Mr R. Sampanthan’s Adjournment Motion in Parliament

by Laksiri Fernando

( June 17, 2016, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian)  The leader of the TNA, R. Sampanthan, has moved an important motion in Parliament (10 June 2016), on behalf of the Tamil people in the North and the East. Perhaps as he has moved the motion as the Leader of the Opposition, there is much substance and less rhetoric, both in the motion and the speech that he has delivered. I am not saying that the motion or the speech is completely devoid of ‘political rhetoric.’ But the issues that he has highlighted and the facts and information that he has supplied should draw the attention of not only the government, but also the general public at large who are concerned about the unity and reconciliation in the country. Reconciliation along with ‘justice and equality’ are the key notions that he has also highlighted.  

Main Issues

The main issues that Mr Sampanthan has highlighted are fivefold: (1) still remaining large areas of land occupied by the military without handing them over to the original owners, (2) apparent discrimination against the local Tamil youth in recruitment to government jobs, (3) delays in the fulfilment of housing and livelihood requirements of the displaced people, (4) the absence of finality in respect of the missing persons inquiries, and (5) the non-release or delays in processing those who are still in custody under the prevention of terrorism act (PTA).

This article does not intend to address all the issues that Mr Sampanthan has highlighted, but focus on the first three issues outlined above given the competence of the author, and also considering a reasonable length to this article.

Problem 1: Land Issue

Sampanthan has narrated three examples where lands have been acquired but not presently used by the military. First example is in Valikamam, and as he narrates “I went to Valikamam area at the request of some people of that area. I went around. There are large extents of lands in which there are houses which have been damaged, where after several years much jungle has grown, lands on which people lived, lands on which people farmed, which are not being used by anybody, not even being used by the military. But the people cannot return to their homes, the people cannot return to their lands.”
He has validly asked the question: Why not?

Then he relates the case of Ottahapulam area and its people. It is of course slightly different to the scenario in Valikamam. The displaced people are scattered and come from different areas. But the essence of the problem is the same. As he says, “They come to that church [in Ottahapulam] from different parts of Jaffna and after mass they returned to wherever they are now having been displaced, some are in camps. Their houses are unoccupied. Their lands are not being used.”

Again, his question is: why cannot these people return to their lands and houses?

Then he relates his much controversial ‘invasion’ into a military camp in Kilinochchi!

“When I was in Kilinochchi some time ago I went to a place called, ‘Paravipanjan.’People came and complained to me, ‘Sir, our houses are being occupied by the military. Not even they are using it though they are keeping it in their possession. We are unable to go back to our houses. Please come and have a look.’ I went there and looked around. Houses are locked up. No one is using them. Not even the military is using them. The houses are not being used by the people.”

He correctly says: “This cannot go on.”

A Possible Solution

It is possible that most or some of these lands are very close to the military camps proper. I am also not defending the way Mr Sampanthan entered the said military area of Paravipanjan or the way it was defended by M. A. Sumanthiran claiming that they were ‘private lands’! That approach was simply irresponsible or non-cooperative. However, there is a serious land issue affecting the ordinary people and apparently the poor. Land should be primarily with the tillers. This is a universally accepted principle.

It is obvious that during the civil war, the lands were haphazardly taken over for military purposes. It is like locating a major military armoury at Salawa (Athurugiriya) in a civilian area in the South. Now the situation has changed. It may not be possible to completely remove the military camps in the North or the East. However, those can be and should be reduced and limited.

It is also possible to relocate the necessary military camps to state owned lands, releasing the private lands to the original owners. This should not be delayed. In the meanwhile, it would be a good gesture on the part of the military to allow the original owners to come and occupy the land and houses even in their vicinity as an immediate solution. I have myself seen military and civilian areas co-existing in Jaffna even at the height of the war. The reasonable time frame for the relocation could be two years, immediately commenced.

On the other hand, the TNA or the civilians should not consider the necessary and limited military presence in the North with hostility. What has to be eliminated or changed is the overbearing presence of the military.

