Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, June 19, 2016

A Public discussion on Constitutional Reforms - Citizens’ Council

A Public discussion on Constitutional Reforms - Citizens’ Council

Jun 19, 2016
We believe that the democratic political transformation that was initiated  on 8th January 2015 was an epoch making moment in Sri Lankan history when citizens’ political activism and participation became highly effective.

Therefore, it is necessary to keep this citizens’ activism incessantly awake reaching towards the common good of the public against the prejudices and the interests of party politics. So, we hope that the spirit of the political movement that arose out of January 8the movement  can be extended by developing a broad political discourse and a genuine citizens’ movement.
 
To move towards those ends, Citizens’ Council, Colombo hopes to initiate a Public Discussion on the Report of the Public Representations Committee on Constitutional Reforms at CSR auditorium at 4.00 pm on 22nd June 2016.
 
The key speakers who will be presenting their views in the discussion are Prof. Arjuna Parakrama, Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri and Mr. Ahilan Kadirgamar  and the discussion will be chaired by Dr. Kumudu Kusum Kumara. 
 
All citizens are invited to participate in this discussion.

War Crimes Probe: TNA Wants Sirisena And Wickremesinghe To Get Their Act Together


Colombo Telegraph
June 19, 2016
The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has decided to exert pressure on the government, urging it to get it’s act together and stop dilly dallying on whether or not to permit foreign judges in a war crimes probe.
File photo
File photo
“President Maithripala Sirisena is of the view that foreign judges must not be permitted in such a robe, while the government led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe says that foreign judges must be permitted. It is obvious the current administration cannot take a stand on this crucial issue, and hence the TNA has decided to take this matter up at the highest level,” TNA sources told Colombo Telegraph.
The TNA is of the view that this is the best time to raise this matter, specially as United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Al-Hussein is scheduled to present his oral submissions on Sri Lanka on June 29, 2016 at the 32nd session of the UN Human Rights Council, in Geneva.
TNA sources also noted that the government in it’s effort to try and appease the UN is implementing certain initiatives without following proper procedure and in a hurried manner, which was affecting the genuine reconciliation process. In May, the government went ahead and set up the ‘Office for Missing Persons’ in a vague manner, without carrying out proper consultation with the victims and the affected communities.
“If this trend continues, there can be a breakdown in the reconciliation process,” they warned.

CODE OF CONDUCT FOR MEDIA AT FUTURE POLLS

Mako_Great
( Election commissioner warning state media on bias reporting: Cartoon by Lankaenews)

Sri Lanka Brief19/06/2016

Parliament is set to approve on Wednesday, strict guidelines to be followed and policies to be adhered to by the electronic and print media at future elections and referendums in the country.

These will include a prohibition on the use of the National Anthem, National Flag, religious symbols, religious flags, paintings or photographs of founders of religions or religious leaders to be published, telecast or broadcast to promote or demote the candidature of a candidate or a party/group.

The guidelines have been made by the Commissioner of Elections under the provisions of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, to ensure rightful exercise of franchise and a free and fair election or referendum.

The guidelines make it mandatory for both the print and electronic media to be neutral and impartial in their reporting on election related matters, without discriminating against any contesting political party.

Once the guidelines are in place, the neutrality and impartiality of media will be monitored regularly by a Standing Committee of Permanent Representatives on Elections Complaints and the Standing Committee of Permanent Representatives on Media Guidelines.

The guidelines will also apply to columns where editorial opinions seem confused and biased. If this is so, the affected will have to be given the opportunity to broadcast/telecast/publish material to counter such opinion.

Programme presenters and announcers on television and radio channels will also have to refrain from expressing personal views at the newspaper desks where newspaper headlines and cartoons are presented, as such views may promote one party with prejudice to another, once the guidelines are passed.

Media institutions will also need to make a declaration if any Chairperson, Member of the Board of Management, Directors or a responsible journalist of any electronic or print media institution is actively engaged in political activities which causes conflict of interest in balanced broadcasting/publishing.

Such officers or employees will have to declare in writing his/her level of involvement, position held in the institution, as well as the extent of involvement in programme making

At the time of an election, coverage given by the media to views expressed by the President or Prime Minister or Ministers will have to be treated as a coverage given to the political party to which he/she belongs.

By Chandani Kirinde / The Sunday Times

Take legal action on the STF chief who is prepared punish journalists – FMM

 
Jun 19, 2016
Take legal action on the STF chief who is prepared punish journalists – FMMThe Free Media Movement (FMM) vehemently condemns the malicious comment made by DIG Ranjith Perera, Chief of the Police Special Task Force (STF), threatening journalists during a press briefing held 17. FMM urges the Government to initiate an unbiased investigation and take appropriate legal action against the STF Chief.

As he has alleged at the press briefing, STF officers’ who successfully caught a haul of heroine recently based on their own intelligence network, did not receive proper recognition as two newspapers published articles damaging his officers’ reputation. DIG Perera raised serious allegations against journalists. At the press briefing he has alleged that journalists are conducting their profession under the payroll of underworld mafia and he knows how to punish them. Media do not report anything against the Sri Lanka Armed forces is because they take action to torture the journalists who report negative about their forces, he has said.
 
