Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, July 27, 2016


27 July 2016

Six former Sri Lankan army corporals were acquitted by a Sri Lankan court today over the rape and massacre of 24 Tamil civilians in Kumarapuram in 1996.

The Sri Lankan soldiers were standing on trial over the involvement in the killings, which took place in the village in southern Trincomalee on the 11th of February 1996. Several women and children among the murdered and two young girls were raped before they were killed.

No one has yet been held accountable for the murders, with the Sri Lankan court havingacquitted the soldiers of all of the 101 indictments they faced each.

High Court judge Manjula Thilakaratne delivered the verdict after the jury at Anuradhapura High Court decided the soldiers could not be prosecuted, despite eye witnesses identifying those allegedly involved.

Amnesty International said this of the massacre at the time:
"The Kumarapuram incident - The largest incident of deliberate and arbitrary killings of civilians by the security forces since the resumption of the armed conflict in April 1995 took place at Kumarapuram, Trincomalee district, on 11 February 1996. According to several survivors interviewed by Amnesty International, 24 civilians, including 13 women and seven children below the age of 12, were killed by soldiers from the 58th Mile Post and Dehiwatte army camps, accompanied by Home Guards from Dehiwatte.

The killings were in apparent reprisal for the killings by the LTTE of two soldiers near the 58th Mile Post about half an hour earlier. According to one witness, a group of soldiers, some of whom were drunk, gathered at Dehiwatte junction and then proceeded towards Kumarapuram, shouting "death to the Tamils".The villagers of Kumarapuram had taken refuge inside their houses. The soldiers broke open the shutters and aimed their guns at the people hiding inside. One woman recounted how she pleaded with them not to shoot but to no avail. In her house, seven people were killed, including a six-year-old child.

Among the victims was 17-year-old Arumaithurai Tharmaletchumi. She was dragged from a boutique in the village and taken to the milk collection centre where she was raped before being shot. Antony Joseph, a 14-year-old boy, who tried to stop the soldiers from dragging her away, was shot between his legs."
An urgent action appeal issued by the organisation just days after the massacre said:
“Several of the 25 people wounded in the same incident, who are currently receiving treatment at Trincomalee Base Hospital told human rights workers how soldiers broke open doors and windows of houses and fired at those inside. One of the women, Arumathurai Thanalakshmi was reportedly dragged from a boutique in the village and taken to the milk collection centre where she was raped before being shot. One of the other women killed was pregnant.”
Peace Brigades Internationals (PBI) field-workers who went to the to Trincomalee District a month after massacre and spoke to villagers said:
“The dominant theme in all of our discussions was the recent massacre at Kumarapuram, in southern Trincomalee district. As we reported last month, on the 11th of February, men in military uniforms entered the village shouting "Demala kattiya maranuwa" (death to the Tamils). They killed at least 24 civilians, including 7 children under the age of 12, and wounded 26 more. Villagers who survived the attack were initially very willing to identify the men involved as members of the Sri Lankan Army attached to various nearby camps. According to Mr. Thangathurai, MP for the area, the soldiers carried out the attack in retaliation after two of their comrades were ambushed by cadres of the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). A report by the University Teachers for Human Rights (UTHR) further indicates that the divisional army commander may have actually ordered the massacre, having allegedly told his troops, "kudu karanda" (make it dust).”
See the names of those killed below.
1. Subiah Savirajah male age 76
2. Kinnan Kovinthan male age 72
3. Sivakkolunthu Sinnadurai male age 56
4. Vadivelu Nadarajah male age 22
5. Sundaralingam Luxmy female age 35
6. Arunasalam Kamaladevy female age 35
7. Alahuthurai Parames female age 30
 8. Subramaniam Pakkiyam female age 30
9. Arumaithurai Vallipillai female age 28
 10. Selladurai Pakkiyam female age 26
11. Anandan Annamah female age 26
12. Thurairajah Karunakaran young boy age 15
13. Arumaidurai Santhyaluxmy young girl age 15
14. Kanakarajah Subashinirajah young boy age 15
15. Vinayakamoorthy Suthaharan young boy age 14
16. Ramajeyam Kamaleswari young girl age 13
17. Thangavel Kala young girl age 12
 18. Shanmuganathan Nizandan young boy age 11
19. Sundaralingam Pirabaharan young boy age 11
20. Amirthalingam Rasanighandi young girl age 10
21. Theepan Patiny young girl age 9
22. Sivapakiyam Thiraiyampan infant girl age 6
23. Pakkkiyarajah Vasanthini infant girl age 6
24. Sundaralingam Subasini infant girl age 3

Black July, Government promises and our future


(Featured image courtesy Thuppahi

RUKI FERNANDO on 07/26/2016

Transcript of sharing at the Black July commemoration in London, 25th July 2016)
I’m thankful to British Tamils Forum (BTF) for inviting me to share some reflections and thoughts on this occasion.

Many of you gathered for this commemoration might be Tamils. Some may be survivors and families of victims of Black July and numerous other abuses which may have compelled you to leave Sri Lanka. Black July, and much of your sufferings have come at the hands of the Sinhalese dominated state, its military and police and an ideology of Sinhalese – Buddhist superiority. And also due to Sinhalese society’s refusal to acknowledge your identity and specific problems you have faced due to your ethnicity. As a Sinhalese, I share my thoughts today in a spirit of humility and introspection, but also with hopes of moving forward together towards a better future.

