Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, July 24, 2016

Australia: Man’s body goes unnoticed for three days in a Hungry Jack’s bathroom


 

A HUNGRY Jack’s outlet in western Australia has come under fire after a man’s body went unnoticed for almost three days as it appeared that no staff had gone in to clean or check the bathrooms.

Police are investigating the incident in Perth, which is not being treated as suspicious. It is believed the man died from a drug overdose.

According to local media, the cubicle in which the unidentified man’s body lay had a floor-to-ceiling door and a single vent. He was found in a Hungry Jack’s outlet, which is a fast food franchise of the Burger King Corporation.

The City of Stirling said restaurant will be investigated for its health and safety compliance. Both the local manager and Hungry Jack’s head office declined to comment on the incident.

In a statement, quoted by ABC News, Hungry Jack’s said: “Hungry Jack’s is cooperating with all relevant authorities regarding the matter at its restaurant in Balga, Western Australia.

“Our thoughts are with all concerned.”

The man was believed to have entered the restaurant on a Friday night, and was only found on Monday morning, despite the restaurant having been open for 24 hours on Saturday and only closed at 10pm on Sunday.

Questions about the outlet’s hygiene standards have surfaced around the incident, with members of the public expressing concern.

Air pollution causes wrinkles and premature ageing, new research shows

Toxic fumes may be the primary cause of skin ageing in polluted cities such as London, New York and Beijing, scientists say
Doctors warn that some common skin care routines, such as scrubs, make the damage from air pollution even worse. Photograph: Lancashire Images/Alamy

-Friday 15 July 2016 

Air pollution is prematurely ageing the faces of city dwellers by accelerating wrinkles and age spots, according to emerging scientific research.

The effects of toxic fumes on skin are being seen in both western cities, such as London and New York, as well as in more visibly polluted Asian cities and in some cases may be the primary cause of ageing. The pollution is also being linked to worsening skin conditions such as eczema and hives.

The scientific discoveries are now driving the world’s biggest cosmetics companies to search for solutions, including medicine-like compounds that directly block the biological damage. But doctors warn that some common skin care routines, such as scrubs, make the damage from air pollution even worse.

Poisonous air is already known to cause millions of early deaths from lung and heart diseases and has been linked to diabetes and mental health problems. But perhaps its most visible impact, the damage caused to skin, is just beginning to be understood.

“With traffic pollution emerging as the single most toxic substance for skin, the dream of perfect skin is over for those living and working in traffic-polluted areas unless they take steps to protect their skin right now,” said Dr Mervyn Patterson, a cosmetic doctor at Woodford Medical clinics in the UK.

“Unless people do more they will end up wearing the pollution on their faces in 10 years’ time. It is definitely something people now need to take seriously.”

Prof Jean Krutmann, director at the Leibniz Research Institute for Environmental Medicine in Germany, said: “UV [damage from the sun] was really the topic in skin protection for the last 20-30 years. Now I think air pollution has the potential to keep us busy for the next few decades.”

Air pollution in urban areas, much of which comes from traffic, includes tiny particles called PMs, nitrogen dioxide (NO2) and chemicals such as polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs). “What is very clear is that PMs are a problem for skin,” said Krutmann, whose work has shown PMs increase age spots and wrinkles.

But one of the his newest studies showed NO2 also increases ageing. They studied people in both Germany and China and discovered that age spots on their cheeks increased by 25% with a relatively small increase in pollution, 10 microgrammes of NO2 per cubic metre. Many parts of the UK have illegally high levels of NO2, with London breaking its annual limit in the first week of 2016, with levels reaching over 200 microgrammes of NO2 per cubic metre.

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Krutmann said other factors, such as UV exposure, nutrition and smoking contribute to ageing: “But what we can say is that, at least for the pigment spots on the cheeks, it seems air pollution is the major driver.”
“It is not a problem that is limited to China or India – we have it in Paris, in London, wherever you have larger urban agglomerations you have it,” he said. “In Europe everywhere is so densely populated and the particles are being distributed by the wind, so it is very difficult to escape from the problem.”

The accelerated skin ageing was seen in relatively young people and Patterson said: “If you are seeing these changes in middle age, these are worrying trends.”

Other recent research is summed up in a review paper in the journal Frontiers in Environmental Science, which concluded: “Prolonged or repetitive exposure to high levels of these [air] pollutants may have profound negative effects on the skin.”

Understanding exactly how air pollution causes the skin damage is at an early stage, according to Krutmann: “We are just now dipping into the mechanisms.” But many of the pollutants are known to pass easily through the skin and cause a variety of impacts.

“These agents have a very irritating effect and once they get into the skin, they activate multiple pathways of inflammation,” said Patterson. “Some pathways ignite the melanocytes, which create far too much pigment and end up giving you unwanted sun spots.”

“Other pathways ignite messengers that make blood vessels grow, that’s what results in increased redness and potentially rosacea,” he said. “Also, if you damage skin, it goes into repair mode and excites enzymes which re-adsorb damaged collagen. When you have too much chronic inflammation, these enzymes remove more collagen than your skin can create. This produces skin laxity and that’s where fine lines and wrinkles come in.”

