was sure that every right thinking person of all communities in this country will agree with him that the action of this government is totally provocative and should be condemned.

“I am always of the view that there can be one or two camps at important places, without establishing camps in the midst of civilian population and the soldiers are confined to the barracks. It is understood that much earlier, the people had complained about this to the members of Parliament and Provincial Councils when the army was fencing the area now in dispute.  But no action had been taken so far. Contrary to that the said land is to be surveyed now for the purpose of acquisition. I think the time has now come for the Federal Party members of Parliament in the TNA to quit the alliance and also to resign their seats in Parliament,” he added.

However Resettlement Minister D.M. Swaminathan said that his Ministry has not been notified about any acquisition of land and as to his knowledge the present government does not need any land for the military as it serves no purpose to set up camps now.

“If Mr. Anandasangaree informs about the specific areas that have been released, to us or to any other relevant party we can definitely look into this because we are constantly in touch with the Defence Ministry to get the military occupied lands released to expedite resettlement,” the Minister told The Sunday Leader.

Premachandran said that the Ministry of Defence is aware of the fresh land acquisition and the government is turning a blind eye to the issue.The international community has been urging the government to release private land and ensure full normalcy returns to the North and East.

The issue had also been raised at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva by council members and the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

ASGIRIYA CHAPTER CALLS FOR THE RIGHT TO EQUALITY FOR LGBT

07/08/2016

The Asgiriya Chapter highlighted that groups with diverse gender identities and sexual orientations such as the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning, intersex and asexual (LGBTQIA) communities should have the right to equality and should not be marginalized, discriminated, exploited and oppressed.

Chief Secretary of the Asgiriya Chapter, Dr. Medagama Dhammananda said that such individuals who are so due to biological reasons and no fault of theirs, required compassion of all in the society. He added that laws must be brought to punish those who subjected them to torture, cruel, inhuman and/or degrading treatment, harassment and/or violence, on the grounds of their identity and/or orientation, as such could not be approved.

He however opined that since the right to equality was enshrined within and guaranteed by the Constitution, there was no need to single out the said communities for special recognition and provide special protection for them and such should be rethought of as far as including such in the new Constitution was considered.

When queried as to the fact that archaic provisions in the law such as those in the Vagrants Ordinance and Section 365 of the Penal Code are used to persecute those in these communities and therefore that there was a need for these laws to be repealed or amended, he opined that there was a danger that the laws if loosened would result in the open expression of such by way of the open practice and expansion of and proliferation of night clubs, guesthouses catering to such and drugs as such go hand in hand, parallely, as in the case of Thailand.

An environment providing for laws allowing such to be put in place should not be brought about by way of lifting restrictions, limitations and boundaries imposed, he further opined.

When further questioned about certain liberal countries where homosexual marriages were allowed by law and should therefore be provided for here, he opined that such practices did not fit in with what he perceived was the country’s traditions and customs, which are to be safeguarded. (RLJ)
The Nation

Is it only we should be held responsible after ending the 30 year old war?

Aug 07, 2016

The political prisoners have added that even after establishing special judiciary courts they have not received any redress saying that whether it is only they who should be held responsible. This had been added on the 06th instant when a campaign was commenced by Father Sathivel and a group when they visited the Magazine prison at Welkada.

After the protest campaign what they had wanted was to release them after a rehabilitation programme and to release them to the society and not a special judiciary court to be appointed. They had accused that only what they had received was to pay a higher fee for lawyers. They also had said that each time when they had to meet the lawyers when they were subjected to checking their clothes had become dirty and needed to be washed in the laundry.

 

The political prisoners had disclosed that there are about 150 political prisoners have been kept in prisons before the war and after the war. A number of others had been released from prison. What these political prisoners had said was after ending the 30 year old war is it only they who should be held responsible?

 

As a protest for these political prisoners the relatives, members of political parties, civil organizations and members of the public of them are to stage protests opposite the Welikada prison headquarters and in front of the Jaffna bus halt on the 08 instant at 10.am.

 

This protest according to Father Sathivel is to get these political prisoners released. A similar protest is to be conducted outside several prisons in the outstations followed by a satyagraha.