I understand that an apology from an ordinary individual like me might not mean much. But as a Sinhalese, I would still like to apologize to all those Tamil brothers and sisters who have suffered much during Black July and countless other such horrific incidents.

I regret I’m not in London to join this event in person. But I thought that being in Sri Lanka during these days would be more meaningful. The last few days, I had chances to share and reflect about Black July with group of Sinhalese journalists in Ampara and also be part of Sinhalese Radio program which was dealing with ethnic conflict, in which we talked about Black July. These were difficult but important conversations.

Riots against minorities in Sri Lanka

25th July 1983 is the day thousands of Tamils in Colombo and other Sinhalese majority areas were slaughtered by Sinhalese mobs, on the streets, in their houses, in vehicles. The killings and looting continued for several days. They were supported by the UNP government of the day, with an extremely powerful Executive President and massive 5/6 majority in parliament. The present Prime Minister and the leader of the UNP, Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe, was a Minister at that time. I don’t know whether he actively or tacitly supported the riots like his leader, President J. R. Jayawardena, or whether he opposed and condemned the riots.

Sadly, riots against minorities in Sri Lanka are not a thing of the distant or recent past. Riots against Tamils have been reported in 1956, 1958, 1977 and 2006. The earliest and latest riots against minorities, specifically the Muslims, have been reported in 1915 and as recently as 2014. Sinhalese mobs, backed by the UNP or SLFP government of the day, have been responsible for these. Police and Military, the majority of whom are also Sinhalese, have actively participated in some of these riots or at times refused to intervene in a timely manner to stop the carnage. Some Buddhist Monks are also reported to have participated in some of these riots, and actually instigated and led the last one against Muslims in 2014.

Among the different riots, Black July had gained most visibility locally and internationally, and is remembered most often. It’s also probably the biggest factor that led to hundreds of thousands of Tamils to seek refugee overseas, leading to numerically, politically and financially powerful “Tamil Diaspora”. I understand that Black July also led to thousands of youth joining the LTTE, as a way of defending themselves from the Sinhalese state.

Black July and other such riots have not been spontaneous acts, but crimes that have been deliberately planned and executed. The state, which should be protecting the citizens, was behind the crimes or complicit. Electoral lists were a key weapon to single out Tamils during Black July. Even if triggers for some riots may have been violent or provocative acts by the LTTE or other individuals or groups, extra-judicial, barbaric collective punishment for whole groups of peoples, and that too repeatedly, is absolutely unjustified and unacceptable under any circumstances.

Massacre of prisoners 

Prisoners – suspects, those charged and those convicted – are amongst the most vulnerable in society. They are dependent on the protection and care of the state. How we treat them could indicate our humanity and civility. One of the most horrific parts of “Black July” was the massacre of Tamil detainees at Colombo’s Welikada Prison. 35 were reported as killed on 25th July and 18 more on 27th July. Tamil detainees were also killed in 1997, 2000 and 2012 in Kaluthara, Bindunuwewa and Vavuniya. In 2012 November, 27 Sinhalese and Muslim prisoners were killed in the same Welikada prison. Irrespective of their guilt or innocence, they didn’t deserve to be massacred. I know some of their mothers and family members are still awaiting justice. Today, let’s also remember them and their families in a special way.

Truth Commission & Apology for Black July

In 2001, then President Chandrika Kumaratunga appointed a Truth Commission to look at Black July.
Later, during a commemoration of Black July in 2004, President Kumaratunga made a historic public apology[1]. Nominal and symbolic compensation was offered to some survivors and victim’s families, which was reported to be on average Rs. 77,000 per person[2]. According to President Kumaratunga, the Commission’s work had indicated nearly 1000 persons killed, 1000s injured and 18,000 properties destroyed. She acknowledged that the scale of tragedy would have been much more, as all facts may not have been available to the Commission and many incidents would not have been reported. Coming from the head of state, this was important. But sadly, she didn’t apologize or even acknowledge massacres of Tamil detainees in Kaluthara and Bindunuwewa and numerous other abuses under her own presidency. 

Today, she leads the Office for National Unity & Reconciliation under the Presidential Secretariat.

Latest government promises 

This year, we remember Black July, after the new Sri Lankan government has announced an ambitious transitional justice agenda, with commitments for truth seeking, reparations, criminal justice through prosecutions and measures to guarantee non-reoccurrence. Plus a new constitution, which is expected to address power sharing and degree of autonomy for Tamil majority areas.

Black July this year could indicate the genuineness of government’s commitments and provide yet another opportunity for the country to move forward. President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe are leaders of the two major Sinhalese dominated political parties which have ruled Sri Lanka since 1948 and under whose watch, and with whose support, all the riots have happened. In fact, both have been Ministers when riots against minorities were unleashed. Today, there’s a unique opportunity for them to go beyond what President Kumaratunga did, by jointly acknowledging the riots against minorities and extending a formal public apology.

Beyond acknowledging and apologising, Black July anniversary could be an opportunity to assess damages and plan towards awarding meaningful reparations, going beyond the rather measly compensation offered for some survivors and families of victims of the Black July under the Kumaratunga presidency.  