His statement at the press briefing included clues of those who have conducted tortures, kidnapping and killings of journalists in the recent past. The present Government pledged the media organisations and democratic citizens that they will take legal action against the wrongdoers. The delay in realizing this pledge has led certain powers to continue threatening the media as they used to do in the past. The Free Media Movement do not wish to see the return of the dark period where journalists were killed, tortured or got abducted for doing their job.
 
The statement made by DIG Perera does pose a great threat on the security of professional journalists. Therefore, The Free Media Movement urge the Government to initiate an unbiased investigation in to the issue and take proper legal action.

Ghosts from the Past

Photograph courtesy Business Today


TISARANEE GUNASEKARA- on 06/19/2016

‘The sleep of reason produces monsters.’
Goya (The title of the 43rd etching of Los Caprichos)


Post-Rajapaksa Sri Lanka is being haunted by the ghost of the Rajapaksa past and the spectre of a Rajapaksa future.

The 19th Amendment was a major democratic achievement. It restored presidential term limits, reduced presidential powers and reinstated independent commissions. The commissions will face their first acid test over the appointment of the next governor of the Central Bank. If the tainted incumbent is reappointed, the ability and willingness of independent commissions to stem the partisan excesses of politicians will be cast into grave doubt.

The 19th Amendment also barred two-term presidents from contesting the presidency again. This automatically disqualifies former president Mahinda Rajapaksa from contesting the 2020 presidential election. The only way he can remedy the situation is via another constitutional amendment. Such a change would require a parliament in which Mr. Rajapaksa commands a two-thirds majority and a President weakened to the point of invertebrateness. Neither condition is likely to come about under normal democratic circumstances.

So the Rajapaksas are faced with a problem of Himalayan proportions. How can they use the next presidential election to regain the power they lost in the last one? The Family is unlikely to trust its future to an outsider, however servile that person might be now. The only way out is for another Rajapaksa to contest in 2020. Namal Rajapaksa is too young and Basil Rajapaksa is caught in too many legal tangles.
There is only one choice: Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

Gotabhaya Rajapaksa must not only contest; he must contest to win. Which means he cannot contest from the third party the likes of Wimal Weerawansa are raring to create; he must contest from the SLFP.
This is the context in which Minister John Seneviratne’s proposal to make Gotabhaya Rajapaksa a deputy leader of the SLFP must be considered.

Minister Seneviratne is one of those SLFPers who contested the 2015 parliamentary election as a member of the Mahinda Sulanga (Mahinda Wind) and jumped ship, post-defeat. Unlike the other senior John in the cabinet, John Amaratunga, Mr. Seneviratne is not given to dropping bricks and drivel every time he opens his mouth. If he says something controversial, it would be by intent rather than accident.

This is also not the first time Minister Senevirtane talked about bringing Gotabhaya Rajapaksa into active politics. In April, 2016, he stated that “senior SLFPers are of the opinion that Gotabhaya should be given a key post in the party.”[i]

Minister Seneviratne reportedly discussed the matter with Gotabhaya Rajapaksa for over two hours[ii]. Days later, Mr. Rajapaksa himself made a statement, claiming that, “People living in Sri Lanka and outside the country have asked me to come forward to contest the next presidential election.”[iii] He didn’t say he would; he didn’t say he wouldn’t. But reading between the lines the message was clear: Gotabhaya is willing; willing to contest, become the president and return Sri Lanka to its right and proper fate of Rajapaksa rule.

No, The Ends Do Not Always Justify The Means


Colombo Telegraph
By Emil van der Poorten –June 19, 2016
Emil van der Poorten
Emil van der Poorten
Except that it would have provoked the editor’s red pencil, I’d have ended the title of this piece with “… particularly when they (those means) only succeed in perpetuating what the “ends” were supposed to remove!
In case there is any doubt – apart from those embedded in some of the moronic brigades that insist on demonstrating their total lack of intelligence – I speak of the current Maithripala/Ranil (MR2) government.
What has raised the ire of those observing the current political scene has been unquestionable proof that this government has slipped into the cabinet of ministers and into other positions of power and responsibility those who, to use the old term, should not have been touched with the proverbial barge pole. And I make this judgement not purely on the application of the yardsticks of honesty and principle but on the more mundane one of the public’s perception of it’s government. You don’t have to be some kind of a Sherlock Holmes of an investigative reporter to ferret out these names with, at the very least, “doubtful associations.”
The return of the culture of violence that was particularly aimed at dissenting journalists was front and centre again, recently, with the assault on a man who has, apparently and in a regional newspaper, kept investigating the behaviour of the infamous Lansa family of the western seaboard. In case readers are unfamiliar with some of the headlines that these folk generated was one where, after a particularly heinous piece of behaviour which not only went unpunished but was not even investigated, this particular member of the clan was paid what amounted to some “State Visit” by His Majesty Mahinda Rajapaksa, thereby giving the seal of respectability and approval to said crime.
In an effort to provide background to the recent assault on a respected and experienced journalist (again, in the premises of a court of law?) mention was made of the primary suspect being a sibling of a member of the MR2 cabinet. In case the reference escapes the reader, THE MR2 CABINET HAS ONE OF THE LANSA BROTHERS AS A MEMBER PAID OUT OF THE PUBLIC PURSE! If proof be needed that this is not some kind of “white sheep” of that flock, that Minister was quoted extensively in the same report attempting to rebut some of the speculation and accusations of complicity in this piece of thuggery which was reminiscent of the days when Taraki and Lasantha Wickrematunge were “taken out”, Keith Noyahr was beaten within an inch of his life and fled into tombstone silence in Great Britain and there was what can accurately be described as a mass exodus to foreign shores of journalists trying to ply their trade in Silly Lanka. It now seems like the MR2 government is prepared to look aside while we return to a culture where Sri Lanka was considered one of the most dangerous places in the world for (honest) journalists.
You want proof of more copy-catting by the MR2 lot of what their predecessors, the Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR1) entourage indulged in?