Problem 2: Youth Unemployment

Sambanthan has also highlighted the plight of the youth without employment. This is a recipe for political extremism in any part of the country, if not terrorism. What he has revealed, whether it is true to that extent or not, is a complicated political matter. He has said that ‘in giving government jobs, the Tamil youth have always been disregarded and discriminated.’ This is particularly true during the war or even before. What is happening now? He has questioned. His prognosis is the following which should be taken into account and investigated as a human rights issue. The National Human Rights Commission should have the mandate to do so.

“All the Government jobs in the North and the East are being filled on the basis of political influence. There are Ministers in Colombo who give jobs to their constituents in the North and the East. The Ministers from the North and the East give jobs only to their supporters. Muslim Ministers give jobs to their supporters. Tamil Ministers may give some jobs, not as many as others, to their supporters. Sinhalese Ministers send their people to the North and the East. Tamil youth, qualified youth deserving a job, are not given jobs. Even the vacancies of labourers in the North and East are being filled by other people.”

This discrimination or neglect has to stop. However, it is not very clear what exactly Sampanthan is proposing. His expressed ideas borders on intensions of partaking in the same type of political depravity that the other politicians/ministers are indulged in. He has mentioned that during the JR Jayewardene presidency, 1,000 Job Bank forms were given to every Member of Parliament and youth were selected for government jobs on that basis. It is obviously not the task of the politicians to distribute jobs.

Possible Solutions

Youth unemployment is a perennial problem in the country prevalent in other provinces as well. However, apparent ethnic/political discrimination in recruiting young to government employment cannot be tolerated both in terms of reconciliation and even otherwise, as a major human rights issue. To rectify past injustices, as suggested by Mr Sampanthan, affirmative action needs to be undertaken; however the exact form of such action needs to be carefully worked out.

Establishment of Job Banks (not distribution of forms to MPs!) in every province with effective branches in districts and local government areas might be the mechanisms through which both processing of applications, assessing of available job opportunities and finally the reconciliation of the demand and supply of jobs could be implemented. Given the technological advances in data processing today, these tasks could be undertaken most precisely. However, the service of the Job Banks should not be limited to the government sector. Major areas of job creation both in the North or any part of the country could be in the private sector, entrepreneurship, self-employment and small businesses.

Along with the processing of available jobs, there could be training and retraining in technical and other skills. As it has been already pointed out by others, the role or the responsibility of the provincial councils, particularly the NPC in this context, should not be neglected or underestimated.

Problem 3: Housing Issues

Sampanthan has also highlighted the housing problem as one of the longstanding issues. During the Rajapaksa regime, the attitude had been negative claiming there was no money. It was Mr Sampanthan and his colleagues that apparently had convinced the Indian government to donate 50,000 houses. “Now the Government is doing something,” he says. He is referring to the newly launched project of 65,000 steel houses. However he has emphasized that “They must be given permanent housing in keeping with their civilization, their conventions, their traditions, and livelihood.” This can be a criticism of the ‘steel houses.’

According the Ministry of Rehabilitation, the remaining case load could be in the range of 75,000 or more.  
A Possible Solution

Apart from the military occupation of land, Sampanthan has also expressed misgivings about the ‘military engagement in economic activities causing immense harm and deprivation to the local civilian population.’ However, he has not dismissed the security concerns in the North, or demanded a total military withdrawal from the North or the East. While the economic activities of the military – intrusive of the civilian opportunities in engaging in them – should be stopped forthwith, it might be opportune to explore the possibilities of building the remaining required houses by the military, if it is agreeable to the TNA, the NPC and the civilians.

As what the military has done in repairing the houses aftermath of the Salawa (Athurigiriya) explosions, it is obvious that they have the capacity to do so. This would also be a good opportunity to build rapprochement and goodwill between the military and the civilians in the North.

Other Issues

There are several other issues that Mr Sampanthan has highlighted. Among them is the need for a ‘comprehensive strategic plan’ to address the questions of rehabilitation, resettlement and reinstatement of livelihoods, if we take the other political/legal issues (missing persons and release of detainees) separately. What is required are not name boards. Even during the past regime, there were ‘Uthuru Wasanthaya’ (Northern Spring) and ‘Nagenahira Udanaya’ (Eastern Awakening). Not only the priorities were misplaced and the funds were misused, but also there was no consultation with the people or the people’s representatives.