It’s very late, but not too late to try and make up for wrongs done.

Today would also be an opportunity to initiate fresh investigations and initiate arrests and prosecutions against those responsible for Black July and other such incidents. Not just those responsible for their implementation, but politicians and high level military, police and prison officials who would have planned or supported these atrocities. Or deliberately turned a blind eye and ensured others responsible did the same.

More than rhetoric and promises, it’s such actions that will indicate to survivors and victim’s families, and minorities as a whole, that this government is sincere towards reconciliation.

Individual Sinhalese heroes and Collective responsibility of Sinhalese society

Riots against minorities will forever be a black mark against Sinhalese as a community. Despite the many heroic acts by individual Sinhalese to save Tamil lives and their properties during Black July. There were also Muslims and Burghers who had come forward to save Tamils. We must acknowledge and appreciate these individual acts of solidarity beyond ethnic lines, at a most critical and dangerous time. But we must not let these individual acts cloud the collective responsibility of Sinhalese society, for allowing Sinhalese majoritarian racism and superiority complexes to flourish, leading to historical and structural discrimination, domination and violence against minorities. Till today.

Black July and other riots are just part of the story of Tamils in Sri Lanka. We cannot forget the systemic atrocities committed during the last months of the war in 2009 and throughout the three decade war. Extrajudicial executions, disappearances, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, sexual and gender based violence and mass and multiple displacements are part of the history of Tamil peoples of Sri Lanka.

Even under the good governance and reconciliation agenda of this new government, there are reports of initiatives to dominate and assimilate Tamils, such as continued occupation of Tamil’s lands and building of new Buddha statues and temples in areas where there are no Buddhists. The military is complicit in these. Till today, military is involved in many civilian affairs such as pre-schools, farms, tourist centres, hotels and shops in the Tamil majority North. Tamils still complain of being under the jackboot of a pre-dominantly Sinhalese military, which stands accused of very serious crimes and human rights violations against Tamils. There had been an alarming rise of abductions and arrests under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in the 3 preceding months.

Appeal to Tamil brother and sisters

As a Sinhalese, I struggle to come to terms with horrific crimes unleashed by political, military and religious leaders from Sinhalese community against Tamils and the complicity of Sinhalese society as a whole. But I also would like to make an appeal to my Tamil brothers and sisters, which I hope you will consider, even though some may be offended or ask “who are you to ask us”.

It’s important that you remember the atrocities against yourselves and your community. But please don’t ignore and forget the “minorities” in the North and East and along it’s borders. And the horrific crimes committed against them by the LTTE, an almost exclusively Tamil group, who claimed to represent the Tamils. Stories of people I have met in Sinhalese “border villages” which has seen horrific massacres by the LTTE appear to be as gruesome as stories I have heard from Tamils who had survived riots at hands of Sinhalese state and mobs. When I listened to families and neighbours of Muslims massacred at the Kathankudi Mosque and Muslim friends forcibly evicted from the Northern Province, both by the LTTE, it sounded as terrible as experiences narrated to me by Tamils who had survived riots in 1983. In my visits to interior villages of the Vanni, I have heard stories of hill country Tamils and their marginalisation, frustrations and difficulties living in the North, after having fled due to riots by Sinhalese. I believe remembering, acknowledging and reflecting on these will deepen our experiences of Black July and help understand and address broader patterns of discrimination and oppression.

Looking towards the future

Discrimination, domination and marginalisation of Tamils by Sinhalese dominated state are the root causes of the conflict and led to war. During the war, horrific abuses were committed against Tamils as well as against Sinhalese and Muslims, by the state and the LTTE. Today, there appear to be some opportunities to address these through political and legal processes in Sri Lanka. Despite terrible experiences with series of failed mechanisms of the past, problems with today’s processes, ongoing violations such as the ones I noted above and indications of lack of seriousness and sincerity on the part of the government, I believe these are opportunities that should not be missed. It would be good to analyze and reflect on opportunities and limits of the present moment and other alternatives available for survivors and victims of violations, before deciding to engage or disengage or limits of engagement.

I also believe it’s important for ordinary Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in Sri Lanka, along with Diaspora and international friends, to join hands to take measures that will lead to truth, reparations, justice and non-reoccurrence. We can’t move forward by sweeping tragedies of the past under the carpet and forgetting about them. That’s why commemorations such as Black July are important. Despite efforts by the previous government and to lesser extent by this government, to restrict remembrances, people, especially survivors and families of victims of violations, have refused to forget. We will need to accept what we had done to each other, and what has been done in our names, without being selective. Despite the horrific experiences of the past, I hope we can walk together in pursuit of an equal, free and dignified future.

Braving threats, Tamil fishermen return to Kokkilai

26 July 2016

Tamil fishermen have returned to setting up business in Kokkilai in Mullaitivu, over the weekend, braving threats from Sinhala Buddhist monks and police officers.
The fishermen were threated last week and had their equipment destroyed, forcing them to flee from Kokkilai, astensions rose in the area.
 
Following a complaint to the Sri Lankan government divisional secretary by Northern Provincial Council member T Ravikaran, a ‘Kottu’ permission deed was issued to the Tamil fishermen, reaffirming their right to conduct business in the area.
A complaint lodged by Sinhala fishermen against Tamil fishermen at Mullaitivu Police Station was also quashed.