Un-parliamentary language ‘adow , touch us and will turn into suicide bombers’ of the underworld , now emanating from judiciary !

-JSC asleep at the wheel !

LEN logo(Lanka-e-News -19.June.2016, 9.35PM) Un-parliamentary language and foul words such as ‘adow , no tough tactics in  this area ,okay,’ and ‘adow, if any of you even just touch one of us , we will indulge  in suicide bombing,’  are  common among only the underworld gangs and goons , were  usually heard only from them . But now , after elephant rogue Thilina Gamage the judge turned criminal , shockingly ,these are the foul words (which characterize underworld gangs) that are being used to threaten the public by the judiciary , and these are the  punishment based on the threats, in store for the public at  the hands of the judiciary if the people  oppose the culprit judge Thilina  Gamage.
The judges mafia comprising bosom pals of Thilina is again in operation to obstruct the enforcement of laws against the elephant rogue judge Thilina who is now interdicted by the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) and whose bail has been rescinded by the High court.
The bail granted by Gangodawila magistrate Kanishka Wijeratne a most intimate pal of  criminal judge Thilina was cancelled by the High court judge Manilal Waidyatileke , who also ordered that the report pertaining to the granting of bail to Thilina at the magistrate court be forwarded to the high court. Yet the Gangodawila magistrate court registrar has still not forwarded the report to the High court . Consequently , the High court judge had to issue notice on the Gangodawila court registrar in that regard.
Meanwhile , though it is possible to arrest Thilina Gamage now , a situation has arisen in which there is apparently no court before which he can be produced. This is because the three judges of Nugegoda, Gangodawila  court which has jurisdiction ( because the address of  Thilina ‘s residence comes within it) have refused to hear this case.  
Kanishka Wijeratne who heard the case once sans Attorney General’s advice and gave a wrong judgment ,at any rate is not eligible to hear the case, while the additional magistrate  as well as the district court judge Sahan Mapa Bandara have also refused to hear the case. 
In such circumstances , what the Judicial Service Commission (JSC)  can do legally is appoint a judge of another court to hear this case in the relevant court , and later , if this judge wishes he/she can hear that case in his/her court. Otherwise than this , the case cannot be heard in a court which does not have jurisdiction. Moreover another court which has no jurisdiction over the area of arrest cannot hear the case. That is, Thilina who is arrested in one area cannot be produced before another judge having jurisdiction elsewhere.
It is most reprehensible that despite the fact a judge should be appointed to hear the case immediately , the JSC has not acted so far even though six days have elapsed since judge Waidyatileke issued the order. The reason for this is another close friend (liquor bottle friends) of elephant rogue, is the assistant secretary of the JSC. This judge  is well noted for prostitution of his official position while holding the post of assistant secretary . As Lanka e news revealed earlier ,his name is Pamila Ratnayake. 
Is it because he is fluent in English he is able to make the other judges in the Commission to  capitulate  to his wishes  and keep them trampled ?
If not , is it the obnoxious behavior  of the chief Justice who is the JSC president that is creating  a most grave issue militating against enforcement of laws ?
The masses for good governance who are reposing confidence in the independent judiciary as respecting the   ‘rule of law’ and justice are however expecting a honorable  individual like Pradeep Jayatileke the secretary of the JSC to act more diligently and conscientiously .
Meanwhile the lawyer for Thilina Gamage had sought to file a motion  a few days ago to get clarification  on the order cancelling bail given by Manilal Waidyaratne . However after the AG’s department pointed out such a motion is illegal , it had been withdrawn. 
---------------------------
by     (2016-06-20 01:43:37)

JVP’s “Siri Aiya”: The Great Survivor

Somawansa_Amarasinghesomawansa_file

by Dharman Wickremaratne

( June 19, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) In the late 1980s the Janatha vimukthi peramuna(JVP) was active only in 19 out of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts. It was not present in the five districts of the North and Batticaloa District in the East. Accordingly there were 19 JVP District Secretaries. The Central Committee comprised politburo members, district secretaries and secretaries of the military wing.

In`1986 to 1989 the party’s politburo(PB) members were Rohana Wijeweera, Upatissa Gamanayake, Sumith Athukorala, D.M. Ananda, Saman Piyasiri Fernando, Piyadasa Ranasinghe, H.B. Herath, Gunaratne Wanasinghe, R.B. Wimalaratne, Somawansa Amarasinghe, Shantha Bandara, Nandatilaka Galappaththi and Lalith Wijeratne.