Consultation is particularly important in the context of proposed initiatives in having a donor conference in Japan to utilize funding for reconstruction of the North and the East and other affected parts of the country. Consultations with the people’s representatives from the North and the East should commence from day one.    

Is Sri Lanka living up to its commitment to UN Human Rights Council?

Jun 17, 2016

Event on June 22nd at UN Human Rights Council in Geneva
Event details:

When: June 22 (Wednesday)
Time: 13:00 to 14:00
Where: Room IV (UN Human Rights Council)

What:

• UN Human Rights Council passed a unanimous Resolution on mass killings and rape of Tamils (70 thousand killed in six months in 2009 – UN figure). This Resolution was cosponsored by Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka accepted to implement the requirements of the Resolution, including having foreign judges.

• UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein is going to present an Oral report on June 29th about his assessment on whether Sri Lanka have taken meaningful steps to implement the requirements of the Resolution.

• Ahead of High Commissioner’s Oral report; On June 22nd, Monitoring and Accountability Panel (MAP) which consists of internationally renowned legal experts will give their assessment on the implementation of the Resolution.

Speakers:

1) Hon. Richard J Rogers: Hon. Richard J Rogers was the OSCE’s Chief legal system
monitor in post-conflict Kosovo, the Principal Defender at the UN’s
Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and the head of legal
support for the Appeals Chamber at the UN’s International Criminal Tribunal
for Yugoslavia. Richard is currently assisting several victim groups before the
International Criminal Court (ICC)and has worked with national war crimes courts
in Bangladesh, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, and Uganda.

2) Hon. Heather Ryan: Hon. Heather Ryan is currently a special consultant for the Open Society
Justice Initiative monitoring the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts in
Cambodia (ECCC), a hybrid tribunal set up to prosecute senior leaders of the
Khmer Rouge Regime responsible for mass atrocities form 1975-1979. She has
been involved since 2005 in evaluating and reporting on the development and
implementation of the ECCC in terms of compliance with international fair
trial standards, as well as the court’s effectiveness in meeting its goals with
respect to the victims and public.

Other members of Monitoring and Accountability Panel (MAP) are:

1) Hon. Peter Haynes QC: Hon. Peter Haynes QC currently acts as the Lead Counsel for Jean Pierre Bemba at the International Criminal Court (ICC) and is the Lead Legal Representative of Victims at the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL). He is one of the very few practitioners who have led cases before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (where he appeared for the defence of General Vinko Pandurevic in relation to the Srebrenica massacre), the ICC and the STL. He has appeared in cases involving genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and international terrorism. He has been responsible for development of the jurisprudence, practice and procedure of the representation of victims in international /hybrid courts.

2) Hon. Justice Shah: Hon. Justice Shah is a renowned Indian jurist, has been practicing law as an advocate and judge for around 40 years. He became Chief Justice of the Madras High Court in 2005 and Chief Justice of Delhi High Court in 2008. He retired from the bench in 2010. Until August 2015, Justice Shah was the Chairman of the 20th Law Commission of India, a body established by the Indian Government to promote legal reform throughout the justice system.

3) Hon. Marie Guiraud: Hon. Marie Guiraud is currently the Civil Party Lead Co-Lawyer for the victims at the UN-assisted Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). Representing the interests of nearly 4,000 victims who participate in Case 002/02. Marie represented victims of international crimes before Ivorian and Congolese Courts and was a Civil Party Lawyer in case 002/01 before the ECCC.

4) Hon. Geoffrey Robertson QC - Consultant: Hon. Geoffrey Robertson QC had a distinguished career as an international judge, as a trial and appellate counsel, and author of leading textbooks. He has argued many landmark cases in the European Court of Justice; the UN War Crimes courts and in the highest courts of many commonwealth countries.