However, despite the legal ruling, the Tamils report they still face instances of intimidation. Government investigators came and photographed them on Friday, they alleged.
 
 
Despite this they continued to set up their fish drying equipment undeterred on Friday.

The traditionally Tamil region has seen extensive state sponsored settling of Sinhala fishermen report Tamil politicians, who state that the Sinhalese receive active support from Sri Lanka’s security forces (see here and here).

ICRC presses Sri Lanka on fate of 16,000 war missing

Kin of Sri Lanka's missing persons demand "detailed information"
Displaced Tamil civilians wait for food at Manic farm in the northern Sri Lankan district of Vavuniya on May 7, 2009Displaced Tamil civilians wait for food at Manic farm in the northern Sri Lankan district of Vavuniya on May 7, 2009 ©Pedro Ugarte (AFP/File)

MailOnline - news, sport, celebrity, science and health storiesBy AFP-26 July 2016
The International Red Cross Tuesday urged Sri Lanka on Tuesday to disclose the fate of more than 16,000 people still officially missing since the island's ethnic war ended seven years ago.

The Geneva-based organisation released a 14-month survey conducted across Sri Lanka showing thousands of mainly ethnic Tamils were still searching for their loved ones.

The survey and resulting 34-page report titled "Living with Uncertainty" called on Sri Lankan authorities to "clarify the fate and whereabouts of missing persons".

Of 395 families surveyed by the Red Cross, just over one third believed their loved ones were dead while another third were convinced they were still alive somewhere. The remaining third were unsure.

"The survey found that these families primarily want to know the fate and whereabouts of their missing relative and that they also face economic, legal and administrative difficulties in their daily lives," it said.

Government forces crushed Tamil rebels fighting for a separate homeland for the ethnic minority, in a brutal offensive in 2009. Some 40,000 people are thought to have been killed in the final few months of the conflict alone.

Huge numbers of Tamils disappeared during the 37-year war including after being arrested by security services, while thousands more died in military bombardments.

Thousands of people also went missing during a crackdown by security forces and pro-government vigilante groups on Marxist rebels between 1987 and 1990.

The ICRC said it has registered 16,000 people as missing since setting up a presence in Sri Lanka in 1989. The database includes more than 5,100 security personnel listed as missing.

President Maithripala Sirisena has taken steps to reconcile with the Tamil community since coming to power last January, including by setting up a missing persons office to help families seek compensation.
Last month, the government announced a landmark law to recognise as dead those still missing, allowing relatives to claim inheritances.

The cabinet approved a draft bill to issue "certificates of absence" to the families of those who went missing.

Several mass graves containing skeletal remains have been found in the past two decades, but only a handful of those buried have ever been formally identified.

Muslims, Coexistence & The Media


Colombo Telegraph
By Mass L. Usuf –July 26, 2016
Mass L. Usuf
Mass L. Usuf
On 20.07.2016 TV Derana in their programme Aluth Parlimenthuwa (New Parliament) discussed the subject “Is global terrorism a challenge to co-existence in Sri Lanka?”. The panel featured Mr. Ali Sabry, President’s Counsel, Mr. Mohan Samaranayake, Mr. N.M. Ameen and Mr. M. Dahalan.
The entire panel did a wonderful job analysing the subject under discussion with clarity and precision. There was no ambiguity or vagueness in the position of each of the panellists. Most importantly, they disassociated Islam and Muslims from this murderous, blood thirsty, barbaric terrorist outfit which calls itself ISIS, ISIL, IS. The panel was unequivocal in their condemnation. President’s Counsel Mr. Ali Sabry said that the meanings of the word Islam is ‘Peace’ and ‘Submission’. Therefore, these inhuman terrorists have nothing to do with this religion of ‘Peace’. Mr. Mohan Samaranayake dismissed as nonsensical the exaggerated false claims by some vociferous fringe groups that Sri Lanka was a hub for these terrorists.
In relation to coexistence, the ensuing discussion revealed that the Muslim community is seriously lagging behind in this effort. The proverb that it takes two hands to clap is apt here. It is not enough that the Muslim community keeps whining about being targeted. True, greater responsibility lies on those who are numerically larger but that does not exonerate the numerically lesser folks from taking that extra step to bridge the gap. The incisive, timely and smart questioning by the programme anchor, Mr. Sanka Amarjith should make the Muslim community to sit back and take stock. He even mentioned that nothing much is known to the people about Prophet Muhammed (Peace be upon him). I had earlier emphasised in these Columns the need for openness and less insulated inclusiveness. See, “The Tide Is Turning, Muslims Cannot Live Cocooned” (CT : 05.11.2015). Below is an excerpt:
“In this milieu, the Muslims, apart from a few activists, have held themselves aloof from the mainstream of almost every activity. Their distinct religious needs compel them to live in community. Historically, they were a contended people with their main focus on business, religion and their community life. The Muslim community is not organized and matured enough to engage in civil activities. Most are indifferent to their civic roles or those who are knowledgeable keep away without attracting trouble to themselves. These factors have contributed to the failure by the Muslim community to demonstrate their presence in society effectively. The Muslims are cocooned within the confines of their community resulting in alienating themselves from inter-communal interaction and on national issues.
The time has come for the Muslims to shift their mind-set to be inclusive and, if they are as some may argue, then to be more inclusive. Little wonder they have been mistreated not only by the majority community but by the Tamil minorities too. Their cocooned disposition has not brought to them any positive yield except disappointment and hopelessness. Come out of your cocoons, the tide is turning, is the call for them”.
Dialogue
This cocoon mentality paves the way for speculation in the minds of others due to uncertainty. Misinformation leads to misconception which in turns leads to misperception. All of these are not helpful for reconciliation and coexistence. They comprise the negative tools that sow the seeds of suspicion from which germinates distrust between two peoples. This fact is very well known to the anti-social forces which continue to deliberately and maliciously indoctrinate the innocent people through misinformation.
Among the different types of biases listed in psychological studies, cognitive bias is considered to be the tendency to think in certain ways that can lead to systematic deviations from a standard of rationality or good judgment. The forming of misperception emanates from such bias. This phenomenon when applied to what again in psychology is called the ‘herding behaviour’ – the herd mentality, it disseminates fast. The source of this cognitive bias is extremely relevant. If it is directed via a religious institution or a religious personality or a socially accepted person, then naturally it adds value. Herd mentality works very well in this case. Here is a classic example.
This isn’t a question of tit-for tat - C.V.Wigneswaran 