D.M. Ananda and Saman Piyasiri although not necessarily senior, became the most active members during the last years of the insurgency. D.M. Ananda functioned as Party’s Political Secretary of the Western and Sabaragamuwa Regions while leading the party’s student, women’s and bhikku fronts. Saman Piyasiri Fernando alias Keerthi Wijebahu was the leader of the military wing – Deshapremi Janatha Vyaparaya (DJV). During the final stages it was the two of them who led the JVP when Rohana Wijeweera lost control of the party.

In the end it was only Somawansa Amarasinghe who survived out of all JVP Politburo members. It was he who took the decisive steps after a difficult journey in reorganising the party which had almost disintegrated and brought it back to active politics in 1994. Many among others also made a major contribution to the JVP’s revival.

At the time Somawansa Amarasinghe was known as ‘Siri Aiya’ alias ‘Uncle Reggie’ alias Reginald Patrick. In the latter half of the 1980s during the JVP’s second insurgency he maintained regular contacts with human rights, cultural and media circles in Colombo and coordinated with JVP leaders and people’s 
organisations. He was the unseen hand behind many demonstrations. A first cousin of the then Minister Sirisena Cooray – President Premadasa’s ‘right hand’ man – was married to a sister of Somawansa Amarasinghe.

Except four of the above 13 JVP Politburo members the others were the writer’s professional associates. There were many instances when they visited the editorial office and the writer’s home during 1986-90. Among them was ‘Siri Aiya’ who always wore long-sleeved shirts. He was proficient in English. His red-and-white car was a familiar sight. He often visited the writer in the early hours of the day. The father of one child his wife Irangani Malani Munasinghe was a school teacher in Kalutara.

Araliyawatte in Lilambe area Wariyapola, the house at Gonapola junction Batuwita and the mansion, Katugaha Walawwa at Neluwa near Atampitiya Road were purchased for the party under the name Reginald Patrick. During JVP Leader Wijeweera’s last days Somwansa was his best friend in the party’s inner circle.

Somawansa’s father was John Amarasinghe who first served in the police and later in the Irrigation Department. Mother was a housewife. Somawansa is the youngest in a family of four elder brothers and three sisters . Born in Payagala, Kalutara, he entered Kalutara Vidyalaya as a grade two student after having his primary education at the Kalutara Ladies College. Later he served as a Irrigation Department technical officer in Colombo, Galle, Kalmune, Bibile and Rajangana.

In 1969 he attended JVP classes conducted in ‘Danoris Aiya’s trade union office in the Land Development Department, Castle Street, Colombo. It is said that Navaratne Banda made Somawansa join the party. He was provided with a Honda motorbicycle No. 5 Sri 6022 on the party’s behalf.

During the April 1971 JVP insurgency the plan was to give Somawansa the job of driving the vehicle carrying Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike once she was abducted from er Rosmead Place residence. He was assigned to the task because of his driving skills, according to Piyasiri Kularatne. Although Somawansa was waiting near the Ritz Cinema Borella on April 4, 1971 till 11.30 p.m. to join the Rosmead place operation no one came. He then went to his place of residence at Kotahena in a hired vehicle, carrying the bag of bombs. Later he was arrested and detained at the Galle,welikada and Jaffna prisons. Rohana Wijeweera met Somawansa for the first time in 1975.

In December of the following year Somawansa was released along with several others including Kelly Senananayake, Upatissa Gamanayake and Ragama Somay. Thereafter Somawansa appealed for the release of the remaining political prisoners and helped to reorganise the party. His headquarters was Siripala’s house at Dewanampiyatissa Mawatha, Maradana.

Among the photos in the police notice issued following the proscription of the JVP in 1983, was that of Somawansa. The authorities also had a list of 380 JVP activists. Simultaneously with the ban on the party Somawansa began working incognito with other party activists. He was appointed a Politburo member after coming to Colombo in April, 1984 following Lionel Bopage’s resignation from the party. Sumith Athukorala, Piyadasa Ranasinghe,Nandathilaka Galapathi,Gunarathne Wanasinghe,Shantha Bandara,Saman Piyasiri Fernando and D.M. Ananda also became Poliburo members in the same year.

It was Somawansa who took Wijeweera and his family to the house in Walhaputenna, Haputale. According to the statement of Wijeweera’s wife Srimathie Chitraganie Somawansa played the role of Wijeweera’s brother-in-law. It was he who took Wijeweera’s children to buy their school uniforms. It was in March 1988 that Wijeweera went to reside in the house at Ulapane.

In the meantime Somawansa was also active working with people’s organisations in Colombo. He was frequently seen at Gothami Vihara, Borella. When an armed gang broke into the Gothami Vihara on September 7, 1988 and abducted eight bhikkus of the Manawa Hithawdi organisation after seizing all documents, Somawansa who by then had gone ‘underground’ gave a phone call to Amnesty International in London which in turn called Minister Ranjan Wijeratne and requested that those taken into custody be provided with security. Later they were freed on the intervention of the then UNP Mayor of Colombo Ratnasiri Rajapaksa.

Although Somawansa’s wife and son were sent to Japan in April 1989 for their safety they returned to Sri Lanka in September of the same year. Later they resided on the ground floor of a Muslim-owned house near Trinity College, Kandy. Somawansa again succeeded in sending them to a friend’s house in Kerala, India towards the end of 1989. From there he sent them to the UK via Thailand and Italy.