• Expert Panel Nominated to Monitor Transitional Justice Mechanisms from Victims’ Perspective : TGTE
http://world.einnews.com/pr_news/297712571/sri-lanka-expert-panel-nominated-to-monitor-transitional-justice-mechanisms-from-victims-perspective-tgte

• For information contact:
Mr. M. Suginthan
UN Representative for Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE)

Phone:+ 41-79-943-2420
Email: UNrepresentative@tgte.org

M. Suginthan
UN Representative - Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam
+ 41-79-943-2420
email us here

- http://world.einnews.com

Implementation of RTI Act, “every public institution will be legally bound to provide information” Paranawithana

Jun 17, 2016

There is hope of Opposition support when Parliament debates the Act on June 23   

The Right to Information Act is to be debated in Parliament on the 23rd June. The subject has been criticised by the general public. Responding to the disapproval the Deputy Minister of Parliamentary Reforms and Mass Media, Karunarathna Paranawithana said the criticisms were baseless and had been made without a clear understanding of the draft.   He also said that although the government could not introduce the Act during the period promised, it had been able to come up with a strong draft.  Following are the excerpts of the interview:

Q : Why do you think that the Right to Information Act is necessary for a country like Sri Lanka?

Any democratic country needs this kind of law. And most democratic countries are practising this law. And we are strengthening our democracy. Most of the South Asian countries have adopted a law of this nature. We are a little behind. Our country is now moving forward with democracy and good governance. We have set aside autocracy. In order to conduct democratic governance properly the public authorities should be kept under public scrutiny. So this is the law.   

Q : Why do you think that the previous regime did not allow this act to be passed despite serious attempts made by people like present Speaker Karu Jayasuriya?

Actually the discussion to bring this kind of law goes back to two decades. Dharmasiri Senanayake a minister when President Chandrika Bandaranaike was in office stressed the need of this kind of law and she as the President appointed the R.K.W Gunasekera commission to make some recommendations with this regard and this commission recommended this kind of law. After that the Ranil Wickremesinghe government in 2002 tried to bring this law and in 2003 on the day the Bill was presented in Parliament it was dissolved. We have to understand the context of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government.

That government was in a way a protectionist government. It was a government that securitinised everything including the media and information. Securitization was their “mantra”. They objected to discuss the law even at the very low level. They opposed the Bill again brought by Hon. Karu Jayasuriya as a private member Bill. There was a kind of resentment. However our election manifesto at the last Presidential election and the UNF manifesto at the last general election both highlighted the necessity of this law. We are fulfilling that now.   

This is not the time to find fault with the previous government. Now we have been given an opportunity and we are doing it. I hope that members of the opposition would also support us this time and we expect that there won’t be any division in the Parliament.  

Q : One of the promises given by the Yahapalana government was to give life to the Right to Information Act soon after its appointment. But even after one and half of years the government has failed to give life to it. Why is that?

It is true that we promised we would bring this law within hundred days. We adopted a kind of stage by stage strategy for this. In the 19th amendment  which was implemented during our one hundred days programme we brought one part. That is we promoted the right to information as a fundamental right. So we were able to include right to information as a fundamental right in this country. Now it is a fundamental law and is a constitutional law and it is very much in the constitution now. We did that and when we were finalizing the draft during 100 days government,  there was a big demand from the civil society and like minded professionals that we should not pass that law in a hurry and they demanded a discussion. And in the mean time we faced some political issues like no confidence motion against one of the ministers. The political situation was not conducive enough to bring that law in a hurry.

Therefore we had to satisfy with the fundamental chapter and then we thought to acquire a fresh mandate and bring this law. Then we won the election and formed the government. By that time I was Secretary to the Media Ministry and now I am the Deputy Minister . With the help of all the groups who were interested, we reviewed all the previous drafts, acts and laws of this nature in other South Asian countries and we prepared a very promising draft. Although we are a little behind we have produced a good draft.

It has been ranked as the seventh best law in the world by the Center of Law and Democracy, a Canadian based institution.  I don’t think delay is a big issue now.  

Q : Although it is a “right to information there seem to be places where it is explicitly prohibited to provide information. For instance section 5(1) C of the draft bill denies access to a wide range of information with regard to the economy of the country, taxation, overseas agreements etc. Why is that?  