The Case against Private Universities: A Response to a Growing Conversation

Photo courtesy News First


ANDI SCHUBERT on 08/06/2016

Sri Lanka’s tertiary education sector and its resistance to the private sector has become a topic of gleeful conversation over the past week on social media. Some of these conversations have taken the form of a critical talk show (such as this piece on Yamu) and there was also a roar.lk editorial on the need to at least explore some form of private sector involvement in the country’s higher education sector. This attention on State universities reflects a growing demand for the entry of the private sector into the tertiary education sector. However, there has hardly been an attempt to argue the case against private universities, particularly in English media that is most active through social media. Therefore, I want to take the roar.lk editorial seriously as a reflection of some of the main arguments advanced in favor of the entry of the private sector into the higher education sector. Through this I hope to expose some of the critical assumptions that often get ignored when these positions are advocated.

Mapping what has increasingly become a polemical debate, Himal Kotelawela’s roar.lk editorial rightly points out that any attempt to introduce some form of privatization in the tertiary sector is likely to be met with stiff resistance. He concludes by noting that it is clear that “tertiary education in Sri Lanka absolutely must undergo a serious restructuring.” While I agree in general with his final comment, in this short article I want to explore the assumptions which undergird his argument in the hope of offering a significantly different terrain on which to engage in the “serious restructuring” that Kotelawela so strenuously argues for.

Assumption 1: The Resistance to Reform

One of first arguments that emerges in the roar.lk editorial is the need to set aside the “cacophony of anti-capitalist slogans, misinformation, and fear-mongering” that inevitably gets in the way of attempts to reform the country’s tertiary education system. The editorial blames this interference on “radical university students” who with the backing of left-leaning political parties, hope to “capitalize on the ideological and socioeconomic divisions that have arisen and festered in the university system over the years.” Apart from this rather heavy-handed attempt at marking the terrain of opposition, the editorial offers only the grounds of political expediency as a way of understanding why these so called radical university students fight to maintain the status quo in Sri Lanka’s state universities. The first limitation of this editorial analysis therefore, is that it hinges on the assumptions that the major student groups in the universities are radically opposed to any form of reformation of the local university system.

The problem of with this assumption about reform becomes clearer if we start to ask ourselves whether these students are really that resistant to reform? If we leave our classist prejudices at the door what might start to become clearer is not that these “radical university students” are resistant to reform. Rather that they are in fact resistant to the kind of reform that the editorial so strenuously argues is urgently needed. The problem with this assumption about reform resistance is that it casts the debate as a battle between conservative, backwardly radical elements vociferously resisting the march of progress that the progressive, liberal, reformists believe would bring them to a better future. However, I would argue that within this polemic it is impossible to recognize the demands of both students as well as faculty in the State Universities for more resources and funding from the State as a demand for further reform of an already radical system of education.

Assumption 2: The Point of a University Education

Another central assumption of the editorial is the assumption it makes regarding the aim of a university education. Within the framework of this editorial, the point of a university education is the production of “a competent labor force.” Within this logic, the entry of the private sector into the tertiary education sector, which logically places emphasis on employable skills, will finally make the graduates of state universities more attractive to a private sector job market. It will also hopefully address Sri Lanka’s statistical anomaly of having a higher unemployment rate among those with higher levels of education. Even the rather limp effort to include dissenting voices within this article (like those of Prof. Narada Warnasuriya) still accept that the point of a university education is to produce graduates who are attractive to the private sector. To my mind there are two inter-connected strands to this argument which I intend to address separately – the point of a university education and the role of the private sector.

Firstly, the point of a university education. For many of those who argue for private universities, the ultimate aim of a university education is to produce workers for the labor force. The problem with this argument is that it assumes that the lowest common denominator of social value is employability and that therefore employability is the ultimate arbiter of the value of a tertiary education system. This perspective erroneously serves to homogenize all fields of study within the university. Whether we would like to admit it or not, there are some fields of study that are more attractive to the private sector and those that ultimately cannot be judged from the purely utilitarian value of employability. Understood in this way, we can see that whereas STEM and Management fields may have direct relevance to the private sector, the value of graduates from fields in the humanities and social sciences cannot be measured from a purely utilitarian perspective only. In fact, there may even be certain fields of study within STEM that are more closely aligned to the humanities and social sciences than they are to the STEM field (a good example of this is the Philosophy of Mathematics department at the Open University). To assume that employability in the private sector should be the ultimate arbiter of value is to fail to see the diverse aims of fields of study that a university should provide a space for.

