Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, June 23, 2016

Tamils in Sri Lanka need a federal solution: Wigneswaran

Northern Province Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran

Return to frontpageJune 22, 2016
The grievances of minority Tamils in Sri Lanka can only be addressed through a federal system of governance and the merger of north and eastern provinces, Northern Province Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran has said.
Mr. Wigneswaran said he had conveyed this to the Colombo-based ambassadors, including those from the European Union, during his recent engagements with them.
The Tamil issue should not be seen by the government from the view point of the nationalist extremists in the south, Mr. Wigneswaran said in Jaffna on Tuesday.
Mr. Wigneswaran said that the only solution to the ethnic problem of Tamils is to merge the north and the east and establish a federal government system.
Mr. Wigneswaran who represents the main Tamil Party — Tamil National Alliance (TNA), was elected with over 80 per cent of the vote in the northern provincial council election held in 2013.
He said the TNA would not be satisfied with any accountability mechanism that does not contain foreign judges.
Sri Lanka government has opted for a domestic mechanism as articulated by the President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.
It called for an international probe on alleged human rights abuses blamed both on the LTTE and the government troops during the final phase of the conflict which ended in May 2009.

Normalising The Abnormalcy – Reflections On Self-Determination, Justice & Peace In Post-War Sri Lanka


Colombo Telegraph
By Kumaravadivel Guruparan –June 22, 2016
Guruparan Kumaravadivel
Guruparan Kumaravadivel
I am deeply honoured by this invitation to deliver the Maamanithar Prof Christopher Jeyaratnam Eliezer’s memorial lecture for the year 2016. It will be pretentious for me in these preliminary remarks to claim an understanding Prof. Eliezer’s achievements in the field of mathematical physics. Despite coming from a family of physicists, physics or any of the natural sciences never rubbed off on me.
Thankfully for me the reason why we are remembering Prof. Eliezer today is not necessarily for his splendid achievements in physics but for his contribution to public life and particularly to the Tamil public sphere in Australia. One of his towering achievements in public life was the establishment of the organisation that organises this memorial lecture and the Tamil schools that it runs in Melbourne. Prof. Eliezer was also a vocal advocate of the cause of Tamil self-determination and lent his credibility to various initiatives that sought to highlight the plight of the Tamil people and their legitimate right to self-determination.
Prof C.J. Eliezer
Prof C.J. Eliezer
It occurs to me that one of the biggest takeaways for young activists from Prof. Eliezer’s life was his willingness, given his stature and social status, to ‘dirty’ his hands so to speak and dabble in political advocacy. The conventional wisdom for academics that you stick to your academic terrain, do not venture out of your field of expertise, and even if you are an expert in the field, keep clear of politics because it is too dirty to be involved, is deeply rooted. The fear of the stain, the desire to be on the right side of history and a non-existent notion of neutrality which is better described as aloofness, has engulfed the academia. Very rarely do academics take positions on controversial issues. I do not want to over emphasisie or self-gloat the importance of the academia, it is important that we know our limitations, our class privileges and that we particularly don’t technicalise what should be open and public discourse. But academics precisely because they are a privileged class should take the front line of advocacy, I believe, during difficult times.
On the other hand we also live in an extremely toxic political culture. Political debate and discourse has been deciphered by labels and camps and not really content. Rather than engaging in debates about what is the right thing to do we are permanently looking for hidden motives and intentions. Our political discourse has become one of spins and counter spins of conspiracy theories. Vicious personal attacks have become the norm of political discourse and it is no surprise that academics are discouraged by this. But I do think it is precisely because of this environment that academics must step up to the public intellectual role. Prof Eliezer did make this choice. A celebrated mathematics physicist of international standing he did not seek the comfort of a quiet life in the academic. This I think is what makes him a Maamanithar. (The Tamil community has benefited from the work of many public intellectuals some of whom have even lost their lives in such a pursuit – for example Taraki Sivaram and Rajani Thiranagama. My lamentation about the academia is from a perception of the present context.)

International Community must pressure to facilitate faithful implementation of UNHRC resolution – GTF


International Community must pressure to facilitate faithful implementation of UNHRC resolution – GTFJun 22, 2016

As the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) meets in Geneva this month and the High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein prepares his oral report to be presented later in the session, the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) appeals to the International Community to remain fully engaged with Sri Lanka to ensure that all aspects of the UNHRC resolution A/HRC/30/1 are faithfully implemented.   

The pursuit of truth, justice for victims and accountability are essential elements of the healing process in post-conflict societies that have suffered systematic violations of human rights. The adoption of a consensus resolution last year at the UNHRC – which recognized terrible crimes committed by both parties during the armed conflict – was a turning point for human rights in Sri Lanka.

Although far from perfect, GTF endorsed the Guiding Principles of the resolution co-sponsored by the Sri Lankan government, and consistently welcomed the progressive changes implemented in Sri Lanka during the last 18 months. These included significant improvements in democratisation, the rule of law and increased freedoms experienced by most citizens. From a Tamil perspective, we welcome the releasing of some prisoners and lands, and the less triumphalist approach adopted during the end of war anniversary on May 18th. We also welcome the much improved cooperation with UN agencies on human rights mechanisms, and the initiatives taken towards setting up the ‘Office of the Missing Persons’ – though there is much to be desired on the pre-consultations carried out. And, like many others, we are keenly watching the developments regarding constitutional reforms, having submitted our own proposal to the consultative committee.