This law also has some reservations. Those are essential reservations. Information with regard to the national security, harmful information for national economy, examinations, foreign trade agreement negotiations etc that are necessary restrictions. If you look at all the other right to information law in other countries also you may see those restrictions are prevailing. For an example you can’t demand the breakdown of the arms of the Army. How many multi- barrels you have etc. those details are not supposed to be  revealed. You can’t ask a public doctor about his treatment for a particular patient. That is the privacy of the patient. You can’t ask premature disclosure of foreign trade agreements.
Just because we are ready to give information other party might not like to do so. According to the practices of international trade agreement we can’t do those things. Imagine that central government is going to set the exchange rate. You can’t ask those details today because revealing these details  are harmful to the national economy.   

However these limitations also have exceptions. When there is a huge public outcry, then according to the act, the information commission has been given the discretion to reveal those restricted
information to the public.   

Q : Also Section (j) of the same section denies to provide information with regard to examinations. As you know there were many complaints during the past regime about examination scandals. What will happen to a journalist who wants to get details in that regard?

There are some secret areas in the Department of Examinations. These are known as exam secrets. So if you ask who are the examiners of a  particular question paper, I think that should not be revealed. You cannot ask who makes the examination paper from the Commissioner of Examinations.

If he reveals  the examiners are some people can approach him, threaten him or bribe him and get what is in the question papers. That kind of information should not be given even for journalists. If you feel that there is a big scandal going on, fraud, malpractices, etc., journalists are free to reveal those things even without the right to information law of this country. Journalists are not barred.   

Q : As the Deputy Minister don’t you think provisions of the RTI Act hinders the right to get information?

That is a misunderstanding. Whether there is this kind of act or not it is the duty of the journalists to reveal what they know in the interest of the public.

And these restrictions are for the well being and the security and privacy of the people. I’m sure even journalists are not going to violate those restrictions.   Because of this law, journalists  will have credible information from Public Authorities. Before this Act there were no credible sources. There is a tendency of some bureaucrats not to give details and prevent journalists from asking information. But after this act every public institution have an information officer who is legally bound to provide information. So this act will create very conducive environment to exercise
media freedom.  

Q : The draft bill does not specify the actions that will be taken if the information prohibited in section 5 is published. Is there any purpose of keeping this vague?

This punitive clause is applicable to the commission. The commission gets some information that should not be revealed. So even after serving commission after his/her tenure a member of the commission should not reveal information.

You can be the Commissioner today and not tomorrow. But you are not allowed to give those details even after serving the commission. Only officers are barred to provide restricted information. If that is violated there is a punishment.  

I can see some interpreted this clause saying that by publishing those kind of information the publisher or the journalist would be punished. This is not the case. I want to say even with or without right to information law the journalist’s duty is to expose corruption, malpractices, make people aware.  

If there is any ambiguity in the terms or usage of words we will adjust it. But the intention is  to prevent officers in the commission in revealing restricted information.   

Q : Some say that soon after the Act is passed there will be a flow of information. Do you think that is possible?  

No that will not happen. You have to appoint the commission, you have to train and recruit information officers, appeal officers, develop modules, enact by laws, regulations and also there should be an attitude change among public officers and the general

public also.  We must get support from the international community and political stake holders as well. It’s a huge exercise.According to the Act, you need six months for its implementation. We want RTI activists in this country.    

Need Both Discussion & Action!

By Ravindra Galhena –June 17, 2016

Ravindra Galhena

These days Sri Lankans are bombarded with various and diverse opinions, views, thoughts and standpoints on different subject areas. People are now sharing views at an unprecedented rate. I do believe that the controversial subjects such as ‘politics’ and ‘society’ would take the top slots if one did a ranking. In my view, there are three reasons for this; (1) The reaffirmed freedom of expression (2) The liberal media policy (3) The endless quality space provided for written materials by various electronic platforms such as the “Colombo Telegraph” (CT).

Per day, CT itself runs four or five interesting articles/features written by various scholars, professionals and academics, so are many of such sites. Most writers disclose their real identity which is a good trend. The readers are given the opportunity to interact among themselves and with the writers very freely through further exchanges of views in the form of comments and remarks. In this process, the contents become more balanced intellectual material overall. This is an ideal democratic way of educating ourselves on contemporary issues, isn’t it?