2016-07-28

Northern Province Chief Minister and former Judge of the Supreme Court, C.V. Wigneswaran spoke to Dailymirror the at his official residence in Jaffna. During the interview, he spoke of the recent clash at the Jaffna University, the personal and the political and much more:

Q The recent clash which occurred at the Jaffna university has given rise to renewed discourse among the Sinhala and Tamil polity. What, as Chief Minister, are your views on it?

Firstly, its very unfortunate that we have given too much political importance to a matter between two groups of students. You must realize that just a few months ago, there was a clash between two groups of Sinhalese students. There are one set of students who are trying to bring about a more nationalist attitude among the student hood- a sort of parochial get together. Since there were some students against it, there was some sort of a clash between these two groups of Sinhalese students. This occurred some months ago. So there is definitely a group who want to propagate a sort of anti-Tamil attitude among the Sinhalese students.

They would want the students to clash with the Tamil students so that they could tell the world everything negative about the Tamils. That they are tigers and so on. With regard to this incident, it had been agreed upon the previous day that there was no issue with Kandyan dancing being brought in, but to let it be one of the items on the stage. Hitherto what has been done was that the procession carried traditional Tamil cultural dance.
But somebody had decided to bring in the Kandyan dance in between that which resulted in the issue. The students had called for the President of the entire Jaffna Students Union, Sasitharan, to help solve the problem, and he had been assaulted. Poor fellow, I don’t think he had anything to do with this and was brought there in order to bring about a settlement. Now I also find, that as soon as Sasitharan was taken to the Police, a new Facebook account was opened in his name sprouting separatist, pro LTTE rhetoric. Now he had his own account for a long time, and this new account has been opened by someone else.

The idea seems to be to show that the Tigers are still active and this incident was done to drive out the Sinhalese student, which is not true. That is why in the recent message I gave with the Opposition leader- I said that this must not be looked at through an individualistic prism. You have to look at the problem in its entirety. The matter of political power, the issues of war crimes not being looked into, children being brought to the North from the South etc. In some places 60% of the children are from the South in these universities. So there are other matters that have to be looked into and taken into consideration and a fully fledged solution must be brought about. That is one aspect.

Keeping ethnic conflict from getting back to centre stage 


article_image
By Jehan Perera-July 27, 2016, 7:35 pm


A similar conflict sensitive approach needs to be adopted to modify the system of admission to universities in different parts of the country. On the one hand, it is necessary to keep in mind that the universities are part of a national system in which merit is the primary criterion for selection for university admission. On the other hand, the universities in Jaffna, Batticaloa (Eastern University) and Oluvil (South Eastern University) have been seen by the ethnic and religious minorities as flagships of the cultural ethos of the communities that are a majority in those areas. When the ratio within the student body gets totally out of proportion to the prevailing ethnic ratio in those areas, it creates tensions that can spill over from the universities into the large society.

The ethnic fault line in society was exposed in the clash between two groups of students at Jaffna University last week. The immediate cause of the dispute was a late request by Sinhalese students at the university to perform the traditional Sinhalese Kandyan dance at a ceremony to welcome incoming new students. This request was turned down by the organizers of the event. However, the following day when the event took place a Kandyan dancing troupe made its appearance which was resisted by the larger student body. The end result was a violent confrontation between two groups of students who divided on ethnic lines. This resulted in the temporary closure of the university, and the university administration, in an abundance of caution busing the Sinhalese students out of Jaffna.

Both sides to the dispute had their cases to make. On the side of the organizers the previous practice had been to only have a traditional Tamil cultural procession as an opening item on the agenda. The request for a change had come only the day before the event when the programme for the event had already been finalized. On the other hand, the students who wanted the insertion of the Kandyan dance argued that a significant proportion of the incoming students were Sinhalese and in addition the Science Faculty which they were joining had a majority of Sinhalese students in it. This was a problem that might have had an outcome based on a win-win solution if the focus had been on meeting the needs of the two student groups rather than on the contrary positions they took, which alas had no meeting point.