However, GTF is deeply concerned about the lack of progress on the many issues affecting Tamils in the North and East as reflected in the resolution – such as the release of hundreds of detainees held under the notorious Prevention of Terrorism Act (the Act itself has not been repealed despite repeated promises by the government), the return of land held by the military (large swathes of land is yet to be returned to rightful owners), investigations into the tens of thousands of forcibly disappeared people, and the removal of the military from civilian affairs. Overpowering militarisation and its pervasive influence in civilian affairs is severely impeding full normalisation in the North and East, and the government has yet to come up with a credible plan for the demilitarisation of the region.

Further, the UNHRC resolution calls for the inclusion of “Commonwealth and other foreign judges, defence lawyers and authorised prosecutors and investigators” in a Sri Lankan judicial mechanism. This aspect of the resolution – a negotiated and compromised clause – is crucial, as Sri Lanka has time and time again shown it is both unwilling and unable to investigate allegations of war crimes against its own forces or hold perpetrators of grave abuses to account. It appears the government is now trying to back away from this commitment. Given the history of failures of Government Commissions and judicial processes, international participation as specified in the resolution is a must to guarantee the credibility and effectiveness of the Special Court. GTF therefore calls upon the Council Members and the High Commissioner of the UNHRC to urge the Sri Lankan government not to renege on this all important commitment to the UN.

GTF is also disappointed at the government’s insufficient effort in embracing the critically important transitional justice mechanisms, which in our view, should be embedded in the constitutional reform process to permanently end the culture of impunity and to promote genuine reconciliation. A wide range of institutional reforms including the much needed ‘security sector reform’, strengthening of the witness protection legislation which at present falls far short of what is required, and genuine consultations with victims and their families in every step of the process to get to truth and justice are vitally important measures ought to be undertaken by the government without delay.

At such a critical time when the Sri Lankan government’s political will and its ability to fully implement the key recommendations of the UNHRC resolution are being questioned, the International Community needs to resolutely engage, so that Sri Lanka stays on course towards genuine reform, and implements the resolution it co-sponsored without any exceptions. The High Commissioner’s oral update on Sri Lanka and discussion provides an excellent opportunity to Council Members to raise the specific issues highlighted in this statement and call for accelerated action by the government.

The last thing Sri Lanka needs at present is a pre-mature recognition of its perceived progress. The resultant loss of momentum, we are afraid, has the potential to derail the limited progress made so far, leading to the re-emergence of a sense of despair among the Tamil people in Sri Lanka.

We, therefore, strongly urge the International Community to stay engaged to make Sri Lanka’s transition a long term reality of peace, justice, political power-sharing and prosperity for all its peoples.

More Worries Regarding Sri Lanka’s Lack of Progress





The Huffington PostTaylor Dibbert-06/21/2016

A group of international human rights organizations has recently penned an open letter to U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein. The letter expresses a range of concerns regarding Sri Lanka’s compliance with a U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) resolution that the government co-sponsored last October.
Here’s one paragraph:
While the [Sri Lankan] government’s assurances on progress have been plentiful its performance on the ground has been mixed and not befitting expectations outlined in your report and in the resolution as well as those of victims and people on the ground. There have been some positive developments on international cooperation such as the government’s recent decision to ratify the Convention against Enforced Disappearances and Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the extension of standing invitations to Special Procedures and the visit of a number of Special Procedures, your own visit and that of other UN officials.
Here’s another paragraph:
At the same time there have been mixed signals on the government’s commitments made through the October [HRC] resolution, at the highest level of the government. There have been distressing reports on the ongoing use of arrests under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) instead of the regular criminal code. The PTA is a draconian law consistently condemned by UN bodies and officials and which the government had pledged to repeal as part of its October commitment. Repealing the PTA and dealing with the outstanding cases of those still detained under the law should be a foremost priority.
The HRC’s 32nd second session remains ongoing and the high commissioner will deliver an important oral update pertaining to Sri Lanka’s compliance with the previously mentioned resolution on June 29. Some diplomatic language is expected, but let’s hope the high commissioner is also open and honest about the coalition government’s lack of progress. It has become increasingly difficult to defend the new administration’s prevarication.