Dr Debra Jaliman, a skin expert based in New York City, says her patients are now worrying about the impact of air pollution on their skin, which she said can cause darkening of the skin and acne-like eruptions, as well as ageing.

“At the moment, there are not many products for prevention [of air pollution damage], however it may be a trend in the coming years as it becomes a much bigger issue,” she said.

Major beauty companies have begun their own research and are launching the first products formulated to battle skin damage from toxic air. Dr Frauke Neuser, senior scientist for Olay, a Procter and Gamble brand, has run studies showing significantly lower skin hydration in people living in polluted areas and lab studies showing that diesel fumes and PMs cause inflammation in skin cells.

Her team then screened for ingredients that could counteract some of the damaging effects. “We found niacinamide - vitamin B3 - to be particularly effective,” she said. “We have recently increased its level in several products by as much as 40%.”

Frauke’s work has also shown direct correlations between spikes in PM air pollution in Beijing and an increase in hospital visits by people with skin conditions including hives. “This indicates that not only skin ageing but also skin health are affected by air pollution,” she said.

L’Oreal, another cosmetics giant, published a medical study in 2015 showing that eczema and hives were more common in people in Mexico exposed to higher levels of air pollution, a conclusion supported by separate research in Canada. “The next step is to understand more deeply the environment-induced damages, in order to develop skin ageing prevention routines and products,” said Dr Steve Shiel, scientific director at L’Oreal.

Clinique, a big makeup brand, has already launched a sonic face cleansing brush it claims better removes pollution. “This [air pollution] is not going to go away. This is not a problem that is easily fixed,” said Janet Pardo at Clinique.

However, researchers are now working on medicine-like compounds that block the damage from air pollution from occurring in the first place. Krutmann’s lab helped Symrise, one of the world’s biggest suppliers of cosmetics ingredients, identify one, though the lab has no commercial stake in the product, which is called SymUrban.

“We found one molecule that can do the job,” he said, and it is now being registered as cosmetic ingredient. “In a few years from now I expect we will see cosmetic products that can specifically protect against skin ageing from air pollution.”

Patterson said it is possible for people to give themselves some protection now. “You don’t have to sit back passively and put up with it. You can take sensible, easy steps that will make a difference.”
“If your skin is really healthy, it is quite a good barrier,” he said, explaining that the top layer is like a roof - flattened cells like tiles separated by protective lipids.

“Certain skin care products are very disruptive to the surface of the skin,” he warned. “So a darling of the industry is retinoids, but these have a very profound negative effect on barrier function. Another darling of the industry is glycolic acid, but it is also very disruptive to the external skin barrier. People think these are good skin care, making the skin look smoother, but they are not helpful for the overall health of the skin barrier.”

Patterson is also dismissive of face scrubs: “The skin is trying its damnedest to make this wonderful defence mechanism and what do women and men do? They scrub the hell out of it. It just doesn’t make sense.” He said products that help repair the skin barrier, by delivering the pre-cursor lipids the cells need, are beneficial, as are ones that tackle inflammation.

“You can also put on a very nice physical shield in the form of good quality mineral makeup,” he said. “That produces an effect like a protective mesh and probably has some trapping effect, protecting against the initial penetration of particles. But you also need always to try to remove that shield in the evening, washing the slate clean every night.”
Tamils demand military releases land in Vavuniya and Kangesanthurai
23 July 2016


Protests took place in Kankesanthurai and Vavuniya on Friday against the Sri Lankan military's ongoing occupation of homes in the North-East. 

Tamils in Vavuniya protested in front of the military camp, holding a banner reading, "stop political posturing on land issues, immediately release our land occupied by military".

Protestors in Kangesanthurai held placards reading, "We need HOME! Not CAMP!"

A charred massacre


By Cassendra Doole-2016-07-24

Black July also known as 'Kalu Juliya' is the common name used to refer to the anti-Tamil pogrom and riots in Sri Lanka in July 1983. The riots began as a 'response' to a deadly ambush on 23 July 1983 by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), a Tamil militant group that killed 13 Sri Lankan soldiers. 

Yesterday was the 33rd anniversary of the pogrom which paved the way for a three decade civil strife in Sri Lanka.
Brief history
Thirty-three years ago on the night of 23 July, members of the LTTE ambushed an Army patrol at the Post Box junction in Thirunelvely in Jaffna and killed 13 soldiers. Troops went berserk in Jaffna in the hours that followed and shot dead 51 innocent civilians in the Jaffna peninsula including seven passengers in a mini-van at Manipay.
Some hours later on the Sunday that followed members of the Sri Lankan Navy ran riot in Trincomalee burning down Tamil houses and also forcibly relocating Tamil refugees.
In Colombo the broadcast and televised news about the 13 soldiers being killed by the Tigers was seditious to the violence that followed. The move was even more instigating when the same media blocked out the reprisals by the armed forces.