In other words, the problem with the roar.lk editorial’s framing of the conversation is that it attempts to frame the only terrain of debate over tertiary education in the country as being that of employability. This perspective is at best, short-sighted and at worst, flawed because it aims to limit the horizon of thought through which this issue can be understood. If we start to recognize the fallacy of this perspective, we could maybe shift the tenor of our debate away from a one-size-fits-all metric of value to a more nuanced conversation about how best to develop and promote different measures of value for different fields of study.

Assumption 3: The Role of the Private Sector

Secondly, the role of the private sector in promoting employability and stimulating the tertiary education sector. The problem with this view is that by promoting the private sector as the final arbiter of value, it conveniently sidesteps the fact that most university students aspire for employment in the public rather than the private sector. Many critics of the state university system attribute this aspiration to the fact that graduates have been spoilt by years of free education and now expect to continue to enjoy a free ride in the public sector. However, as Prof. Jayadeva Uyangoda points out in an excellent analysis of the youth involved in the JVP uprisings, the problem of youth employment is rooted in the realization that free education can provide a ticket to social mobility but cannot guarantee that a young person can actually arrive at this destination.[i] If those who argue for more private investment in universities are serious about promoting private sector employment as the ultimate solution to the reformation of the tertiary education sector, they perhaps need to ask themselves as to whether the private sector has a better capacity to deliver on this radical promise of social mobility.

The fact of the matter is that within the profit-oriented logic espoused by these critics, social mobility is in the hands of market forces. As many close observers of the Sri Lankan political economy understand, the market forces in Sri Lanka rarely, if ever, actually operate freely. Rather the investment priorities of the private sector are more often than not shaped heavily by proximity to centers of political power, access to patronage networks, and by extension the ability to leverage the flow of government resources to increasing profits. As the bond scandal, the manipulation of the stock market under the previous regime, and the recent drama over the purchase of Agalawatte plantations indicates, it is perhaps better to err on the side of caution when stringently advocating for the unimpeded flow of private capital in Sri Lanka. Therefore, before demanding that the universities adapt themselves to the function of the market, these writers may spend their time more productively by demanding for a more transparent private sector that is truly responsive to the vagaries of a free market. To call for the reformation of the universities in the direction of the private sector in the absence of this consistent advocacy for a more accountable and transparent market, smacks of a patronizing do-as-I-say-but-not-as-I-do attitude. At the end of the day, it is short-sighted to assume that employability (particularly within the private sector) translates into or is the equivalent of social mobility. Therefore, instead of advocating employability as a measure of the success of an undergraduate education, let us think more broadly and value the capacity to achieve social mobility as the ultimate indicator of the success of a university education.

Assumption 4: The Direction of Reform

But can all of this be taken to mean that there is no need for reform of the tertiary education sector in the country? Most assuredly, not. There is a definite need for urgent reform of the tertiary education sector within the country. My difficulty however is in seeing how the entry of the private sector into the university system would be the most productive strategy for reform. Therefore, let me deal with some of the issues raised by the roar editorial and suggest some alternative directions for reform. For me personally, these directions would broadly cover the expansion of state investment in the tertiary education sector and an increased emphasis on democratization within the broader education system.

Firstly, state investment in external degrees or distance learning is one possible way to expand the existing state university system and simultaneously create opportunities for those who are unable to enter the university system through the A/L examination. One of the major strategies that the tertiary education system has been focusing on with the aid of funding from numerous external agencies is the development of a number of external and long distance learning based degree programs throughout the country. The external degree programs offer some (though not all) options for students who wish to pursue a university education in the country. Rather than simply diverting money from state universities to regulate and subsidize private universities (as roar suggests), the state could use this funding to invest in better external degree programs in all state universities. In fact, successive governments have adopted this approach in a bid to mitigate some of the criticisms regarding the lack of access to the university system. However, the existing external degree programs are extremely haphazard and often given step-motherly treatment by internal departments. One way of addressing this trend is for the state to utilize the allocation that would anyway be spent on both regulation as well as subsidies for private universities, and invest it in the state university system’s external degree/ distance learning programs. As a corollary I think there is a need for the continued expansion of State investment in both education as well as higher education. Not simply because I believe that education is a right (and not a commodity as the roar suggests) but because I also believe that it is a fundamental duty of the state to spend more of its money on educating rather than defending its citizens.