Devolution Of Power To Province Or Region, & To Local Government Level


Colombo TelegraphBy Kumudu Kusum Kumara –June 21, 2016
Dr. Kumudu Kusum Kumara
Dr. Kumudu Kusum Kumara
The Report of the Public Representations Committee (PRC) on Constitutional Reform (see, yourconsitution.lk) has generated public discussion and one area that attracts interest in these discussions is devolution of power. Such discussions have highlighted that the PRC has recommended retaining the Province as the unit of Devolution and gone onto discuss its political implications for democracy. The intention of this article is to point out that the PRC report goes beyond the Province as the unit of devolution. The report in addition to the Province as the unit of devolution in Chapter 9, also recommends (in Chapter 7) Region as a possible alternative unit of devolution, and Local Government as the next tier of devolution. Let me elaborate.
Chapter 5 of the PRC report (The Nature of the State) refers to proposals from the public to establish a Union of Regions (p.20). Having considered them, the report, in Chapter 7 ( Forms and Tiers of Government) states that the PRC unanimously recommends that “[T]here shall be 3 tiers of government: National, Provincial or Regional and Local Government. Local Government shall be made the next tier of devolution after the Province or Region” (Italics added). It recommends that “[T]he role, powers and functions of local government should be expanded and empowered to make them effective institutions based on the following principles: (a) Closest level of people’s sovereignty, (b) Local democracy, (c) Local development, (d) Citizen participation in governance, (e) Inclusive democracy (Inclusion of marginalized / interest groups & communities).” It goes onto say that “[I]n order to make such a transformation, more attention should be paid to the structures and processes of the lowest units of local government” (p.40).
In Chapter 9 (Devolution), again representations on devolving power to a regional unit as an alternative to the Province are discussed and one committee member recommends such a unit for devolution (p.53). Then under the subheading ‘Scope of Devolution,’ recommendations of the PRC consistently refer to “Provincial/Regional level” (pp. 63-64).

ENABLING ACT TO CLAIM LOST LAND DUE TO STRIFE (MAY 1983 – 2009 MAY)

_73213462_019373387
(Aftermath of war in Vanni, Sri Lanka)

Sri Lanka Brief23/06/2016

A prescription (Special Provisions)Act has been introduced by the Ministry of Justice to enable people who lost their immovable property including land due to activities of any militant group to pursue their rights in Court for their recovery.

The Draft Bill in this respect presented by Justice Minister Dr Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe on March 8 was passed by Parliament said a the Justice Ministry in a press release.

The release said in terms of this Prescription (Special Provisions) Act of 2016 any persons who lost their immovable property including land during the period from May 1, 1983 to May 18, 2009 due to the conflict can have recourse to Courts to recover their lost property. They can do so for a period of two years from May 17, 2016 to May 16, 2018 without any legal impediment.

The release said this will specially benefit people in the Northern and Eastern Provinces who faced difficulties in regaining their lost property due to the unavailability of an Act to provide enabling legal provisions.

Where a disadvantaged person dies, the period during which he was so disadvantaged will inure to the benefit of his heirs and accordingly such heirs shall be entitled to the benefit granted to a disadvantaged person under the Act.
Gambling on good governance
Untitled-2
logo

Thursday, 23 June 2016

Indi Samarajiva, Sri Lankan blogger and founder of the popular website yamu.lk, recently released a video that simplifies the Treasury bond scam in a most entertaining way. Titled ‘The Bond Game’ and featuring ‘Casino Centrale,’ the 007-themed video went viral, being the first simplified explanation in the public domain of a somewhat complex scandal that so far has been best understood mostly by the financial sector. 

The popularity of the video underscores the interest in the ‘question of the Governor’ in the wider populace, even when comprehension of the controversy is vague. It is remarkable that tuk-tuk drivers and vegetable vendors are suddenly talking about the ‘bandumkara’ debacle and its connection to a top official in the ruling administration. 

After 18 months in office, the alleged Treasury bond scam remains the single largest corruption scandal plaguing the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe coalition Government. And not even the technical complexity of the controversy has prevented understanding on the street that something has gone terribly wrong at the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. 

Untitled-1At 11:30 a.m. on Friday (17), a meeting had been scheduled between President Maithripala, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and 19 civil society representatives including trade unionists, academics and anti-corruption activists. Several of these groups had strongly backed the ‘common candidacy’ platform that propelled President Sirisena to the presidency in January 2015.  Eighteen months down the road, these groups still wield influence over sections of the Government that believes civil society backing and mobilisation played a major role in its twin electoral successes of 2015. 

In the absence of Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero, the spiritual leader of the movement that propelled the current political dispensation into power, civil society has become the Government’s conscience call. And the loudest calls for the removal of Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran when his term ends next week have emerged from civil society and good governance watchers. Friday’s meeting was specifically convened to give civil society activists an opportunity to make their case with regard to the reappointment of the Central Bank Governor.

Professor Sarath Wijesuriya, of Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero’s National Movement for Social Justice, spoke first. In his quiet style, he explained how the new Government was reneging on some of its promises on good governance which was seriously eroding public confidence in the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration. At the end of his 10-minute presentation, Prof. Wijesuriya said NMSJ and the wider civil society movement would not want to see Governor Mahendran reappointed for a further six-year term to head the Central Bank.