In an even more inflammatory move it was decided to stage a mass funeral for the dead soldiers at the Borella cemetery. The situation took a violent turn and mobs began moving in the direction of Borella and Thimbirigasyaya.
Civil strife
Mobs of the Sinhalese majority allegedly took revenge, killing Tamils around the country and triggering a civil strife that lasted nearly three decades and sent hundreds of thousands of Tamils into exile.
The supposed 'avengers' would stop anyone who looks like a Tamil and show him or her an object demanding to know the Sinhala word for it.
If they failed to tell them the word, or even pronounced it wrong they were killed. Most of them were stripped naked, humiliated and burnt to death.
People were burned alive in their cars, stripped naked. Women were raped. Witnesses, both Sinhala and Tamil claim that in Colombo and provincial towns, soldiers stood by and even supplied petrol. In two pogroms in the biggest prison, Sinhalese inmates killed 53 of their Tamil counterparts.
Witness accounts
There was almost certainly government complicity. A Sri Lankan human rights group says gangs operated at the behest of hard-line ministers.
Ceylon Today contacted several individuals who witnessed the dark day and the days that followed.
Forty-six-year-old Nishanthi Seneviratne said she remembers an incident where her father assisted a Tamil friend to flee the area during the assault.

"My thaththi had a friend called Bala. When the 13 soldiers were killed, we heard several rumours of the Sinhalese turning against the Tamils. Although we lived outside Colombo, the pogrom spread to our area as well. When thaththi heard of Tamils being killed, looted and burned alive, he immediately called Bala over to our place and hid him. Several rioters arrived at our place and asked if we had any Tamil servants or friends. Thaththi said 'no.' The rioters then looked around, and seeing my mother huddled with myself and my sisters, retreated. After things calmed down, thaththi helped Bala escape to the North where he said he had his family."

Nishanthi's father received a letter with the Canadian postmark several months later.
Mysterious letter
"The letter asked for thaththi's account number, stating that a sum of $ 100,000 will be sent. The receiver should withdraw 50,000 from it and hand it over to another unknown source. The remaining $50,000 can be kept for the receiver's needs. The letter was signed from 'A Friend'. Thaththi immediately burned the letter. But he said he had a feeling it was from Bala. He said in a way, it was Bala's way of thanking him for saving his life, but on the other hand, Bala was using him too."
Nilanthi's father was not the only one who helped save a life.

Seventy-nine-year-old Jayatissa Perera lost one of his closest friends in the pogrom.
"Siva was our neighbour. He had a small bookshop in Nugegoda. He also had a three-year-old son. That day, I was late for work because I had to drop my daughter off to her school in Bambalapitiya. There was a lot of traffic the entire way back and entering Nugegoda was nearly impossible. It took me over an hour. That was when I noticed the sky was covered with black smoke. It only occurred to me that this must be a result of the soldiers being killed when I saw the line of shops, including Siva's shop burning.

Drunken rioters
"I managed to get home to my wife. Siva's wife and child were hidden in my daughter's room upstairs. I told my wife what I saw. We watched as they burned down his house, his possessions... everything he owned, except for the hastily packed suitcase that was hidden in another neighbour's house. The drunken rioters didn't come to our place to search. Siva's wife stayed at our place for a few weeks, but Siva never came home. His body was found burned inside his shop."

Jayatissa said Siva's wife went to the US with her son. "Her son married an American and they have two beautiful children."
The aftermath
On 27 July 1983, the former President J.R. Jayewardene made his first speech on the events, offering no sympathy to the minority and instead emphasizing Sinhala grievances.
The violence went on for three days reaching a peak on Wednesday 27 July and ebbing on Thursday 28 July the day that Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi sent her Foreign Minister P. Narasimmha Rao as her special emissary to Colombo.

More killings followed. By the time the violence dwindled on 31 July 1983, tens of thousands of Tamils had fled to the northern and eastern provinces or abroad.
Friday 29 July saw Colombo and suburbs being terrified by the rumour that the Tigers had come to town. The afternoon of that fateful 'Koti Dawasa' (Tiger Day) saw the goon squads massacring Tamils again after being 'sure' that no Tigers were in town.

International pressure
On 30 and 31 July the violence diminished gradually. By August the violence had ceased as international opinion and pressure compelled the J.R. Jayewardene regime to 'normalize' the situation.
Each and every Sri Lankan, be they Tamil, Sinhala or Muslim, just want to live in peace. Thus, we would like to think, or even hope that July 1983 pogrom was only an aberration and a repetition will be unheard of.
The Aluthgama incidents in 2014, the emergence of Sinha-Le in January, and even the recent clash at the Jaffna University show that people still have mob mentality. Therefore, the constant rekindling of the disturbingly tragic incidents of "Black July 1983" is necessary to prevent a repetition