There is speculation that the conflict arose because some of the students wanted a conflict that could be politicized. Most universities in Sri Lanka are invariably hotbeds of extremist politics which are dominated by student unions which tend to be extremist in their orientation. Most of them are also affiliated to national political parties which their leaders might wish to be part of at the conclusion of the period of their university studies. However, the irony is that the majority of the larger student body tends to be moderate and focused on engaging in their studies without getting embroiled in political disputes. As might have been expected some of the political parties and their leaders seized upon the issue in a manner so as to highlight their continuing relevance.

IMMEDIATE RESPONSE

On the positive side, and unlike in the past, immediate actions were taken by a number of actors and on a number of fronts to defuse the brewing crisis. The highest levels of government including the President and Prime Minister gave attention to the developments in order to ensure that there would be a resolution of the conflict. The decision of the Jaffna University authorities to close the university and to send back the Sinhalese students to their homes a safety measure was deemed by the government leaders as too extreme a step, which they countermanded. Instead increased attention was given to ensuring that adequate safety to the Sinhalese students, or any other student f or that matter, was available in Jaffna itself.

In addition, and unlike in the past, there were several statements that were immediately issued by Tamil political leaders and by university teachers from Jaffna that condemned the violence and urged calm. The power and influence of those who sought to calm the situation was much greater than those who might have wished to increase the tensions for their own purposes. As a result the clash between the two groups of students in Jaffna could not grow to communal proportions. The ability of all concerned to prevent the conflict from escalating is an indication of how inter-ethnic relations in the country are better than they have been in the past, and are on an improving trend. On the other hand, probing the roots of the conflict, the Northern Provincial Council issued a statement that identified the demographic pattern of the North and East after the war as being consciously changed and students from other provinces being admitted in large numbers into Jaffna University.

The statement issued by the Northern Provincial Council and signed by both its Chief Minister and Opposition Leader, and which cannot simply be dismissed as being the political maneuverings of extremists, contains feelings and facts that need to be taken seriously. The Northern Provincial Council represents the population of the Northern Province and not just a small fraction of the people. The views articulated by the Northern Provincial Council can sometimes be diametrically opposed to the views of those in other parts of the country including the government. But even when those views are unpalatable to the government, the truth in them needs to be discerned and responded to. In this instance the Northern Provincial Council has stated that the influx of Sinhalese students into Jaffna University is akin to cultural colonization.

CONFLIC T SENSITIVE

During the past Vesak festival I happened to be in Jaffna and travelled past the university. Its entrance and the park in front of the university buildings appeared to be a sea of lanterns and other Vesak decorations. I wondered whether other universities in other parts of the country, including those where Sinhalese were the dominant population, had Vesak celebrations on the scale that was being practiced in Jaffna University. It is unlikely that the students alone would have had either the economic resources or the physical capacity to put up those decorations on a large scale. In a context in which Tamil grievances have included the sense of their traditional areas of inhabitation being changed by state-sponsored colonization, it is necessary to adopt a more low key approach to highlighting Sinhalese cultural symbols in Tamil dominant areas.

A similar conflict sensitive approach needs to be adopted to modify the system of admission to universities in different parts of the country. On the one hand, it is necessary to keep in mind that the universities are part of a national system in which merit is the primary criterion for selection for university admission. On the other hand, the universities in Jaffna, Batticaloa (Eastern University) and Oluvil (South Eastern University) have been seen by the ethnic and religious minorities as flagships of the cultural ethos of the communities that are a majority in those areas. When the ratio within the student body gets totally out of proportion to the prevailing ethnic ratio in those areas, it creates tensions that can spill over from the universities into the large society. The clash in Jaffna was preceded in March this year by a clash between Tamil and Sinhalese university students in the Trincomalee campus of Eastern University over an incident of ragging.

In Jaffna it was reported that Sinhalese students in the Science Faculty amounted to 60 percent while overall in the university it is about 25 percent. In Eastern University in Batticaloa the situation is broadly similar with the Science Faculty having 76 percent, Commerce 84 percent, medicine 52 percent and agriculture 78 percent in terms of the Sinhalese students for the 2013/14 batch in which the overall Sinhalese presence is about 50 percent. It may be necessary to restructure the university admissions which is currently based on a national merit-based policy or permit the provincial councils to set up regional universities that can give priority to local area students. There could also be an option of fee paying students who could come from the immediate geographical area which could increase the ethnic representation in the universities to approximate the area in which they are located. Most importantly, a relationship of trust and cooperation needs to permeate the student consciousness and the larger community level also. There is a need for a more concerted effort to be made for people-to-people engagement to develop greater understanding and sensitivity to the concerns of each ethnic and religious community.