Read More

Unaccountable Accountants Mock Good Governance: Activists Not Interested


Colombo Telegraph
By Amrit Muttukumaru –June 22, 2016
Amrit Muttukumaru
Amrit Muttukumaru
It is baffling why good governance activists purportedly battling corruption steer clear of demanding accountability from Chartered Accountants faulted for egregious professional misconduct by the Supreme Court, Parliament’s watchdog COPE, the Attorney-General and CA Sri Lanka ‘Ethics Committee’ itself in the scandalous privatisation of the Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation (SLIC) causing major loss to the people of this country. This is bizarre since chartered accountants/auditors are the first line of defence against corruption in all entities dealing with financial resources. Although they talk the hind legs off a donkey on the evils of corruption and some get paid for doing so, they fail to bite the bullet by ‘naming & shaming’ errant professionals and bigwigs in the corporate sector complicit in the corruption of politicians. It cannot be over emphasized that all allegations must be substantiated.
It is this reluctance to ‘name & shame‘ that emboldens wrongdoers inisolated instances of ‘naming & shaming’ to make pathetic attempts to ‘shoot the messenger’ as adiversionary tactic.
The integrity of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Sri Lanka (CA Sri Lanka) is heavily compromised due to its shameful conduct after my ‘complaint’ made as far back as 8 August 2005 of the ‘Professional Misconduct’ by the Sri Lanka affiliates of PwC and Ernst & Young (EY) in the fraudulent SLIC privatisation. To date it has not concluded its investigation, has reneged on its undertakings given to me and kept me the complainant in the dark. This is notwithstanding several written reminders. The undertaking includes “to complete the investigation early and transparently.” (Ref. CA Sri Lanka e-mail of 13 March 2006)
This is also of no interest to the ‘Young Turks’ in parliament who made a hue and cry about corruption and abuse of power in the run-up to the 2015 Presidential and General elections notwithstanding CA Sri Lanka being a statutory body established by Parliament by Act No.23 of 1959. They are now for the most part muted.
An excellent example of their outrage with a slew of files in tow is the link

PM proposes ceiling on campaign expenditure 


article_image
By Saman Indrajith-June 22, 2016, 9:55 pm

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe yesterday in Parliament proposed the inclusion of a clause in the new Constitution to give power to Parliament to either ban media advertising by candidates vying at elections or to impose a ceiling on such expenditure incurred by political parties.

The PM said such a system had been adopted in some European countries. He was moving a resolution under the Constitution on the media guidelines to be followed by the electronic and print media during referenda and elections. The media guidelines were published by the Election Commission in the Gazette Extraordinary issued last February.  

The Prime Minister, commencing the debate on the resolution, said that if the first-past-the-post system was adopted under the electoral reforms, the candidates would not have to spend colossal sums of money on publicity as each candidate would only have a small constituency to cover.

"Even when candidates are selected under the proportional representation system, we have to think of imposing a ceiling on the expenditure incurred by the political parties on media advertising. It is high time we considered these proposals as we are discussing electoral reforms based on a hybrid system."

The PM said the need for media guidelines during election time had been strongly felt during previous presidential elections. "There were many complaints of the conduct of the state media during previous presidential elections and some even lodged complaints with the Human Rights Commission. The set of guidelines presented today is a result of a concerted effort by the relevant authorities to remedy the situation." 

The Prime Minister observed that the Resolution on Media Guidelines and the Right to Information Bill were requisites for good governance.

While the PM was speaking the Joint Opposition MPs protested, claiming that MP Mahindananda Alutgamage had not been allowed to raise a privilege issue. The PM said: "The Joint Opposition should not disturb this type of an important debate. You spoke about threats to lives today. How many journalists were killed during the period of your government? If you have any problem, settle it at the office of the Deputy Chairman of Committees. Then duly raise the matter next day." 

It was agreed at the party leaders’ meeting to debate the media guidelines yesterday but to postpone the ratification thereof till the resolution was whetted by the Parliamentary Oversight Committee with amendments if necessary. 

Ranil has to fight; he has no other way!