Usually, we all write on the subjects that are closest to our hearts (I wrote my very first CT article 10 days back). We discuss various issues connected and how they could be resolved to bring win/win outcomes on a democratic path. Invariably, the country and fellow citizens (society) become priority for most of us writers.

This is all good. But, I reckon, this process should not or cannot end only with an exchange of ideas or views in the discussions vital (at least) to the country. We anticipate a tangible change, don’t we? Hope the readers will not misunderstand me here. As the saying goes, it is easier said than done! The most crucial and challenging part is taking appropriate and timely action. Have we thought about this element carefully?

More often than not, there are matters that require action to realise the results we would like to see. Having said that I must admit that we might not have the power in our personal capacity to change certain realities of life. But there are a number of areas, where we could see tangible results, if some of us take the lead to change the direction of the wind to make our lives better.

One such area is the society and the work that should go in to make it stronger. Our society has eroded big time on all fronts! As a collective it has no power. We have heard people blaming politicians for this debacle and it could well be the case, but we must move on – we cannot afford to get bogged down there. While we discuss the issues to understand the matters in the right perspective, we must initiate corrective action. Personally, I do not see any alternative to this. Discussion and concerted action must go hand-in-hand if we intend seeing satisfactory results (sooner).

Read More

Ethnic problem and the New Imperialism 

By Izeth Hussain-June 17, 2016, 9:30 pm

The world is clearly witnessing a transition to a new world order which can also be seen as having as its obverse side a new imperialism. After the collapse of the Soviet Union the US became the sole super power, with a global reach of hard power and soft power that could not be matched by any other. At the same time it showed that it did not want any other power to emerge with any power outside its territorial borders. That was shown most clearly by the US push to extend NATO right up to the borders of Russia. But in recent times, by its actions in Ukraine and elsewhere, Russia has been successfully asserting it claim to have a special position in its near broad. China also is asserting its claim to have a special position in its near abroad – the South China Seas – where it is facing potentially militant opposition from the US. In this situation it has to be expected that India too will want to assert a special position in its near abroad.

There is, of course, everything to be said for a transition from a unipolar to a multipolar world. The terrible fate of Iraq alone demonstrates the undesirability of the former. There is also something to be said for the concept of the "near abroad" as a requisite for the security of strong states – which can attract more dangerous enmity than the weak ones. The problem is that the "near abroad" can slide into the "spheres of influence" of the old order, signifying a range of unequal relations from a loose hegemony to outright colonialism. Critics of India would say that the refusal to hold a plebiscite on Kashmir and the absorption of Sikkim point to an enormous appetite for real estate, while its breaking up of Pakistan, the reduction of Bhutan to satellite status, the periodically troubled relations with Nepal and for some time with Bangladesh, all point to a powerful neo-imperialist drive in India. I have held that it was not a neo-imperialist drive but security preoccupations - arising from the manifestations of American and Chinese power - that led to unsatisfactory relations with India’s northern neighbors. That factor did not apply to the South of India except for a brief period under President JR, which I believe was the main reason why our relations with India were for the most part excellent. But now the geopolitical configuration in our region has changed qualitatively and fundamentally with China manifesting an important presence in Sri Lanka that cannot be wished away.

It is in this perspective of a novel geopolitical configuration that I want to make some observations on the ethnic problem. The concrete question that I want to address is whether or not India might slide into a neo-imperialist position in Sri Lanka without quite intending it. My starting point is that we don’t have a purely indigenous Tamil ethnic problem at present. The Tamils rebelled, they were decisively defeated on the battle-field, and would normally be expected to bear the fate of the defeated. The reasonable expectation is that the Tamils would have come to be treated more or less like the Muslims: some amount of discrimination, but not to the extent that it should cause legitimate international concern and intervention. The Tamils would have come to be treated like innumerable minorities all over the world.