It is also important to note that entry into the university system does not necessarily translate into the freedom to pursue any course of study. Even for those who enter the state university system, only a precious few have the privilege of pursuing the line of study that they had aimed for during their A/L exams. One possible (though admittedly inadequate) solution is to invest in career guidance counselling at the school level ideally while students are still doing their Ordinary Level examinations. Very few students in schools today have a real sense of what a university education can offer and their views are often shaped by the aspirations of their parents or teachers. The early identification of career pathways can be leveraged to develop alternative professional options for students such as teacher training colleges, vocational training, and other skills-based, specific courses for employment within particular sectors. This however, still does not account for the perennial argument raised by proponents of private universities which can be summarized as, “I have the capacity to pay for it, so why not have access?” I think the answer to this question requires far more complex and nuanced analysis than I am capable of dealing with effectively in this short space. My preliminary response would be to return to the basis on which I pursue my critique – the capacity to deliver equitable social mobility as the final arbiter of the value of an education system. Understood in this way, the argument about the capacity to pay while individually valid, would be detrimental to the value of promoting equitable social mobility through the education system.

Let me conclude by also stressing the need for increased democratization of our higher education system. While I am personally sympathetic to the struggles of university students, I see no plausible defense for the relevance of the rag to the university system today. The rag may have worked as a mobilizing tool a few decades ago but in the aftermath of what has taken place since 1971, the reliance on the rag for mobilization is an expression of the failure of the political imagination of student unions in universities today. Similarly, although I am not a part of the university system, I strongly believe in the importance of intellectual reedom and proper remuneration for academic staff of the university (and non-academic staff too, but I digress). However, my support for the grievances of the academic staff hasn’t and shouldn’t preclude me from calling for more concrete action by groups such as the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) to combat discrepancies and the lack of transparency in recruitment of staff, address the sexual harassment of women in many university departments, and be as vociferous in their demands for more government allocations for education as they are on the need for better pay for academic staff. Concomitantly, I can see the value of ensuring that the salaries of non-academic staff are increased but I’m also equally invested in ensuring that measures are put in to avoid a repeat performance of incidents similar to what the Auditor General says has taken at the University of Jaffna. In short, where these private sector proponents and I do agree is on the need to urgently reform not just our tertiary education system but our entire education system. The point though is that the terrain that has been sketched for this task is too narrow and self-serving. In the interests of a better future for our country, we must, and indeed, should, do better.[ii]

###

Andi Schubert is a Senior Researcher attached to the Social Scientists’ Association, Sri Lanka. He can be contacted via email – andi@ssalanka.org

[i] Uyangoda, J., 2003. Social Conflict, Radical Resistance and Projects of State Power in Southern Sri Lanka: The Case of the JVP. In: M. Mayer, D. Rajasingham-Senanayake & Y. Thangarajah, eds. Building Local Capacities for Peace: Rethinking Conflict and Development in Sri Lanka. New Delhi: Macmillan India, pp. 37-64.

[ii] An early draft of this article was sent to roar.lk. The editors declined to publish it.

‘All flatulence no substance’ melodrama again of the Rajapakse brigand - After their padhra yathra fiasco.!

-Secret plan leaks out to LeN

(Lanka-e-News -07.Aug.2016, 7.10PM) The corrupt Rajapakse and his brigand whose padhra yathra (march) which met its nemesis  recently , are once again having  secret discussions to engage in another ‘all flatulence no substance’ melodramatic ‘horu –boru’ show, based on reports reaching Lanka e news inside information division. 

It has come to light during the discussions that their next treacherous and traitorous move is not aimed at toppling the government ( after  having realized it is impossible) but to create inconvenience and hindrances to  the people , whereby they would get disappointed and disillusioned  with the government.

This secret discussion was held at the residence of Wimal Weerawansa , a most notorious fraudster on the night before Mahinda Rajapakse and his group left for Korea. Pro Rajapakse crooked M.P.s ,Dallas Alahaperuma, Kumara Welgama, Lohan Ratwatte, Bandula Gunawardena, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, and C.B. Ratnayake participated in the discussions. Dallas and Bandula arrived in one vehicle for the discussion. 

The plan of the plotting group of crooks ….

The next plot is to create inconvenience and hindrances to the public during the festivities at the end of the year. That is to create hardships and hindrances to the Christians who are in large numbers living along the stretch  from Colombo to Wattala , Kandana and Jaela celebrating  their festival, while also targeting the people visiting Pettah from all four corners.  

With this sinister and villainous objective in view these scoundrels who are in plenty among that group  , have planned to squat in Pettah during two nights to disrupt the year end business activities, with a view to  create inconvenience and hindrances  to the Christians, by  arriving in Colombo via areas  where Christian population is  preponderant. 