DR.Vickramabahu Karunaratne-2016-06-23
We are told that those days, if a media man got into trouble with Mahinda, elders advised to have a word with MR and 'sort it out'. That means he should crawl to the President's abode and beg mercy. In respect of some articles in the mainstream newspapers, which were brought to the notice of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, by Presidential advisors, he behaved differently. He had laughed and was amused but never said a word. In any case an article with 1,500 words in Sinhala or English was too strenuous an exercise for a man who is allergic to reading.
If Mahinda was annoyed about a newspaper item it was more his nature to phone the scribe next day to narrate his version of the story and insist that it be carried. Usually media men implemented the order and did not follow the foot path of Lasantha and Pradeep. In contrast, these days, media men often attack Ranil Wickremesinghe in print but never were they noticed nor any evil befallen on them. But lesser minions in politics have blamed print establishments for carrying articles exposing their deeds. The Meepura tragedy shows freedom of expression is still in peril.
Is Arjuna Mahendran indispensable? A politician in the height of power must have the courage to answer this question. He must face challenges and overcome them; otherwise it will hurt him and his camp. A Prime Minister with knowledge knows better than an ordinary man on the street as to who should hold such a decorated office amidst criticism, despite eventually he is accountable at the polling booth. It is true that so far Arjuna Mahendran did not bring glory to the office of the Central Bank Governor. He cannot be compared to men like Rajapathirana or Rasaputram who rose from the ranks and did well to be remembered. The Constitutional Council was impressed by the arguments of Ranil who wanted a man of such calibre to handle the financial problems in the age of global capitalism. Arjuna Mahendran, as a true friend and responsible person has not declined an extension, if offered. It is not a problem that can be solved by popular voters or mass campaign. Ranil is experimenting with a social capitalist programme knowing neo-liberalism of the past era has created a mess in the country. He and his close associates only know the required professionals to take forward the programme. Hence only they could judge whether Arjuna should be kept despite the so-called corruption of Arjuna. So first prove the corruption; then judge whether to keep him despite corruption, because such professionals cannot be changed like changing slippers.
A cornerstone of a government
Arjuna Mahendran is a cornerstone of a government, where the Premier has gone deeply into the politico economic programme with Arjuna. The fascistic Opposition knows well that removal of Arjuna will be a giant blow against liberal politics of Ranil. If he is dispatched home, in spite of political support of the popular masses, Ranil will face a political setback both locally and internationally. The votes that the UNP will lose if he is kept can be named instead of being counted. Hence the real issue is the political position of Ranil. That is why the fascistic gang is hell bent on crushing Arjuna. Dedicated UNP supporters can smell this political conspiracy behind the Arjuna Mahendran campaign. Loyalists are the bulwarks of a political Party: more stoutly principled than some regional leaders who vacillate on policies and discriminate between friends and Party-men. They genuinely hate to see their Party or their leader fall prey to foul practices or in the company of undesirables. However, if the leadership appoints a professional for a particular purpose then the value of this political step can be understood even by the most simple-minded Party member.
Most certainly an average UNP Party supporter, probably like his SLFP counterpart – dislikes wrongdoings, especially where it runs into excesses. Often he is a judge in the cause of others. Reading between lines such are smart to distinguish between right and wrong. Such Party members can realize the real issue behind a campaign against wrong doings. Now, Arjuna Mahendran is a household name among the middle class that follows media. He was a virtual nobody among the locals, who became somebody with his appointment as the Central Bank Governor. From there to reach celebrity status was an easy task, because money-men began to make noises on the controversial bond issue that made news. But the real issue is his ability to go ahead with the economic programme of Ranil which disturbed the fascistic gang. Hence, Ranil has to fight; because he has no other way!

Enraged Poojitha who could n’t get his face alongside president’s in the photos avenges !

-STF Commandant’s actual speech (video) ; Are the media clean enough ?

LEN logo(Lanka-e-News -22.June.2016, 9.05AM) Recently , when the police STF seized 80 kilos of cocaine in a private container bearing  the name  ‘Asian’ among the quantity of sugar imported by a Company “Amro’, it  became clear because of the obnoxious   conduct of some media and media organizations  , and the stupidity of the  IGP who is obsessed with publicity hunting , the drug peddlers have been indirectly rendered assistance.
The new special unit  that has been recently formed by the Finance ministry was associated with the STF that conducted the raid , and because of that mud was first slung at Ravi Karunanayake. Since  the president visited the scene of the crime to monitor , he was also criticized by a group. The truth of the whole  matter however is as follows :
IP Premalal who is attached to the newly formed special unit of the finance ministry , had received a tip off regarding this drug haul. Incidentally , Premalal  was earlier working with the police Anti  narcotics Bureau . Previously on such occasions when such information were received , and the Bureau was notified , corrupt Kamal Silva SSP , Director of the Bureau did not pay heed to such information.
According to earlier reports , Kamal Silva conducted raids only with a corrupt group of his  which included his bosom pals  Rangajeewa, Mahinda and Wijesekera . This group is hand in glove with the drug dealers . Hence , Premalal IP who was aware of this had secretly passed this tip off to minister Ravi Karunanayake , and with whose assistance the STF chief was informed. The raid was finally conducted by the STF officers under STF chief Ranjith Perera (senior DIG) and on his instructions.

Poojitha the green eyed monster

Following the raid , Ravi Karunanayake and the president visited the scene. The IGP was not informed at that time. The green eyed IGP who could not include his face in the media cameras along with president , took offence at the STF raid conducted by the STF chiefs, because Poojitha a notorious publicity seeker could not achieve his selfish  dastardly megalomaniac ambitions. He is one who would stoop to anything if he can earn selfish self publicity.  
Therefore it was the IGP himself who provoked the media groups of his , and used the face book towards that while harboring  the notion  that the police media spokesman division has made him a fool. Some media published ,this raid was conducted by the Customs . Besides , since the various media were giving different reports regarding the quantity of cocaine seized , the entire operation became the  butt of a joke among the public. 
Under these circumstances , Ranjith Perera had to convene a press briefing and reveal the true picture. The media coolies however after ignoring the salient facts , picked up what were unimportant and irrelevant to  distort the facts and create  a huge din that Ranjith Perera made statements against media freedom.
(The video footage of Ranjith Perera is hereunder and can be viewed. It is evident he had not made any statement that is against media freedom) . He had actually  revealed the woes when carrying out this thankless task  with the STF .Ranjith Perera had  further commented they had received no recognition for their  operations during the war , and this drug racket had been going on for a long period towards which a group of Customs officers involved in it had been  extending support . 
He exposed the corruption of the Customs officers involved in the scanning of containers, as well as the media personnel who are in the pay of these  drug dealers and  racketeers . Sadly , the media coolies only got hold of that exposure of his pertaining to the corrupt media personnel , to distort and give a mischievous twist .