Where, then, is the problem? A possible answer is that the Peace Accords of 1987 continue to be valid, and consequently India insists on the full implementation of 13 A. Those Peace Accords should be taken together with the dispatch of the IPKF troops which were meant to tame the LTTE military rebellion and set the stage for a political solution. The IPKF failed in that task, but our troops succeeded in 2009. It became arguable that the then Government had earned the right thereby to work out its own political solution and implement it, regardless of 13 A and without allowing any devolution at all if that seemed to be suitable. It also became arguable that 13 A was acceptable only because of the myth of the military invincibility of the LTTE which seemed to leave no alternative to a political solution on the basis of a wide measure of devolution. I believe that the then Government committed a monumental blunder in reiterating the commitment to the full implementation of 13 A. I believe that the argument I am advancing here – which sets aside the Peace Accords as having been superseded by developments on the ground – is a powerful, indeed an irrefutable one.

But India cannot be expected to agree because it has to contend with another reality on the ground that cannot be wished away: the Tamil Nadu factor that I have defined as the core factor in the ethnic problem. If there were no Tamils in Tamil Nadu, if there was no fall-out there as a consequence of what is done to the Tamils here, there would be no Tamil ethnic problem with an international dimension. The importance of the Tamil Nadu factor was shown in 1983 when huge numbers of SL Tamils fled into Tamil Nadu. Sentiment there which had been resolutely against the idea of Eelam became sympathetic towards it, and Delhi felt itself obliged to give serious military training – which had been of a token order previously – plus weapons to Tamil militants. It is the Tamil Nadu factor that explains a seeming anomaly: Chief Minister Wigneswaran, a member of the conquered is known for striking belligerent postures towards the conqueror, the Sinhalese. That is possible only because he believes that behind him is the power of Tamil Nadu and behind that the power of Delhi.

The Tamil Nadu factor is the core factor behind our ethnic problem, but that does not mean that we should over-estimate its importance. In recent weeks there have been more than one insightful article making that point from the Indian side. The two groups of Tamils across the Palk Straits share the same religion, language, and culture, but that commonality does not amount to an identity. They remain distinct and their interests can be expected to diverge. That has been shown by the decades during which marauding Tamil Nadu fishermen have been depleting our marine resources to the detriment of SL Tamil fishermen. That was shown by the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi which lost Tamil Nadu support for the LTTE. It was also shown by the fact that the problems of the SL Tamils had no traction at all at the recent Tamil Nadu elections.

At the same time, however, we should not under-estimate the importance of the Tamil Nadu factor. I read recently that Chief Minister Wigneswaran had declared during his 2013 election campaign that the problems of the Sri Lankan Tamils are no more than a tennis ball that is banged to and fro by two contending sides in Tamil Nadu. But he changed his tune completely after becoming Chief Minister. We have to wonder happened during the intervening period and what might be going on beneath the visible surface. What furthermore are we to make of Jayalalitha’s reiteration of her commitment to the establishment of Eelam? Is it no more than part of her fulminations against her bête noir, Karunanidhi? She is a practiced politician who has shown impressive political savvy in retaining power, and furthermore has a high reputation for performing what she promises. I would image the Tamil Nadu factor as a quiescent volcano which will probably remain quiescent for the foreseeable future. The problem is that it has the potential to erupt suddenly. I doubt that Delhi will sleep easy until the ethnic problem finds a definitive political solution.

Such a solution could be in the offing. There is no reason why modifications cannot be made over police and land powers and agreement be reached between the TNA and the Government on the basis of a modified 13 A. Problems can be expected to arise thereafter when a draft agreement is put to the people. The familiar allergy to any substantial measure of devolution can be expected to erupt, and the Government may find itself unable to deliver. Is the same dreary old narrative to be repeated over and over again, decade after decade, into an endless future? Two options seem to be available. One is for India and the international community to lay their hands off Sri Lanka, stop interfering in our internal affairs, and allow us to find a solution by ourselves. I believe that it can be done without too much difficulty once the emphasis is shifted from devolution. The other option is for India to play a decisive role in persuading the Tamils to accept a solution based on minimum devolution. If the ethnic problem goes on unresolved, India could increasingly come to be seen as being engaged in the neo-imperialist bullying of a small neighbour.

izethhussain@gmail.com

Researchers developing nanotechnology-based applications of hexanal for agriculture

Spraying hexanal formula on mango trees. Credit: Vijay Kutty/IDRC

June 17, 2016

Bananas, mangoes and papayas: these tender tropical fruits are in high demand in export markets and an important livelihood source for producers. But freshness is key because these fruits spoil quickly and damage easily. The challenge is especially daunting where refrigeration is lacking. Estimates suggest that up to 40% of produce in tropical countries is lost in post-harvest handling.