It was also decided that lamps be used during the nights , and to make this  ‘melodrama’ look a more  serious struggle unlike their  flopped padha yathra . That is ,they are to minimize   fun and frolic that was engaged in at  the padha yathra which ultimately turned out to be a total disgraceful fiasco  for Mahinda Rajapakse and his brigand.
 
Two cabinet ministers , one non cabinet minister and a secretary to the president who are in the habit of passing information on the sly  about the plans of the government and the president to these crooks  and villains have also come to light during these discussions , but Lanka e news shall not reveal the details right now , until further confirmation on the facts is made .
 

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by     (2016-08-07 13:43:04)

Oncologists refuse to use new controversial Russian cancer drug

Imported at a cost of over Rs. 300mn but questions over safety and efficacy

by Suresh Perera-August 6, 2016,

A new Russian drug procured by the government to treat patients with breast cancer has run into a storm with oncologists declining to use, what was termed a "nondescript product with questions lingering over its safety and efficacy".

While health officials defended the purchase of the controversial oncology medicine ‘Herticad’ saying it is "cost effective", medical sources lashed out at the move, asserting that even the basic condition that a biosimilar (A drug designed to have active properties similar to one that has previously been licensed) should be administered on patients in the country of origin for two years had been violated.

This drug was launched in Russia in January 2016 and a tender to import the medicine to Sri Lanka was submitted by a local supplier the following month itself, they said.

The go-ahead to procure the product with neither referrals of the drug’s experience in other countries nor proper evaluation with clinical references and trials, the sources claimed. "The use of this medicinal drug is at present confined to just three countries — Russia, Belarus and Ukraine".

"There are some mandatory stipulations when procuring drugs for cancer patients, but how come a product not even effectively tried and tested for two years in the home country was allowed to be imported?", they queried.

The approval of pharmacologists alone won’t suffice for life-saving critical oncology drugs as clinicians should give the green light for their use on patients, the sources pointed out.

Despite the Health Ministry procuring a sizable consignment at a cost of more than Rs. 300 million, most of the oncologists of the Maharagama Cancer Institute (MCI) have refused to administer ‘Herticad’ to patients.

"This drug was not referred to the College of Oncologists for approval", says Dr. Mahendra Perera, a top medical specialist in the field. He was the Past President of the College.

He said that this Russian product gives a different indication as it is meant to be administered to patients in an advanced stage of breast cancer. "It is not the right indication as there are no proven benefits after the cancer spreads".

That was why the College of Oncologists decided against using it. The majority of oncologists at the MCI also refrain from administering the drug, and those who do so should bear the responsibility for a situation that arises, Perera explained.

The worthwhile concept is to administer drugs before breast cancer spreads, monitor the response and offer relief to symptoms for survival benefit, the veteran oncologist noted.

"What is the use of bringing down medicines worth millions of rupees to treat an aggravated stage when safety profiles don’t come into play as patients in any case die of the disease?", he asked.

Another medical official warned that the possibility of the drug leading to toxicity which could affect the heart of patients has not been ruled out. "We need to get a feedback on the side-effects from patients".

The product registered in Russia has been tested on women in the last stages of breast cancer. Under these circumstances, there was no evidence to ascertain whether it could be used to prevent the cancer from recurring or spreading, he said.

Oncologists had not been consulted, and despite opposition by experts in this field serving on the Technical Evaluation Committee, the controversial product was imported, he noted.

"We have procured this Russian biosimilar at Rs. 66,000 per vial, which was a big saving in comparison to other products", the health official said.

This is absolutely bunkum, industry players shot back. "A total of four different consignments of 1,205 vials were procured at quoted prices ranging from Rs. 165,000 to Rs. 198,000 each, with 49 vials free of charge in one lot and a 20% concession per vial for the others", industry players asserted.

There are some doctors eager to see the ‘medical mafia’ monopoly continue as they enjoy undue benefits from certain pharmaceutical companies, the health official charged.

It is an open secret in the trade that, apart from the luxury trip to Russia offered to an influential individual, certain parties are attempting to give "incentives" to doctors who use this drug as stocks are virtually stagnant with oncologists declining to use them on patients, the industry players alleged. "This has spurred one doctor to use 100 vials so far at a key cancer facility".

"We have discovered that certain drugs which cost US$ 3 dollars had been supplied at US$ 30", the official said.