Clash At Jaffna University: Conversations On Culture & History – Part I


Colombo Telegraph
By Mahendran Thiruvarangan –July 27, 2016
Mahendran Thiruvarangan
Mahendran Thiruvarangan
The recent clash at the University of Jaffna has triggered discussions on the university as a multicultural space and the role it ought to play in building bridges between the communities in Sri Lanka. At one level, this clash mirrors the warring nationalisms in the country. Nationalisms in general hinge on an exclusivist logic where a particular territory despite its social, cultural and economic heterogeneities is identified exclusively with a particular community/nation, which in turn is associated exclusively with a particular state, one that exists or one that is yet to come. When humans and cultures move beyond the boundaries they are asked to stay within, a rupture occurs in the land-nation-state paradigm essential for the survival of nationalism. In order to overcome this rupture, nationalisms initiate a violent process of exclusion; they ferociously push some identities and cultural practices to the margins of the territory and sometimes even eject and annihilate them. A similar rupture and alienation culminated in violence at the University of Jaffna on the 16th of July 2016. In the larger political context of national contradictions and state-aided discrimination against minorities, partly as a result of being a mono-ethnic center of higher education for nearly 20 years and partly because of its location in the cultural heartland of Tamil nationalism, Jaffna University, for many of us, not just for the Tamils but also for a fragment of the Sinhala community, is and should be a Tamil university. It is in light of this deeply naturalized assumption prevalent among many that we need to understand the clash over the performance of Kandyan Dance during the welcome procession in the Science Faculty.
Conspiracy theories play a dominant role in shaping our response to the social and political happenings around us. When someone expresses her opinion, we first try to find out who she is spying for or what ulterior motive she has. We rarely evaluate people’s ideas at their face value. Even as we engage with the Sinhala students’ request to have Kandyan Dance at the welcome event, we tend to divert the focus of our discussion on proving for instance whether these students were manipulated by the military establishment in Jaffna or the ‘Joint Opposition’ in the South. Thus we have failed to evaluate the request on its own terms.
University and its Relationship to Culture and Communities
Because of the protracted ethnic conflict in the country, we should treat the articulations of culture taking place in shared spaces as highly sensitive subjects. The incident at the University of Jaffna reminds us of the importance of thinking carefully about what kinds of cultural practices and rituals are permissible in state-run universities where students of different ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds pursue their higher education together. The cultural environment inside a university should make all of its members feel that it is their university regardless of where they come from or what language they speak; it should create the conditions necessary for the students to participate in academic activities without fear or feelings of being a minority or alien.

Sri Lanka: Racism only leads to racial isolation

tamil_students_attack_on sinhala_students

Reconciliation should be included in the school curriculum as a subject. All our educational institutions should be reformed to prevent recurrence of an incident such as that which occurred in Jaffna. We must make English a compulsory subject in all our schools. It must become our link language for it is a world language.
by K Godage

( July 26, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Let us discuss the incident in Jaffna and related issues: A national disaster appears to have been narrowly averted thanks to the State defusing tension and not letting so-called nationalists/ racists repeat the horrible crime committed in July of 1983, when the government of President J R Jayewardene allowed criminals in his government to wreck havoc on innocent Tamil civilians for no crimes they had committed, following a cowardly attack by the LTTE on an army vehicle in the north killing thirteen soldiers — let us hope relative peace prevails for it was the Pogrom of 1983 that gave a huge impetus to the LTTE insurgency.

The VC and other officials of the Jaffna University must be asked to explain why they did not anticipate a situation such as what happened and why precautionary measures were not put in place, for this incident could have set fire to the whole country.

In a refreshing intervention President Sirisena has acknowledged that “the minorities have a problem, let us solve it if we want to live happily”, he has said. Are we not a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural society? Are the Sinhalese and Tamils not all of Indian sub-continental descent? Is it not only the language that separates us? Though the majority Sinhalese are Buddhists they also worship all the gods of the Hindus.

Kandyan dancers

I am reliably informed that the Sinhala students sought to celebrate Poson by erecting a Buddhist temple within the campus. I do hope that this is not true for that would be undoubtedly an unnecessary provocation; though our two religions are indeed connected in practice in this country, and the procession with the Kandyan dancers was only one small part of the celebration of Poson. It is being said that the participation of the Kandyan dancers was objected to, if this is true it is downright stupid, for many years we have had Tamil dancers doing the Kandyan dance at the Devale processions which are a part of the Kandy Esala Perahera.

The racial issue as such is not the cause, for has there not been hundreds of inter racial marriages over centuries and even some more recently during and after the War? Yes we are one people divided only by language? All our leaders other than for DS, Dudley, Sir John, Mrs B and her daughter Chandrika have gone immediately after assuming office to seek the blessing of the Hindu God Kandaswamy or the Kataragama God!

It is indeed discrimination and denial of opportunity for Tamil youth in particular, and also the upper caste Vellalas denying power to the Karawas and other low castes, till the LTTE took over that has been a cause of the problem. It was the Karawa community led by Prabhakaran that formed the LTTE (they were the only caste which had the finance because of their fisheries and their smuggling from India); they took power by assassinating no less than 28 Velelala Tamil leaders starting with mayor Duraiappa and ending with Lakshman Kadirgamar. Yes all of whom were Vellalas, the exploitation of the ‘other castes by the Velala and the fact that the Vellalas could not ‘deliver’ to the other Tamil people has been one of the causes of the problem.