The last JVP politburo meeting presided over by Wijeweera was scheduled to be held on November 11, 12 and 13, 1989. But Wanasinghe and D.M. Ananda did not turn up raising Somawansa’ suspicions. He promptly informed Wijeweera to take safety precautions but the latter did not take the warning seriously. The Government declared a curfew on November 12 causing the JVP to end the Politburo meeting in the afternoon of the same day.

After the meeting Saman Piyasiri, Lalith Wijeratne, Gamanayake and Wijeweera left by car. Shantha Bandara went separately. Somawansa Amarasinghe and Piyadasa Ranasinghe left for Madawala returning from where Somawansa gets off at Trinity Hill. Piyadasa Ranasinghe was arrested at Kandy. In the evening of the same day H.B. Herath was taken into custody at his home in Galaha. In the same evening Wijeweera and the following morning Gamanayake were arrested. Somawansa’s intuition helped him to survive.

It is thereafter that he decided to flee the country. Matale Wicky alias Selva helped him to escape. A leading JVP actvist Wicky (Wickramasinghe) was a wholesale manager at Eswaran Brothers, Colombo and resided at Alwis Avenue, Kotahena. Somawansa wearing a verti and a ‘pottu’ on his forehead disguised himself as a Tamil obtained an Indian Visa after going to the Indian Hgh Commission with Wickremasinghe. Although Somawansa came to the Galle Face Hotel that day no one recognized him.

However Somawansa wanted to avoid air travel since it was a risk and decided go by sea. In early March 1990 he fled to India in a double-engine boat after paying Rs.50,000 to a boat owner in Kalpitiya. In India he met his wife Irangani Munasinghe and son in Kerala and sent them to the UK via Thailand and Italy. Somawansa traveled to Italy via France and thereafter to Switzerland.

Legal action was filed against Wickremasinghe alias Matale Wicky and Army Captain Nissanka in High Courts for helping Somawansa Amarasinghe to escape. Wickremasinghe pleaded guilty and was given a five-year suspended sentence. Capt. Nissanka was given a 15-year suspended sentence but was acquitted on appeal. The writer once met Captain Nissanka with BBC Sinhala Service Sandeshaya Producer Chandana Bandara’s London home. The writer also met Wickremasinghe in Madras (Chennai).

In 1994 the JVP contested the Parliamentary Election via the National Salvation Front. Later Somawansa returned to Sri Lanka and has been engaged fulltime in JVP activities since then.

The above is the true story of the role Somawansa played internationally in reviving the JVP after the reign of terror in the 1980s, despite various criticisms about him.

(The writer is a Senior Sri Lankan Journalist who could be reached at ejournalists@gmail.com)
PM agrees not to reappoint Mahendran until investigations conclude - Saman


logoPM agrees not to reappoint Mahendran until investigations conclude - SamanJune 19, 2016

Prime Minister Ranil Wirckremesinghe has agreed not to re-appoint Arjuna Mahendran as Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka until the investigations into him are concluded, Convener of the Puravasisi Balaya Movement Saman Ratnapriya says. 

He said that this was discussed during a meeting held with the Prime Minister. The main focus of the meeting was the recent hike on the Value Added Tax and the issue surrounding the Governor of the Central Bank, according to Ratnapriya.

 Two investigations are being carried out against the CB Governor,  one is being conducted by COPE, he added.

 Mahendran has been in the spotlight recently due to the controversy surrounding a Treasury bond issue by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL). There had been rising concerns in bond markets over controversial deals made by Perpetual Treasuries, a firm connected to Arjun Aloysius, the son-in-law of Governor Arjuna Mahendran. 

 In March 2015, the President appointed a three-member committee to investigate alleged irregularities surrounding the bond issue as well.


Appointing A New Governor For The Central Bank!


Colombo Telegraph
By Hema Senanayake –June 19, 2016
Hema Senanayake
Hema Senanayake
Why the appointment of the Governor of the Central Bank is so important? I kindly invite you to think about it for a little moment before you read this brief essay.
My enlightened view is that, if the country got a competent governor for the central bank, I do not care who is being elected to be the President or Prime Minister of the country when it comes to the issue of the economy and its growth. Why do I say so?
It is because, the governor of the central bank is the only man in our governmental system who can effectively change the total output (i.e. production) and who can create more sustainable employments than the entire cabinet could. Governor is the only single man who can effectively change the nation’s Current Account and Balance of Payment situation on which the stability of our domestic currency the rupee depends and in turn, upon having a stable rupee Foreign Direct Investments would increase. In fact the governor of the central bank is the man who can save the government politically. If economy fails, “good governance government” fails.
Perhaps you might think that Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has understood the critical importance of the role played by the Central Bank as he proposes that the central bank must be an independent institution. I am sorry, let me call the spade is spade. Administratively, any central bank can be made independent but theoretically and for practical reasons, no central bank can be made independent functionally if a taxation authority which is defined as a government which can collect taxes, does not support it.
The slogan for independent central bank was a catching idea promoted by central bankers prior to the Great Financial Crash of 2008. During this crash, the European Central Bank (ECB) was the only significantly large central bank which was not backed by a taxation authority directly. As a result European Union had to go after IMF in finding solutions for its member states and economies of some member states crashed significantly during the crisis. As far as I know ECB is now looking for some kind of arrangement to get the backing of all taxation authorities of EU. There is a clear technical reason (macroeconomic reason) as to why the central bank needs the backing of taxation authority, but I am not venturing into discuss this point in this brief essay. However, as at now there is no huge outcry for independent central banks, as far as I know even IMF is not interested in that slogan any more but our Prime Minister does. For a moment forget about it.