If that was so, it shows there had been no proper evaluation of the bids by the authorities. All these lop-sided claims pale into insignificance when taking into account how more than Rs. 300 million has been virtually busted on useless cancer drugs, which oncologists have rejected, the industry players said.

SLT Ads Galore Towards Media Factory

by Ashanthi Warunasuriya-Sunday, August 07, 2016

Sri Lanka Telecom (SLT)

The media reports that the Sri Lanka Telecom (SLT) is going to give their advertising campaigns to ‘Media Factory’ have raised concern among anti-corruption groups. The reports say that the SLT is planning to hand over its entire advertising campaign over to Media Factory. It has now become an issue as to

how a private firm can have such a monopoly over a government institution. Moreover, it is important note here that Media Factory is reported to have handled the advertisement campaign of former President MP Mahinda Rajapaksa’s 2015 presidential election campaign as well.

Several media reports have revealed that top officials of SLT and its affiliate Mobitel are attempting to handover the advertising management of the two institutions to an agency owned by the Rajapaksa family. According to the reports, tenders have already been called, but SLT CEO Dileepa Wijesundara and Mobitel COO Nalin Perera, a close relative of subject minister Harin Fernando, are said to be trying to hand over the deal to Media Factory.

JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake has stated recently that this agency is belonged to Yoshitha Rajapaksa.

It was Media Factory which had given Mahinda Rajapaksa’s last presidential election campaign commercials to ITN, but payments have not been made so far for the campaign.

Mahinda – the actor

The presidential commission investigating this scam should question Media Factory and the ITN, not Mahinda Rajapaksa who had ‘acted’ in those advertisements, said Dissanayake.

The JVP leader has called for an investigation to reveal whether Media Factory has received commissions when the UPFA got the campaign advertisements published.

However, in response to these allegations the Media Factory has issued the following statement to a website.

To the editor

In reply to the article posted on July 21 on your website under the title “Attempt to give Advertising to the Rajapaksas”, we would like to put the record straight on the malicious and disillusioned comments made in respect to Media Factory. The author who creatively and with some obvious fear for Media Factory fails to mention that Media Factory was also the preferred media agency by the current Prime Minister, the Honorable Ranil Wickremesinghe during his election campaign of 2015. Even the most illiterate person would understand this would not be possible if we were a so called Rajapaksa owned agency, nor would it be allowed.

We remain a politically neutral agency though some would like to taint us otherwise for their own benefit and inability to match Media Factory’s service and intellectual levels. We are predominantly a private sector based agency and on private sector business alone are amongst the largest agencies in the island. The claims of the author and the need to subscribe to such unscrupulous behavior of fear mongering is an obvious attempt to benefit by removing Media Factory from the equation of the recent pitch. On the claim of ITN outstanding the author again attempts to mislead or remains ignorant to the fact Media Factory has been cleared of any wrongdoings and the letters to this effect have been dispatched to relevant authorities. We are innocent of all accusations made and whilst thankful to the editor for allowing us to reply, are saddened they did not bother to verify the claims previously made. The whole idea of Yaha Palanaya championed by his Excellency the President and Honorable Prime Minister is about building a just society and system that rewards talent and puts the best resources to serve the country.

We have no knowledge on the proceeding of the tender process, but if the tender board evaluation shows us as the best partner for SLT Mobitel, What is the problem? This is an absolute victory for Yaha Palanaya and all that it hopes to achieve.

Let’s reiterate

However, we reiterate with responsibility that SLT CEO Dileepa Wijesundara and Mobitel COO Nalin Perera are trying to hand over advertising management of the two institutions to Media Factory. As far as we know, this advertising agency had toiled hard in the advertising campaign of the former president during the presidential election. Reports have further revealed that the Media Factory is related to an owner of a leading media channel in the country, who had also generously contributed to the former President’s election campaign.

Another interesting fact is that this is not the first time Media Factory has been handling SLT’s advertising campaign. Even during the previous government, it had been actively engaged in SLT’s promotion drive.

Since political influence is the main reason behind all monopolies, we asked several Joint Opposition MPs such as Dullas Alahapperuma and Prasanna Ranatunga about this issue. They denied any knowledge of such a move. Speaking regarding of the matter, the Minister of Social Welfare S. B. Dissanayake, who was also a senior member of the previous administration, said that even though he would not believe any foul play had happened in the contract, it has to be looked into if there are allegations.