Media organizations afflicted with cancerous growth 

The convener of the Free Media movement , Seetha Ranjani a journalist who had gone on pension was slated by Lanka e news earlier on. On  the first occasion issuing a communiqué she said , legal action should be instituted against Ranjith Perera. This statement only betrayed her ignorance of the facts as they are , and that she has not understood what Ranjith Perera revealed.
Such  media coolies depending on distorted versions , hearsay ,gossips and collecting them from various wayside places to make their reports to suit their mischievous ends is most despicable ,deplorable and is against professional ethics. Aren’t such reporting   most irresponsible of a responsible media,  disgraceful  and stupid?

We , in fact once told our  media friends that criticized her not to engage in such castigation as this lady is suffering from a very serious disease.
Therefore if she is ailing from a serious illness , what she should do is relax , stay back and take treatment duly without jumping the gun , to make  announcements based on misinformation and misleading reports without a thorough investigation into the facts , thereby infecting the entire country too with her contagion . That  will serve her well and do immense good , rather than disgracing and tarnishing the name of  the old media movement . Unfortunately , the professional print media association that followed her blindly issued a communiqué that nearly Ranjith Perera  and blew off his head .
It is by now clear to all  , these media organizations have acted like amateurish morons  without responsibility . Hence in the future at least the media that ought to act with responsibility must scrutinize and probe their notifications a dozen times before publishing them.
Was the allegation made by Ranjith Perera that some media personnel are in the pay of the mafia groups and racketeers  wrong? Going by what is seen and heard it is absolutely right. He mentioned the name of Gayan Kumara Weerasinghe as one such media coolie . That is 100 % right. If it is probed on whose money he built the house , it will become crystal  what a scoundrel of a media coolie is Gayan Kumara . What’s more ? Out of whose money did he  conduct his close relatiion’s funeral ceremony,  a fact everybody is well aware. Need we say more about media coolie Gayan Kumara who shamelessly conducts himself worse than a latrine coolie ?

If any journalist says  he/she  does not know how this scoundrel falsified facts and misreported the truths in league with Anura Senanayake who is now in remand , he/she is not a journalist . One journalist of Lankadeepa stated , if the journalists are collecting bribes , Ranjith Perera should reveal with evidence. It is an old adage ‘the more you defend the clearer it becomes it needs defense.’ If any journalist is turning jittery when facts are exposed , certainly it is  best he/ she  does something to clear his conscience – the only cure for guilt.
It is a pity the Lankadeepa journalist perhaps had not raised his head enough from the news desk on which he rests his head while pretending he is working. If he had just casually looked around   , he could have seen to himself at least two or three journalists at close range who  are taking bribes to falsify facts and distort the truths . He would then realize  Ranjith Perera’s evidence is not necessary to testify . 
The complete  speech of Ranjith Perera at the media briefing can be viewed via the video footage hereunder for the benefit of IGP Poojitha , Media organizations suffering from cancerous growths , the media scoundrels and the media coolies who cannot sift truth from the untruths . If these media organizations after listening to the complete speech   are true to their conscience must ask pardon from Ranjith Perera 
---------------------------
by     (2016-06-22 03:43:08)

Chairman of Lycamobile Subaskaran Allirajah, pictured in Canary Wharf, London
Chairman of Lycamobile Subaskaran Allirajah, pictured in Canary Wharf, LondonThe telecoms giant Lycamobile has given at least £2.2m to Prime Minister David Cameron’s party since 2011, including half-a-million last year alone
The telecoms giant Lycamobile has given at least £2.2m to Prime Minister David Cameron’s party since 2011, including half-a-million last year alone
  • Nineteen people linked to telecoms giant Lycamobile arrested in France
  • Company has given at least £2.2m to David Cameron's party since 2011 
  • Lycamobile director Alain Jochimek was among those arrested in the raid
  • Nine people have been charged with offences relating to financial fraud

  • By PETER ALLEN FOR MAILONLINE-17:41 GMT, 19 June 2016
MailOnline - news, sport, celebrity, science and health storiesNineteen people working for the biggest donor to the Conservative Party have been arrested in France in connection with a multi-million pounds tax and money laundering scandal.
All are linked to Lycamobile, the multinational telecoms giant, which has given at least £2.2m to Prime Minister David Cameron’s party since 2011, including half-a-million last year alone.

Lycamobile also allowed Boris Johnson to use one of their call centres during his successful 2012 campaign to become Mayor of London.

Those arrested include Lycamobile director, Alain Jochimek, who is well known as a prominent Jewish community leader in France, where he runs B’nai B’rith, the pro-Israel service organisation.

B’nai B’rith’s British branch was highly critical of Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn as he dealt with an anti-Semitism crisis in his party last month.

Mr Jochimek appeared in a Paris criminal court on Friday, along with nine others who have been charged with a variety of offences related to financial fraud.

They specifically relate to alleged illicit transactions of 13 million pounds, but the French authorities believe the figure could be far higher.

It follows a an investigation by BuzzFeed that caught Lycamobile ‘employing three cash couriers to drop rucksacks stuffed with hundreds of thousands of pounds twice a day at Post Offices scattered across London,’ according to the news site.

Bundles of cash were seized in raids on Lycamobile’s Paris headquarters, and a series of residential and business addresses across the city, while the company’ s French bank accounts have since been frozen.