‘Sinhala Only’ & Its Effects On Ceylon’s Legal Tradition


Colombo Telegraph
By Rajan Hoole –July 23, 2016
Dr. Rajan Hoole
Dr. Rajan Hoole
C. Kodeswaran was a Tamil officer in Ceylon’s clerical service, whose salary increment of Rs 10/= per month was suspended in April 1962. This was because he did not appear for a Sinhalese test which he was required to pass in accordance with a treasury circular of December 1961. The latter was issued in connection with implementing the Sinhala Only Act.
Kodeswaran filed action before the Colombo District Court contending that his rights under Section 29 of the (Soulbury) Constitution were being violated. Section 29 provided that Parliament could not enact any legislation which makes persons of any community or religion liable to disabilities or restrictions to which persons of other communities or religions are not made liable, and similarly for privileges and advantages.
For example, one consequence of Sinhala Only was that a Sinhalese officer was exempted from learning Tamil to work in the largely Tamil- speaking North-East, while a Tamil officer generally functioning in his own language in the North-East was forced to learn Sinhalese. The case under Section 29 was quite clear.
In order to avoid an awkward hearing on the validity of the Sinhala Only Act, the Attorney General raised a preliminary objection, viz., that a public servant was not entitled to sue the Crown (i.e. the State) for arrears of salary.
O.L. de Kretzer who was then district judge, over-ruled the preliminary objection. de Kretzer also ruled in favour of Kodeswaran on the incompatibility of the Sinhala Only Act and Section 29, deeming the Act bad in law. The arguments will become evident in what follows.
Shortly after the judgement was delivered in 1964, the Attorney General appealed against it at the Supreme Court. The case was argued before a bench comprising Chief Justice H.N.G. Fernando and Justice G.P.A. Silva. The team for the Crown (Defendent – Appellant) was led by Walter Jayawardena QC, Acting Attorney General, who was assisted by H. Deheragoda and H.L. de Silva. The team for Kodeswaran (Plaintiff-Respondent) was led by C. Ranganathan QC.
The verdict was delivered in 1967 by H.N.G. Fernando CJ, setting aside the verdict and decree of the District Court (70 NLR 121). The arguments used are instructive and involved two stages.
Four years after capturing the maritime provinces of Ceylon from the Dutch, the British Crown declared by Royal Proclamation in 1799, that the system of justice in Ceylon will revert back to that which prevailed under the government of the United Provinces (i.e. the Netherlands). This provision was extended to the whole island in 1835. This meant that the Roman-Dutch Law was to be the basis for the common law in Ceylon. (By an almost contemporaneous proclamation, the Roman- Dutch Law was also made applicable to South Africa – then the Cape Colony.) The proclamation with regard to Ceylon made references to ‘ministerial officers’ and ‘institutions’ (of civil administration).
Under the Dutch administration, the relationship between the government and government servants possessed the legal characteristics of a contract of service, thus enabling the latter to sue the former for arrears of salary.
Challenges remain in North-East says UK report on Sri Lanka

Human Rights Priority Country update report: January to June 2016

Foreign Secretary statement on the Munich attack

Updated 

The human rights situation in Sri Lanka continued to improve between January and June 2016. However, much remains to be done for Sri Lanka to fulfil the commitments made in Resolution 30/1 at the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) in October 2015.

At the HRC session in June 2016, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (HCHR)gave his assessment of Sri Lanka’s progress against Resolution 30/1. He said the HRC should be encouraged by the steps the Sri Lankan government had taken to implement some of the key commitments in the resolution. He welcomed the government’s positive and productive engagement with UN human rights mechanisms, and called for further tangible measures to help build confidence among victims and minority communities in the coming months. In our statement, the UK welcomed the HCHR’s assessment, and the Sri Lankan government’s continuing determination to address the legacy of conflict.

The past 6 months have seen an improved environment for civil society and human rights defenders. The passing of the Right To Information Bill in June was a positive step towards more transparent and accountable government. Progress has also been made in historic high-profile cases of murder and disappearances, including journalist Prageeth Eknaligoda, although concerns remain that proceedings continue to be hampered by some elements of the authorities. 4 soldiers have gone on trial for the murder of 26 Tamil civilians in 1996.

In May, Sri Lanka ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances. The UK welcomed the ratification and urged the government to implement legislation to ensure non-recurrence. In the same month, the government approved draft legislation which would allow certificates of absence to be issued for about 65,000 people who disappeared during the conflict. The UK welcomed this move, which should allow families access to inheritance rights, compensation, social welfare payments and pensions.

A process of constitutional reform began in March, with the government targeting the passing of a new constitution by the end of this year. This represents an important opportunity for Sri Lanka to introduce improved human rights protections. There has been an increase in nationalist campaigns (such as “Sinhale”) over recent months, which have targeted religious minorities and LGB&T groups. The UK raised concerns with the government, and also joined an EU statement in May calling for an end to all forms of discrimination.

The UN Special Rapporteur on torture, and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, Mr Juan Mendez, visited Sri Lanka in April. Mr Mendez highlighted allegations of torture and recommended a comprehensive reform of key institutions. We have urged the government to act on his recommendations, including by adopting measures to ensure structural reform in the country’s key institutions, and investigating every alleged act of torture or ill-treatment. The UK continued to provide support to Sri Lankan government efforts to develop a more capable, professional and accountable police force, with the aim of reducing the risk of serious human rights violations, including torture, and improving public confidence in the rule of law.