When Foreign Affairs impact on domestic politics


President Maithripala Sirisena addressing the forum on “Sri Lanka in Global Affairs: The Journey since January 2015” . Picture by Sarath Peiris

JUN 18 2016

Away from the usual hurly-burly of politics, was an important focus on Foreign Policy, bringing out the interaction between domestic and foreign policy, especially in the context of a consensus coalition government, after a long period of authoritarian rule, which paid little attention to the importance of good foreign relations, and hardly ever to its discussion.
The discussion on “Sri Lanka in Global Affairs: The Journey since January 2015” organised by the Policy Evaluation Unit of the Presidential Secretariat and the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, saw the participation of Dr. Ram Manikkalingam, longtime activist for peace and reconciliation, currently Board Member of the Office of National Unity, and Professor at the University of Amsterdam as keynote speaker. The event was chaired by former Ambassador and Governor of the Northern Province H. M. G. S. Palihakkara, with a panel comprising, former Ambassador and political analyst Dr. Dayan Jayatillake, current Governor of the Eastern Province Austin Fernando, and Prof (Retd.) Jayadeva Uyangoda, Political Science of the University of Colombo, and civil society activist.

President Sirisena, who also participated, saw a useful study of the buildup of new foreign relations, the impact of domestic policy and necessities on current and emerging foreign relations, and developments in Geneva of current importance and for future trends in foreign policy.

Speaking after the keynote address and panelists’ views, President Sirisena said that strengthening democracy, freedom, human rights, and healing the wounds of war have been the key focus of the Government’s foreign policy over the past 18 months.

He rejected criticism of the Government for betraying the country and allowing foreign powers to dictate terms, stating there is no influence, directives of threats from any of Sri Lanka’s international partners. President Sirisena criticized his predecessor’s regime, compelled to call for early elections, two years ahead, because of the disastrous state of the country’s foreign relations and the huge debt crisis that prevailed.

No further term

He underscored that his decision making was not coloured by aspirations to return to power for a further term in office. He said some could be dissatisfied, that government was going too far or relief was not coming fast enough. He said people must understand where we are economically; the difficulties of the task of reconciliation, and how crucial it is for Sri Lanka to progress.

Keynote speaker Dr. Ram Manikkalingam, observed that the democratic revolution in Sri Lankan politics has had a far reaching impact of Sri Lanka’s standing in the word today, creating a major opportunity and responsibility for Sri Lanka to better navigate her affairs in the world.

He recalled moving to Europe in 2006, when Sri Lanka was in the throes of an intensifying war and Europe was at peace; when one could travel from Paris to Prague by land without meeting a single policeman or immigration agent, while in Sri Lanka you couldn’t go from Fort to Dehiwela without being stopped at least three times – if lucky, a half a dozen times if not.

Today, Sri Lankans can travel throughout the country without fear, or checked at every corner. It made him proud as a Sri Lankan to experience a country where there is neither violence, nor efforts to aggravate ethnic or religious polarization by our political leaders.

Manikkalingam said this is at a time when the world looks for a way to deal with three challenges - promoting security, protecting human rights and achieving economic prosperity; after failures to impose democracy and human rights through military interventions, and externally promoted revolutions in the Middle East.

Looking towards such progress, the world sees how Sri Lanka made the change: Through the ballot box, voting for democracy, creating a quiet revolution. He emphasized that Sri Lanka had never before seen such depth and breadth in a coalition, as that which won on January 8; no doubt assisted by the deep commitment of Sri Lankans to democratic choice at elections.

He saw three elements of President Sirisena’s thinking that might provide us with a way of exploring together what a specifically Sri Lankan flavour to international policy may look like. These included sharing our experiences – good and bad – both politically and militarily in dealing with violent extremism and creeping authoritarianism; identifying and sharpening in international politics a particular style of politics –working well with others in a coalition to achieve principled results; and, contributing to thinking and understanding about peace building, where Sri Lankan forces are today playing an increasingly prominent role, in the promotion of human rights, democracy, and sustainable development.

UNHRC - Rajapaksa failure

Referring to the situation with the UNHRC, Manikkalingam recalled that shortly after the war ended, President Rajapaksa signed a joint statement with UNSG Ban Ki Moon, committing Sri Lanka to deal with reconstruction, a political settlement and accountability for violations of international humanitarian law. He noted that our failure to deal with these commitments seriously, put us under the spotlight in Geneva. All of the diplomacy we could muster – professionally and politically - could not make up for this substantive failure. The situation was made worse by aggravating ethnic polarization in the country, and worse, we also failed to gain credit for a very generous programme for rehabilitation for all the ex-LTTE combatants.