Lycamobile’s Sri Lankan-born owner, Subaskaran Allirajah, is a member of the exclusive Leader’s Group for top Tory donors.

He has dined with Mr Cameron or members of his cabinet twice in the past six months, and is also close to Mr Johnson, after bankrolling his campaign.

None of those involved admit any wrongdoing, with Lycamobile previously claiming that the filmed cash drops were just ‘day to day banking’.

But according to Buzzfeed investigators the French authorities have identified money coming from shell companies suspected of acting as fronts for ‘various networks laundering profits from crime.’

Buzzfeed probed 19 companies that allegedly funnelled tens of millions of euros into Lycamobile’s French accounts.

All but one ‘was registered at PO boxes, vacant offices, derelict buildings, or a construction site.’ David Cameron pledged to crack down on money laundering and offshore tax avoidance at the global anti-corruption summit in London last month.

He said he wanted to ‘send a clear message to the corrupt that there is no home for them here’.

According to the Buzzfeed investigation, Lycamobile is selling its prepaid calling cards on the black market in Paris for cash, and is then using a ‘a vast system of false billing’ to invoice fake companies for the sales in order to conceal other illicit payments.

Lycamobile’s own auditors declared over the past two years that they could not account for total of £646 million that moved through 10 companies in its complex corporate network.

Lycamobile is the world’s largest mobile virtual network operator, buying international airtime in bulk and selling it to millions of customers around the world on relatively cheap prepaid calling cards. 

It has reported an annual turnover of 1.5 billion pounds, while legally avoiding corporation tax in the UK and Ireland by moving its money to the tax haven of Madeira. 

Following the original Buzzfeed enquiry, the Labour Party wrote to the Conservatives demanding that the party freeze all donations from Lycamobile pending further investigations, but the letter was ignored.

Sampur in the Spotlight after Indian RTI Request

Featured image courtesy TamilGuardian

GROUNDVIEWS on 06/22/2016

The Sampur power plant project has come under further scrutiny, following a project synopsis released by the Public Information Officer of NTPC Ltd, India’s largest energy conglomerate.

Among other things, it was revealed that environmental clearance for the project was still awaited as late as February 2015. Clearance has been given to the project to proceed despite concerns raised by environmentalist groups, including a Fundamental Rights case filed byEnvironmental Foundation (Guarantee) Ltd, an organisation dedicated to environmental protection through litigation.

The Ceylon Electricity Board, tasked with almost all the electricity generation, transmission, distribution and retailing in Sri Lanka has tied up with NTPC for the Sampur project, setting up a joint venture company called Trincomalee Power Corporation Limited (TPCL), in which both companies have a 50:50 equity partnership.

The synopsis was released following an RTI request filed by Venkatesh Nayak from theCommonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI). In 2014, Nayak made a request for a list of all records, including documents in electronic form, as well as copies of the Joint venture, implementation, board of investment, land lease, coal supply and power purchase agreements from NTPC, under India’s 2005 RTI Act. He also made the case that these details should be made freely available as it was in the public interest to do so.

However, Nayak’s request was rejected on the grounds that the documents obtained were covered by “commercial confidence” a recognised exemption under India’s RTI Act. The decision was upheld by the First Appellate Authority. Nayak then appealed to the Central Information Commission (CIC) who decided the case in February this year, although they failed to inform Nayak of the hearing ahead of time.

The CIC ruled that apart from a project synopsis, every other document should not be released under the commercial confidence clause.

Nayak, an RTI expert, explained the details revealed in the synopsis over email:

Main points about Sampur project emerging from the synopsis

1) 500 acres of land in Sampur is under the physical possession of the Trincomalee Power Corporation. Ltd. (TPCL)

2) TPCL submitted its Environment Impact Assessment Report to the Central Environment Authority in February 2015. The report is under consideration and the environment clearance is awaited. It was awaited on the date on which the CIC decided this case.

3) India extended a line of credit of USD 200 million to Sri Lanka in 2010 for construction of a jetty and a transmission line apart from equity contribution to CEB for theJVC, namely, TPCL.

4) CEB will nominate a non-executive Chairman for TPCL while NTPC will nominate its Managing Director. This arrangement will continue for the initial 8 years (presumably from the date of inception of TPCL). Subsequently, the post of the Chairman will be held by nominees of NTPC and TPCL by rotation for a period of 3 years each. So this arrangement may come into force from September 2019 if the period is calculated from the date of incorporation of TPCL.

5) There must be a minimum of 6 directors on the board subject to a maximum of 15 members.

6) CEB is responsible for getting all approvals for the project in Sri Lanka, provide TPCL all information necessary for getting approvals and also pay its equity share in a timely manner.

7) NTPC will be responsible for getting all necessary approvals in India, pay its equity share in a timely manner and provide TPCL consultancy services for the overall development and implementation of the project. It is not clear as to whether these consultancy services will be provide free of charge or not.

8) NTPC and CEB will endeavour to promote the business of TPCL to the best of their ability.

9) Fuel for the projects is said to be “imported coal” and Lanka Coal Company Ltd. is required to supply 2 MTs of coal every year.