In January, Sri Lanka endorsed the Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict. We have encouraged the government to tackle high levels of sexual and gender-based violence, and funded project work documenting cases and advocating for government action.

Challenges still remain, particularly in the north and the east. The government announced further land releases in January and June, and there have been signs the military have started to disengage from civilian life in some areas. The UK has consistently called for land releases and demilitarisation of the north to be accelerated. As highlighted by the HCHR and the Special Rapporteur on torture, NGOs and media continued to report incidents of surveillance, intimidation and harassment by the security forces, although fewer than under the previous government.

The UK continued to urge Sri Lanka to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and replace it with legislation that meets international standards, including protections against arbitrary arrest, absolute individual prohibitions on torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, and provisions for access to legal counsel. Around 250 detainees are believed still to be held under the PTA. The government has pledged to expedite cases, but there has been little movement in the past 6 months. There were reports of over 25 new arrests under the PTA in the first six months of this year following the discovery of an explosive vest in Jaffna, with allegations that some of the arrests were not conducted in accordance with legal procedures. The President has since circulated guidelines to all security forces on carrying out arrests under the PTA, based on recommendations from the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka.

The then FCO Minister for Asia, Hugo Swire, visited Sri Lanka in January. During his three-day visit, Mr Swire met Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, the leader of the Tamil National Alliance, Rajavarothiam Sampanthan, and Tamil MP Mathiaparanan Sumanthiran. Mr Swire welcomed the Sri Lankan government’s commitment to reconciliation and strengthening democracy since the end of its civil war, as well as progress made so far, and he urged all parties to work together to deliver a lasting peace for all Sri Lankans. He visited the north and saw how UK-funded de-mining was helping communities to return to their land, and listened to continuing challenges faced by resettled families. He also welcomed the recent appointment of a non-resident UK Defence Adviser. The military have a crucial role to play in addressing the legacy of Sri Lanka’s long conflict, and to fulfil its commitments on reconciliation, including on human rights. Earlier this year the UK started providing strategic leadership training to the military, including on understanding and complying with international law and human rights.

For the remainder of 2016 we expect the positive trajectory to continue, and the government to take steps to address areas of concern. The UK will continue to encourage and support the government of Sri Lanka in fulfilling its commitments to improve human rights and democracy, and to address the legacies of the past. We will continue funding our project work to improve human rights, including on the prevention of torture and ending sexual and gender-based violence, transitional justice, and interfaith work.

July and its cruelties 


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Northern Province Governor Reginald Cooray visited H. A. T. Maduranga, an undergraduate wounded in last week’s attack now warded at the National Hospital (pic courtesy by Governor’s Office)

by Rajan Philips-July 23, 2016, 7:51 pm



It was not Sri Lanka that I was thinking of last week when I alluded to the months of April and July vying for mention in a universal cruelty context. But news after that from the Jaffna University that a gang of Tamil university students and outside thugs beat up on the Sinhalese students on campus, came as a rude reminder of the cruelties that July has come to be associated with in Sri Lanka. July 1983 has become a huge blot of blood in our history. Eerily, it was to this day 33 years ago that a pre-meditated ambush of Sinhalese soldiers in Jaffna by the LTTE provided the pre-text for the unleashing of no-less pre-meditated retaliatory violence in Colombo that quickly went out of control to become a massive pogrom against all Tamils. It was a UNP government that orchestrated the retaliation then until it blew in its face at home and abroad. The same government sent the Opposition TULF packing to India, and handed over the destinies of Tamil politics to the dictates of the LTTE.

Now a different UNP government with an SLFP appendage is acting with much greater circumspection than its all-powerful predecessor did at that time. The TNA Opposition has condemned the Jaffna campus attack on the Sinhalese students and is keen to get them back to Jaffna to resume their studies. If it was the worst of times only, in 1983, it seems to be both the best of times and the worst of times now. The government is under fire for doing both too much about reconciliation and too little about reconciliation. It is a government of good intentions and bad executions. It starts by wanting to do everything good, but ends up doing nothing well.

Sri Lanka has experienced ethnic violence dozens of times since 1956. But Sri Lankan governments have learnt nothing administratively about preventing violence, or anticipating and diffusing situations with potential for violence. Of course, half the problem will be solved if governments stop orchestrating violence. That is the difference between 1983 and now. But there is still the other half of the problem, which is the constant availability of socio-political situations that can flare into violence at the slightest provocation. The Jaffna University is the most recent of them, but it will not be the last unless the government puts its mind (if there is one) to identifying and pro-actively dealing with situations pregnant with violence. There has been all manner of writings about past incidents of ethnic violence, but no serious study of them to isolate and identify the trigger factors and the executors of violence with a view to anticipating and preventing them.

Anecdotally, at least, we know that the colonisation schemes in the eastern province became the epicentre of the 1956 riots. The Colombo suburbs with clusters of new houses built by Tamil government servants and their families were the main target of the 1958 riots. The nationalization of the plantations was a factor in the violence unleashed on the hapless estate Tamil workers in 1977. Government minor employees egged on by their political bosses were the chief miscreants in 1983. When the miscreants exceeded expectations, an exasperated government leader, Anandatissa de Alwis, ruefully remarked that they (the government) might have wanted their fellows to break a few Tamil teeth but they took apart whole jaws!