Unlike never before, the Opposition is now holding higher ground in COPE. Hence we asked JVP parliamentarian Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa about his party’s opinion on the matter. According to him, most of these contracts are affiliated with political deals. Expressing his views further, the JVP MP said, the Rajapaksa family has now lost some of the privileges and commissions they enjoyed while they were in power. Now Yoshitha is not getting anything. Namal is not getting a commission from Krish deals. May be that is why Yoshitha is going to the CID in a three wheeler these days. Maybe that is why those who toured around the country in helicopters are now coming to Colombo from Kandy on foot. May be Minister Harin Fernando has given away the advertisement contract of the SLT to Yoshitha out of sympathy to the Rajapakasha Family. It is now evident to people how those who had previously accused the Rajapaksas are now engaging in deals with the same culprits without investigating the charges that have been raised against them. There is a clear deal between the UNP leadership and the Rajapaksa family. That is the contract to split the SLFP. In return, they are being offered these lucrative deals.”

SLT Chairman’s comments

Responding to these allegations, SLT Chairman Kumarasinghe Sirisena said that there is no space for corruption. “I too learned about this from media reports. The said advertising agency was removed from the contract a long time ago. There is no opportunity for it to assume the contract once again. We have terminated the agreements made in May 2015 in October last year. SLT has not yet decided to go for a new project,” he said.

Has the controversial “Media Factory” been able to secure a deal with the present government? We asked from the minister of Telecommunications and Digital Infrastructure Harin Fernando as he is the responsible person of the government in this issue. However, refuting these allegations, the Minister said that the tender has not yet been finalized. Claiming that the Rajapaksa family has no relationship with the Media Factory, the minister said that it belongs to an owner of a leading media channel in the country. He further assured that the tender would be processed in a fair manner to everyone.

There is no need to find out who owns what. What is needed is sticking to the Yahapalana policies that were much “Advertised” by the present government. The Sunday Leader is keeping close watch on what is going to happen next.

Mysterious deaths of ex-LTTE cadres create unease in North Sri Lanka

By P K Balachandran- 06th August 2016

COLOMBO: A series of mysterious deaths reportedly occurring among former Tamil Tiger cadres who had been rehabilitated and released into society is creating unease in Sri Lanka’s Tamil-majority Northern Province.

According to the Tamil media, 105 former members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have so far died mysteriously, allegedly after being injected with a drug when they were undergoing post-war ‘rehabilitation’ in Sri Lankan army run camps.

The deaths, allegedly due to poisoning, came to light when an ex-cadre reportedly told the Sri Lankan government’s ethnic reconciliation committee at a recent sitting in Oddusuddan, that he had been injected with a drug which has disabled him. He told the committee that while in the LTTE he could  carry heavy weights and run, but now he finds it difficult to lift even 10 kg. Other ex-cadres had also been given mysterious injections, he said.

With the media reporting 105 deaths, some due to cancer, T.Ravikaran, Northern Provincial Council (NPC) member for Mullaitivu district, and former Tamil National Alliance MP, Suresh Pramachandran demanded that all the ex-cadres who had undergone rehabilitation be examined by a team of foreign doctors as Sri Lankan government doctors could be biased.

“Members of the ex-cadres families are very apprehensive since the news came out. I have therefore decided to move a resolution on this issue at the NPC on August 9. I spoke to Chief Minister Wigneswaran about this and he said he would also place some facts before the Council.

The provincial Health Minister Dr.Sathyalingam has promised to get the ex-cadres medically examined. The Sri Lankan Health Minister Dr.Rajitha Senaratne told the media that the Health Ministry is ready to conduct a health survey of the ex-cadres. But military spokesman Brig.Jayanath Jayaweera trashed the story that the ex-cadres were administered a poisonous drug during the rehabilitation process.

A leader of the TNA told Express that since nobody has an authentic figure of deaths nor information about the cause of deaths, the party is investigating.

“We do not want to comment on it without having the facts. In a few days we may be able to say something based on facts. We cannot automatically accept any figure that may be touted now,” the leader said.

The only authentic case of an ex-cadre dying of a disease got during rehabilitation is that of the LTTE’s political wing leader, Thamilini. She was diagnosed as a cancer victim while she was in a rehabilitation camp and was treated at the government cancer hospital at Maharagama. But despite the best efforts of her Sinhalese doctors, she died. She acknowledged the service rendered by these doctors in her posthumously published Tamil biography, Oru Koovaalin Nizhalil (In The Shadow Of A Sharp Sword).