10) 100% of the energy generated by the project will be purchased by CEB for consumption in Sri Lanka. (Not being aware of this requirement due to paucity of information in the public domain, Nayak had wrongly claimed in his RTI application that some of the power may be routed to India)

11) The 1st unit of the project is required to become commercially operational within 32 months from the date of Financial Closure which is likely to happen between 6-8 months after the grant of environmental clearance. The 2nd unit is required to become commercially operational within the next 4 months.
The synopsis also revealed details of a confidentiality agreement between CEB and NTPC:

a) Neither party is allowed to publicise details relating to the agreement without prior consent of the other party unless such disclosure is required by law in India or Sri Lanka; and

b) All information received by either party and marked “confidential” shall not be disclosed to outsiders except stock exchanges. But the confidentiality clause will not apply to whatever information that is in the public domain or whatever may enter the public domain without breach of the confidentiality clause of the agreement. This confidentiality obligation will remain for a period of two years even if the agreement is terminated.

Problem areas in the CIC’s decision

Nayak says that NTPC failed to send across a copy of the synopsis, despite him intimating a change of address by email. As a result of this, he was unable to rebut the ‘commercial confidence’ argument before the CIC arrived at its decision at the final hearing.

Apart from this, however, he says he believes there are several contentious points which haven’t been settled by the ruling.

“When the confidentiality clause allows for the waiver of confidentiality if required under applicable laws such as the RTI Act in India, why was that point not used to order disclosure of all categories of documents about the project held by NTPC? This kind of information is required to be proactively disclosed, under Sections 4(1)(b)(vi) and (xiv) of India’s RTI Act (Editor’s note: Which means NTPC should have already released these documents in the public domain). The CIC simply failed to give a ruling on this issue even though I had explained the matter in detail… in my second appeal,” Nayak said.

He added “NTPC is a public sector company in India with no other private sector competitor coming close to them in size and volume of power and revenues generated. CEB is a state agency in Sri Lanka with perhaps a near monopoly in its sector. So how anybody’s competitive position will be negatively affected by disclosure of the agreements listed in the RTI application is a big question.”

“I had not sought details of the technology that would be used for power generation. Disclosure of that information might have attracted the commercial confidence clause. But I never asked for that information. The agreements that I had sought are in NTPC’s possession being a 50% partner in TPCL and also having its nominee as the Managing Director of the company. Nevertheless they refused to disclose the information.

Nayak also cited a ruling given by the Supreme Court of India in Ram Jethmalani & Ors. vs Union of India [(2011) 8 SCC 1] famously known as the “black money case”, regarding the superior position of the fundamental right of the people to know over confidentiality clauses contained in international agreements that India enters into.

Withholding of information from the petitioners by the State, thereby constraining their freedom of speech and expression before this Court, may be premised only on the exceptions carved out, in Clause (2) of Article 19, “in the interests of sovereignty and integrity of India, security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence” or by law that demarcate exceptions, provided that such a law comports with theenumerated grounds in Clause (2) of Article 19, or that may be provided for elsewhere in the Constitution.

71. It is now a well recognized proposition that we are increasingly being entwined in a global network of events and social action. Considerable care has to be exercised in this process, particularly where governments which come into being on account of a constitutive document, enter into treaties. The actions of governments can only be lawful when exercised within the four corners of constitutional permissibility. No treaty can be entered into, or interpreted, such that constitutional fealty is derogated from. The redundancy, that the Union of India presses, with respect to the last sentence of Article 26(1) of the double taxation agreement with Germany, necessarily transgresses upon the boundaries erected by our Constitution. It cannot be permitted.” [Editor’s note: emphasis ours]

Though Nayak cited the case in his second appeal, the CIC did not even make a mention of this case in its decision in order to determine whether larger public interest in disclosure outweighed the harm to the protected interests of “commercial confidence”. During the hearing NTPC even claimed that disclosure of more project details may harm Indo-Sri Lankan ties, Nayak said.

“NTPC is investing the taxpayers’ money in the project which is meant for supplying power to the people of Sri Lanka. Surely, people in both countries have the right to know much more about the Sampur project than what the two partners and TPCL are willing to place in the public domain.”

Meanwhile, the Sampur project came under fresh scrutiny as reports emerged that Sri Lanka was considering switching the plant to run on Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) rather than coal, due to the controversy and the questions raised by environmentalists and human rights activists, since several people could have their livelihood disrupted thanks to the project. One of the environmental groups is Environmental Foundation (Guarantee) Limited, who  filed a Fundamental Rights application in the Supreme Court  objecting to the use of coal as a source of energy generation and in particular, the proposed Sampur Coal Power Plant, on the 31st of May 2016. The respondents for the case include, among others, the Ceylon Electricity Board,Central Environmental Authority, and the Ministry of Power and Renewable Energy. The grievances highlighted in the petition include the discrepancies in the EIA as well as the long term environmental and health impacts that a coal power plant will invariably cause.

Sampur also saw its fair share of conflict – with several people being displaced from their homes for years. After the conflict ended, the area remained off limits thanks to the construction of the power plant – delaying the resettlement process considerably, although the Government has now begun returning resettling the remaining IDPs.