Every time communal emotions ran high, minorities in mixed-ethnic situations paid the price. On the first night of every riot, Tamil passengers on the Jaffna Mail Train were easy picks for every rascal. Tamil policemen were assaulted by their Sinhalese counterparts in mixed police quarters. Tamil students on university campuses were attacked by Sinhalese students. Even in the Ampitiya Catholic Seminary, Tamil Brothers were attacked by fellow seminarians. The upshot was the establishment of a new seminary in Jaffna.

The Jaffna University

The Jaffna University came to be established by the United Front government in the 1970s to counterbalance the Tamil Federal Party’s opposition to the 1972 Constitution. The establishment of a university campus, that too initially and annoyingly on the sequestered property of Jaffna College, was hardly a constitutional compensation. But once established, and later moved to its current location, the Jaffna University became a natural gathering place for all the vices and virtues of Jaffna. The late and much lamented (after his death in a freakish road accident in 1979) Geography Professor S. Selvanyagam used to say that it was difficult to know ‘where the market ends in Jaffna and where the university begins’. Things do not seem to have changed much insofar as the university administration goes. Successive governments in Colombo would also seem to prefer the status quo remaining in the Jaffna University rather than making positive changes.

The current university administration deserves much if not all of the blame for the outbreak of violence on its premises. By extension, the blame would involve those in Colombo who created this administration and left it unprepared for admitting a large number of Sinhalese students to the campus. They are the new minority in a mixed-ethnic situation. The way to prepare is not to rely on the military presence in Jaffna to ensure the safety of the Sinhalese students on campus.

That seems to have been the method and the madness of the previous government. That is one method, and the mindset that goes with it, that must be avoided. Beyond that, the way to proceed is to recognize the problem and involve everyone in Jaffna with political and administrative stakes in the matter to identify practical measures to address the problem. The overall direction may come from Colombo but specific measures, involving accommodation, relationship among students on and off campus, the relationship between students and the adjacent community, positive cultural exchanges, the role of community policing on and off-campus, must be identified and implemented on the ground in Jaffna. The Jaffna University must remain open to all Sri Lankan students for admission on merit and as a safe place to fulfill its primary purpose – education.

Since the 1960s, Jaffna has been outpost for transfers of Sinhalese policemen from the south.There is no question that the Jaffna University must be open to admitting Sinhalese and Muslim students just as universities in the south must be open to admitting Tamil students.