He said the President and Government have turned the situation around through domestic efforts at reconciliation, winning goodwill and understanding, convincing the world we are not trying to deny the presence of problems, but rather finding a decent way to deal with them; seeking to protect national sovereignty and the integrity of the armed forces, by dealing with human rights and IHL violations through a national process, while rejecting an international one, which has enabled Sri Lanka to protect the reputation and goodwill of the armed forces.

Asia centric realism

Dr. Dayan Jayatillake who followed had immediate praise for President Sirisena’s “Asia centric realism” or Asia Centric Middle Way, and expressed doubts whether foreign affairs were being implemented in keeping with this thinking.

He saw a dualism in the foreign policy, from what the President stated and what was being practised, which would not be in the national interest, and was strongly against any attempts to have any new or special mechanism in the judicial process against those from the armed forces, and stressed that in no other country in the world had there been such “special mechanisms”. He also saw a clear difference between the Truth & Reconciliation Commission of South Africa and what was being mentioned here, when the conditions were totally different.

He was against the very idea of any independent prosecutor and similar proposals coming from official quarters as being wholly different to the thinking and policy statements of President Sirisena, whom he urged to keep up and strengthen the Asia Centric Middle Way. He strongly questioned any thinking that our legal system and judiciary was in any way incompetent to meet the issues that faced the troops and people of this country, in a fight to achieve freedom from terrorism of a fascist ideology. He presented the often crude JO propaganda in a good academic and analytical way.

Ambassador Palihakkara at the Chair observed that the different views expressed by Dr. Jayatillake showed the essence of the Sirisena Administration’s belief in democratic dissent, not being an act of treason.

Prof. Jayadeva Uyangoda, saw three areas of government success, such as managing external relations through a strategy of policy flexibility; arresting Sri Lanka’s drift towards hard authoritarianism; and keeping opponents – the so-called Joint Opposition – at bay, preventing its growth to an imminent political threat to regime stability. He saw this government’s strength in the weakness of the loose coalition of its parliamentary opponents, who incidentally are MPs of the UPFA coalition, which President Sirisena himself heads.

He saw the government’s foreign policy activities, seemingly conducted through two centres, President’s office and Prime Minister’s office, as an interesting new development. In fact, re-negotiation of economic relations with China appears to have been undertaken by both the President and the Prime Minister, he said. (The full text of Prof. Uyangoda’s contribution is in the Daily News of June 16, 2016).
It was a most fitting conclusion to an evening of politics taken to a higher plane of debate, than the day- to-day antics in the political arena.

New JO tactics

The huge defeat of the No Confidence Motion against Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake was a major debacle to the JO, which in fact targeted the Government, and especially the SLFP (UPFA) members in the governing coalition. This defeat has made them intensify the attacks of the Governor, Central Bank, garnering support from key SLFP ministers in Government. The progress of these divisive moves by the JO needs strategic counter action to keep the unity of government intact.

The fight against corruption gets more intense with new action against Keheliya Rambukwella and Udaya Gammanpila, as well as further probes on Yoshitha Rajapaksa, and action on other areas of corruption by the Rajapaksa Regime, are yet to emerge.

The Government eased public fears by stating the FCID would not be shut down, but a more comprehensive and powerful bureau for Special Crimes Investigation would be set up by Parliament, as found in the UK and other democracies.

Amidst these trends in politics one has to record with regret the passing away of two leading left wing politicians – Alawi Mowlana and Somawansa Amarasinghe. The former had a long record in politics, especially as a trade union leader, and rose to be Vice-President of the SLFP, was a Cabinet Minister and Governor of the Western Province for nearly a decade. The latter was involved in the JVP uprisings, fled the country towards the end of the 2nd insurrection, and later emerged as the leader of the party, as it turned towards democratic politics; but finally left the party as it responded to civil society moves to defeat the Rajapaksa authoritarianism.

CAN WE REPAY OUR LARGE FOREIGN DEBT? – NIMAL SANDERATHNA

Econ-Cartoon2
( Foreign debt- A Rajapaksa legacy? )

Sri Lanka Brief19/06/2016
I have been asked the intriguing question as to how we could ever repay our foreign debt that is a high proportion of our GDP. The simple answer is that it is not necessary to rid the country of its entire foreign debt. What is needed is to bring down the foreign debt to a manageable amount when its debt servicing costs are not a severe burden on the external finances of the country. Careful debt management, inflows of non-debt capital, increased earnings from tourism and other services, import constraints and export growth are needed to achieve this.

Current debt

The foreign debt of US$ 44.8 billion at the end of 2015 was 54.4 percent of GDP and more than four times the export earnings of US$ 10.5 billion in 2015. At the end of March this year, the foreign debt increased to US$ 55.19 billion.

The debt servicing costs (repayments of capital and interest) of the foreign debt absorbed 27 percent of the year’s earnings from exports of goods and services. Capital repayments were US$ 3.46 billion and interest payments were US$ 1.22 billion in 2015. The total debt servicing costs of US$ 4.68 billion was 45 per cent of the country’s merchandise export earnings in 2015.

Further borrowing

According to the Finance Ministry, the government will borrow up to US$ 3.5 billion from foreign sources in the next few months. The increasing trend in capital and interest payments that is expected in the coming years is a serious problem. The government would have to continue to borrow to meet its debt servicing obligations.