To revert to the matter of Race, what after all is ‘Race’? My thoughts go back to Lakshman Kadirgamar, with whom I travelled many times when I was the Additional Secretary of the MFA; we met amongst others Douglas Hurd, Warren Christopher and the German Minister Fisher with whom we had official meetings, and when they asked LK “are you not a Tamil”, he would reply: “I am a Sri Lankan”. That was how that great man treated race. The issue of race is most definitely an issue.

Racial inequality and discrimination

It is, even today, as I write, causing violence and death in many parts of the world. Racial prejudice results mainly from racial inequality and discrimination, we created the problem with the Sinhala Only Act. We must now, sixty years on, ditch the past and move forward as President Sirisena has himself indicated. In this regard I need to flag an important fact namely that after Prime Minsters S W R D Bandaranaike and Dudley Senanayake, only Chandrika Kumaratunga, who made a sincere effort to reach out to the Tamil people to address their grievances.

That particular effort was killed off by some scum burning the tabled constitutional proposals on the floor of the House of Parliament.

Race has become political and an important factor in our country. President Sirisena seeks to address the issue in an intelligent manner. He said that all the educational institutions, including the universities and vocational training centres, should act as ‘reconciliation centres’ as well. But this is not enough. We should have programs to bring two communities together (and student groups, in particular) to socialise and get to know each other. Language has been a barrier and this we should address on an urgent basis.

Reconciliation should be included in the school curriculum as a subject. All our educational institutions should be reformed to prevent recurrence of an incident such as that which occurred in Jaffna. We must make English a compulsory subject in all our schools. It must become our link language for it is a world language. Racial isolation must be avoided at all costs for increased contact will reduce or eliminate prejudice. We must ensure that our children have values.

As for enhancing the worth of our children; let us ask the UK, the US, Australia, Canada, New Zealand and India to provide teachers perhaps as the US did, under their Peace Corps programme some years ago. Learning three languages is no big deal for little children. In Belgium, children are taught to speak French, English and Dutch. In southern Europe most children have facilities in French, Italian and German. We must add value to our children and give them the ability to be employed anywhere in the emerging globalised world.

We, as an essentially Buddhist country where we claim to have Buddhist values, should have no problem in putting an end to racial prejudice and discrimination. Let us, as stated earlier, add value to our children and also unify our country in a meaningful way. I urge the government to bring legislation to put an end to political parties having any form of ethnic identity but be formed on the basis of common political, economic and social interests not on racial lines and put an end to Race Politics.

We must also make hate speech a non-bailable offence and racism must be wiped out. In conclusion I wish to flag an important victory for multiculturalism, the appointment of Sadiq Khan as the Mayor of London! Yes we also need assimilation not isolation. Race must with time fade into insignificance. As Lakshman Kadirgamar maintained we must all emerge as Sri Lankans!
( The writer is a retired diplomat of the Sri Lankan Mission) 


The Alliance for Economic Democracy is deeply concerned about the negative impact of the IMF Extended Fund Facility agreed to by the Government of Sri Lanka in June 2016. This IMF Agreement provides a US$ 1.5 billion loan and comes with a number of conditions that will adversely impact the economic and social life of the people in this country. 

However, despite the dangers inherent in this IMF Agreement, it has not been critically scrutinized nor adequately discussed in the media.

This IMF Agreement will significantly impact Sri Lanka’s economic policy trajectory over the next few years. Furthermore, the IMF conditions will also dictate the substance of the 2017 Budget Proposals. The Government and the IMF claim this Agreement and the related policies will address the economic crisis facing the country.
However, as with the many previous IMF agreements, including most recently in July 2009, the current IMF Agreement may only aggravate the crisis conditions with further liberalisation of the economy, with an even bigger crisis in the future.

The current economic crisis facing Sri Lanka is mainly a balance of payment crisis due to the flight of capital, falling exports and rising imports. This crisis is a direct consequence of capital market liberalisation, which has made Sri Lanka susceptible to capital flight, and mega development projects funded by borrowings by successive Governments. However, the people are now being called upon to take responsibility for the crisis by tightening their belts and sacrificing their labour rights, so that the Government can lure in more foreign capital.

The Government is shifting the burden and responsibility for this crisis onto the people, even as the new IMF Agreement and the related neoliberal economic policies will further burden the people in the future. The conditions in the IMF Agreement include:
  • Reform Tax Policy – With a higher tax burden on ordinary people as with the VAT increase.
  • Reduce Government Expenditure – To meet IMF Targets of reducing Budget Deficits.
  • Restructure State Owned Enterprises – Electricity, Fuel and Water will reflect market prices.
  • Liberalise Trade – Workers’ wages and security affected by cheap imports and services.
  • Deepen Financialisation – Creates financial crisis and exchange rate price fluctuations.
The Alliance for Economic Democracy calls on the citizenry and peoples’ organisations including trade unions, farmers’ organisations and student organisations to be aware of the dangers inherent in the IMF Agreement. Given the continuing economic suffering of the people, the 2017 Budget Proposals should consider the people’s demands and not be reduced to the IMF conditions. The democratic participation and the empowerment of the people is necessary to demand progressive policies towards economic justice and equality.

To discuss the fall out of the IMF Agreement and related issues the Alliance for Economic Democracy is organising a public event on Tuesday, 2nd August 2016 at 4pm, at the Colombo Library Auditorium.
The media and the public are invited to participate in the event.
Alliance for Economic Democracy