Kandy March II

By Manekshaw-2016-07-23

Leader of the Opposition and Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Leader R. Sampanthan made a timely warning at a meeting held in Mannar on the intended Kandy march to be staged by the Joint Opposition (JO) against the present government.
Sampanthan was speaking at an interactive discussion in Mannar last week where he came across several 'mind boggling' questions on the present state of Tamil politics and on the failures of the present government in fulfilling the pledges made by it with regard to the political aspirations of Tamils.
Some of the participants at the Mannar meeting even told Sampanthan that the TNA Parliamentarians should quit Parliament if the government was reluctant to settle the Tamil issues, before the end of this year.
However, the Leader of the Opposition was cautious and displayed his political maturity by responding to the comments made at the Mannar meeting which was more a hard-hitting one at the TNA hierarchy.
Sampanthan defending the political stance of the TNA told the gathering in Mannar that though the TNA hierarchy was very much disappointed by the backtracking of the present government from the pledges it made to the people in the North and the East, the people in the North and the East should conduct themselves in a sensible manner by not giving room for the extremist elements to take the upper hand.
Chauvinist forces
Referring to the extremist elements in the South, the Leader of the Opposition without any hesitation pointed his finger at the intended Kandy march to be staged by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his 'back up force' the Joint Opposition (JO).
Sampanthan's warning about the chauvinist forces came in the backdrop of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa describing the clashes that occurred at the University of Jaffna a week ago as the violence against the Sinhalese students.
Realizing former President Rajapaksa's political bankruptcy and his attempt to give a communal touch to the untoward incidents which occur in the North and the East, Sampanthan at the Mannar meeting warned on the sinister attempts of the chauvinist elements and on the intended Kandy march to be staged by the JO.
The famous first Kandy march was launched 59 years ago against the Bandaranaike – Chelvanayakam Pact in October 1957 by the United National Party (UNP) led by late President J.R. Jayewardene.
However, the Kandy march of J.R. Jayewardene which commenced from Colombo on 3 October 1957 and expected to conclude at the Dalada Maligawa a week later, with political rallies on its way to Kandy was disrupted following various types of obstacles created by the supporters of late Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike who was in power at that time.
S.D. Bandaranayake
Gampaha Member of Parliament S.D. Bandaranayake was in the forefront to prevent J.R. Jayewardene's Kandy march and the SLFP Parliamentarian who was the staunchest loyalist of late Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, with his supporters stopped J.R. Jayewardene's Kandy march at Imbulgoda resulting in the UNP abandoning the march.
Following the success in stopping J.R. Jayewardene's Kandy march at Imbulgoda, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Gampaha Parliamentarian S.D. Bandaranayake was even described in the political circles at that time as the 'Hero of Imbulgoda'.
When the Kandy march was launched by J.R. Jayewardene in 1957, TNA Leader R. Sampanthan would have been a young law student at the Sri Lanka Law College.
Therefore, coming through the annals of the political history of Sri Lanka and based on his vast experience while urging the Tamil political elements to be cautious over the chauvinists in the country, Sampanthan had also warned about the intended Kandy march to be staged by the Joint Opposition.
As far as the 1957 Kandy march, of J.R. Jayewardene, was concerned the aggressive reaction to the march surfaced in Jaffna even after nearly twenty years when J.R. Jayewardene as Leader of the Opposition addressed a public rally in Jaffna Esplanade in the vicinity of the Jaffna Dutch Fort in 1975.
The mega Jaffna rally of J.R. Jayewardene was attended by UNP stalwarts K.W. Devanayagam, A.C.S. Hameed and Gamini Dissanayake along with several other prominent UNP members.
When J.R. Jayewardene started addressing the meeting several youngsters seated in front of the stage questioned him 'now you have come to Jaffna and speak on Tamil-Sinhala unity. But what made you to stage the Kandy march in 1957 to disrupt the Banda-Chelva pact?'
J.R. Jayewardene appealing for calm from those who raised the question replied that he didn't carry out the Kandy march with the intention of harming Tamil Sinhala unity.
But the aggressive crowd didn't allow the former President to continue with his speech and started pelting stones at the stage. They also shouted at Jayewardene calling him a 'humbug'.
In 1957 when J.R. Jayewardene's march proceeded towards Kandy, Gampaha Parliamentarian S.D. Bandaranayake's supporters pelted stones at those who participated in the march at Imbulgoda.
However, it was interesting to note that even twenty years after the Kandy march, J.R. Jayewardene and his colleagues were pelted with stones when it was mentioned about the march in Jaffna in 1975.
It's nearly after fifty years former President Mahinda Rajapaksa's Joint Opposition intends to stage another Kandy march to show its opposition to the government.
As TNA Leader Sampanthan has already warned in Mannar about Mahinda Rajapaksa's plans to stage the Kandy march and the sinister moves behind it, the veteran Leader of the Opposition's warning on the intended Kandy march could be considered as a wakeup call to the countrymen to stand against all dirty tricks in politics to undermine peace and reconciliation in the countr

''Court of the North is Tiger court'' : Gammanpila has certainly committed contempt of court (Audio/Video)


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News -23.July.2016, 11.30PM) Udaya Gammanpila M.P. who was recently remanded over  a cheating case  involving many millions of rupees , commented  , in the North what exists and are in operation are still  courts of the ‘Tigers ’ thereby condemning and ridiculing the sacrosanct judicial courts of Sri Lanka , despite being a lawyer himself.
At a media conference held on the 21 st , he  said most irresponsibly and  outrageously that the judicial court of the North granting bail to the leader of the students association after his surrendering in connection with the Jaffna University incident  is wrongful . While the students charged with ragging at the Kelaniya University students are not enlarged on bail the Jaffna court that granted bail to the student leader is a ‘court of the Tigers,’ he asserted.
Going further he analyzed that  his allegation is not a contempt of court based on his knowledge of law and  added ,he has a right to criticize the verdict of a court.
Lanka e news which knows about Gammanplia more as a racketeer and less as  a lawyer ( black coated shark) inquired from a former judge of the Supreme Court (SC) about his stupid utterance, when the honorable judge replied ,Gammanpila is distorting the laws , and he has certainly committed contempt of court .
According to the retired SC judge  , criticizing a decision of the court does not constitute contempt of court, but if that is done with a ‘hidden motive’ it is tantamount to committing contempt of court . Moreover , describing   a judicial court by the name ‘ court of the Tigers’ cannot be interpreted as  criticizing a court decision, rather it  is absolutely and clearly ‘contempt of court’ he emphasized.
It is to be noted that in regard to the Kelaniya students , it is the Kelaniya University that delivered the decision , whereas , pertaining to the Jaffna student leader , it was the Jaffna court that decided. Hence making a comparison of the verdicts given by judges of  two courts of different zones is wrongful , the ex SC judge  pointed out.