Increasing costs

The Central Bank has warned of the increasing debt servicing costs owing to the expected gradual increase in global interest rates and financing requirements. The debt service ratio is expected to increase further unless inflows of FDI and earnings from services increase to contain borrowing.

Resolving the problem

Caught as we are in this debt trap, how can we resolve the problem? What are the ways and means by which we could reduce the foreign debt to manageable proportions?

First of all there must be prudence in further borrowing. High interest rate commercial borrowing should be restrained as much as possible. The IMF facility of US$ 1.5 billion would assist us somewhat, but the full loan will be released in six tranches. Currency swaps and foreign bond issues from friendly governments would also help. Nevertheless it is important to ensure that further borrowing is at least cost.

Debt management

There must be a conscious debt management policy. The maturity structure of the debt, as well as the total amount of commercial debt, must be brought down to manageable amounts by limiting short-term debt. The obtaining of non debt creating financial flows in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI) should be actively pursued. As much as possible, there should be prepayment and refinancing of more expensive foreign debt.

New initiatives

The government has recognized the seriousness of the problem and the need to improve its debt management. A new unified debt management unit is being set up at the ministry with the support of the World Bank to streamline and strengthen debt management in an efficient and transparent manner and to facilitate the implementation of the government’s policy reforms. The reforms could have beneficial balance of payments implications.

Furthermore, the Monetary Board has been directed to submit detailed quarterly reports on the issue of domestic and foreign bonds to Parliament. A Committee on Economic Activities is also being set up to submit a quarterly report on the economy including the foreign reserve position to Parliament. The efficacy of these could be judged only in due course.

BOP surplus

Ultimately the foreign debt can be brought down by generating a balance of payments surplus. Bringing down the trade deficit to below US$ 7 billion is needed to generate such a surplus. Increasing export earnings from its low level would enable an improvement in the trade balance. Curtailing imports is also important to narrow the trade deficit. Monetary and fiscal policies should be mindful of their balance of payments implications.

A significant balance of payments surplus could be achieved if the trade deficit is reduced and earnings from tourism, ICT and other services are increased. Despite some anxiety at the end of last year, remittances continue to increase. It is quite realistic to expect a balance of payments surplus of over US$2 billion this year.

FDI

Foreign direct investment (FDI) has been sluggish and inadequate. FDI was only US$ 0.7 billion last year. Increased FDI, especially in export industries, is important to strengthen the balance of payments and expand exports. A political and business environment that is conducive to FDI would be most helpful in improving the balance of payments and increasing exports.

Summary and conclusion

Bringing down the foreign debt to a manageable amount is a national economic priority as its servicing cost is straining the balance of payments and foreign reserves. The increasing debt servicing costs enhances the need to borrow more internationally, thereby increasing the foreign debt servicing costs further.

The foreign debt should be brought down to a manageable level when its debt servicing costs are not a strain on the balance of payments and the external reserves.

While the foreign debt will increase this year with further borrowing to repay maturing debt, the likely balance of payments surplus this year could help reduce the debt. Increasing exports, reducing imports, increasing tourist earnings and other service receipts and higher worker’s remittances could enable a lowering of the debt in the fullness of time.

With the IMF loan facility of US$ 1.5 billion, other expected foreign funds and better prospects for exports this year with the lifting of the EU ban on fish exports and restoration of the GSP Plus concession and increased tourism, it should be possible to achieve a balance of payments surplus of over US$ 2 billion that could be used to reduce the foreign debt burden.

– Courtesy The Sunday Times

‘Bunker’ to escape from Tigers is lust nest for Namal to vent his sex frustration- with a body peddler (photo)


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News -19.June.2016, 7.30 PM) Memories as a rule fade but not bad memories of egregious cruelties , atrocities and criminalities of the rulers . Hence we believe our viewers would remember the days of the nefarious decade of the despotic Medamulana Mahinda Rajapakse reign , when the public funds were wasted on an unprecedented scale for their  selfish personal pleasures, mirth and merriment to the detriment of the country , and of course their underground mansion in the presidential palace , Fort ,ostensibly  meant to escape from the Tigers , but actually  served the Rajapakse family to gratify their perverted lust and wild callous pleasures .
We also think that our viewers would have visited the palace when the incumbent president Maithripala Sirisena opened the palace for the public recently.  But believe it or not , the amount of money spent on this underground mansion has still not been assessed ! 
After this exposure , when the rude shock  shook the country to its foundation , Mahinda Rajapakse announced this mansion was not built for the enjoyment or pleasures of his family , rather it was a bunker to escape from the Tigers.
Unfortunately for the Rajapakses , what his family did within the so called bunker has come to light by now. Whether the Rajapakses were truly trying to escape from the Tigers or from the people in the end like Gaddafi , the dictator of Libya and his sons, who had fun and frolic at the expense of the people is a matter for conjecture .  The photograph herein however depicts only what the eldest son Namal Rajapakse did within the so called bunker - whether he was hiding from the ‘Tigers’ or riding  on  a two legged she ‘animal’ (body peddler).
What a wonderful strategy to escape from the Tigers !


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by     (2016-06-19 14:02:21)