Above all , Gammanpila is a  lawyer , and  he cannot  therefore criticize court judgments. If he has any grouses , what should be done is  make an appeal to a higher court , the former SC judge noted. 
A court decision can usually  be found fault  with ,by  retired judges , by recognized legal analysts who have written fair amount of  books on law, and by the media that are over a time making reasonable critical dissections regarding law and courts . Therefore Gammanpila’s remarks constitute contempt of court , the ex judge clearly stated.
In addition ,Gammanpila at the media briefing had criticized the appearance of senior lawyer Sumenthiran TNA M.P. in court on behalf of the Jaffna University students by calling him as  an extremist   politician appearing on behalf of political  extremism.
When Lanka e news inquired from a senior lawyer in this regard , he   had an interesting story to relate about Gammanpila the brief-less lawyer  who is of late reaching new milestones in  cheating and racketing and not in the legal profession……
Udaya Gammanpila was one who was only carrying the files for senior lawyer Manohara Silva ,and had never submitted (submission)  a case before court , whereas Sumenthiran had submitted (submission) 300 to 400 controversial Sri Lankan cases , and won many of them . Besides Sumenthiran is an honorable reputed lawyer .On the other hand , if Gammanpila can show one file he has submitted , the senior lawyer speaking to Lanka e  news said, he would resign from his profession. Hence , it is better if  Gammanpila without blabbering and bluffing on what he does not know , and without stoking racism among the people remains silent  for his own good and the country , the senior lawyer noted.
How Gammanpila ‘lawyer’ (the racketeer who was remanded over a colossal fraud recently) , condemned  sacrosanct court and thereby committed contempt of court can be heard hereunder .

If only the voice is to be heard to save the data, click here. 
video  below 
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by     (2016-07-24 00:21:56)

Will ‘Nearest School, Best School” Program Reduce Demand For Popular Schools?


Colombo Telegraph
By Asankha Pallegedara –July 23, 2016
Dr. Asankha Pallegedara
Dr. Asankha Pallegedara
The ministry of education recently launched the ‘The Nearest School is the Best School’ or in Sinhalese ‘ලඟම පාසල හොදම පාසල’ program. According to ministry of education, the main objective of this program is to select two schools from each divisional secretarial division and develop them as ‘Smart Schools’ by providing required physical and human resources as in current leading and popular public schools, thereby minimize the demand for these popular schools. In this short article, I will critically assess this new initiative and discuss possible reasons why it will not necessarily decrease the current demand for popular schools.
Of course there are many positives in this program if implemented as proposed. According to ministry of education, government has already allocated over 48 billion rupees for this new program despite the critics of declining trend in public education spending over time. It is reported that two selected schools from each divisional secretarial division will be provided with basic facilities such as electricity, water and sanitation as well as sophisticated educational facilities such as information and communication technology (ICT), science laboratories, language labs, auditoriums, playgrounds and swimming pools. Further, school principals and teachers from these selected ‘Smart Schools’ will be offered foreign training in order to improve the teaching quality of these schools. In addition, education ministry aims to promote e-governance activities in the selected schools by introducing computer based office, library and evaluation systems.
However, it is highly unlikely that all these benefits given to these selected ‘Smart Schools’ will consequently achieve the main objective of decreasing the parents’ demand for enrolling their children into so called popular or elite public schools. First, these so called elite public schools are popular not just because they have more facilities such as swimming pools, auditoriums and laboratories. Most of these schools such as Royal, Ananda, Dharmaraja, Richmond, Mahinda, and Maliyadeva etc. have longstanding history often started in the British colonial period as elite private schools governed by either Christian missionaries or Buddhist Theosophical Society before taking over by government in 1961. These schools had prestigious and elite status long before they became government schools and only children from ‘elite class’ were able to enroll into these schools. After these schools became public schools, parents especially middle class were eager to enroll their children into these schools thereby create an increased demand for these schools. It is not just the quality of education of these schools, but longstanding prestigious status has created more demand for these schools. Therefore, by any means this new ‘smart schools’ may not be received attention from middle class parents same as established popular public schools.

Ex-police and military brass risk arrest over Lasantha murder 


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Lasantha Wickrematung-July 23, 2016, 8:06 pm

ECONOMYNEXT -Sri Lanka’s Police Inspector-General Pujith Jayasundara has hinted of high-profile arrests as the authorities close in on the assassins of anti-establishment editor Lasantha Wickrematunge.

The latest arrest of a military intelligence officer last week has led the authorities to piece together the individuals involved in ordering the January 8, 2009 assassination as well as the well orchestrated cover up of the murder.

The IGP, speaking at a school at Ibbagamuwa, declared he would demonstrate the new found independence of the police by solving some high profile cases that have dragged on for years without any suspects being brought to justice.

Jayasundara did not name names, but top police sources said the Lasantha Wickrematunge assassination was a top priority for the police and at least one former inspector-general faced arrest for his role.

Two former heads of the police and military intelligence units are also likely to be arrested shortly and both have already been questioned, according to the sources who declined to be named.

A retired deputy inspector general of police who initially carried out investigations is also facing arrest, but is likely to turn a state witness by disclosing the role of his then superiors.

A former minister in the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime, Mervyn Silva, had publicly accused the then defence secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa of killing Wickrematunge, a charge he has denied.

Wickrematunge had told colleagues as well as many others that he planned to take "Gota to the cleaners" over an allegedly corrupt deal in purchasing four MIG jet fighters for the airforce.

The so-called MIG deal is currently being investigated by the FCID and Lasantha was killed a few days before he was due to disclose details of the transaction at the Mount Lavinia courts.