Breakthrough research by Canadian, Indian and Sri Lankan partners points to a promising innovation: nanotech applications of a natural plant extract called hexanal can be used to delay fruit ripening. Hexanal inhibits a plant enzyme that is responsible for breaking cell membranes during a fruit's ripening process. In initial research in India and Sri Lanka, scientists used a hexanal-impregnated formula to test the product on mangoes. Spraying orchards with a low concentration of the compound slowed fruit ripening by three weeks. The team is also developing "smart packaging" systems, made from materials such as banana fibre, that slowly release hexanal to extend storage life after fruit is harvested.

These applications can boost farmers' incomes. "Let's say a mango farmer sprays half or one third of the orchard with the formulation," explains Jay Subramanian, a professor at Canada's University of Guelph. "He gets that same mango production but spread out over a three- to four-week window instead of just one week, which causes a major rush and a glut in the market, leading to low prices." In field trials, farmers were able to earn up to 15% more for their crop. Once harvested, the sprayed mangoes remained fresh for up to 26 days in cold storage and 17 days at room temperature.

Researchers at the University of Guelph, India's Tamil Nadu Agricultural University and Sri Lanka's Industrial Technology Institute are building on this early success. Under a second phase of funding through the Canadian International Food Security Research Fund, a joint initiative of Canada's International Development Research Centre and Global Affairs Canada, they are taking their investigations beyond Asia.

Together with institutions in Kenya, Tanzania, and Trinidad and Tobago, they are looking at hexanal applications with other fruits under different growing conditions. The research teams are testing a variety of sprays, coatings and packaging on bananas, citrus, papayas and even some Canadian tender fruits and berries. Each fruit presents its own unique challenges, such as ripening along different timelines, requiring fine-tuning of the application process.

Biosafety testing shows promise. Already approved as a food additive in the United States, hexanal leaves no harmful residues. "It's a very natural compound," says Dr Subramanian. "In our academic research we have found that if you spray or dip the fruit with it, within 48 hours it's all gone; you can't find even a trace using a microscope."

A range of new materials is being developed, including wraps containing electro-spun or sprayed nanoparticles infused with hexanal for slow release of hexanal vapours. While exploring ways to delay ripening and improve shelf life, scientists are looking for opportunities to commercialise these technologies so they can be scaled up. The aim is to ensure the technology has a global reach and benefits low-income farmers, not just large producers.

 Explore further: Good news for banana lovers: Help may be on the way to slow that rapid over-ripening

Provided by: International Development Research Centre (IDRC)

Smallholder Farmers Vulnerable To Climate Change

By Vositha Wijenayake –June 18, 2016

Vositha Wijenayake

Sri Lanka and its people are feeling impacts of climate change. With changes in rain intensity, floods and with slow onset impacts of climate change such as droughts, as well as increased temperature levels, and impacts of scarcity of water, or losses due to too much water from floods, we feel the daily impacts of climate change.

These impacts increase already existing vulnerabilities, making those communities already impacts due to social and economic hardships to experience additional burdens. A community that is feeling these impacts, and are small holder farmers whose hardships have worsened due increased frequency of flood and droughts. One such example are the farmers living in the Dry Zone of the country.

Impacts on Smallholder Farmers

The variability of the north-east monsoon which supports agriculture in the Dry Zone is evident through the increased number of high rainfall events followed by longer dry spells. Further, rainfall modelling indicate that large areas of the Dry Zone will receive less rainfall in the medium term. These impacts have direct consequences on the Dry Zone farmers. They are ridden with hardships due to lack of water, and the impacts increasing the scarcity creates additional pressure on Dry Zone agricultural households whose lives are already circumscribed by poverty, low incomes, and recovering from three decades of conflict.

The farmers suffer from threats to food security, health and decent livelihood. This is due to decreasing yields in farm fields due to decreased storage capacity, decreased availability of year-round safe drinking water due to longer drought, declining water quality and lack of adequate water storage, as well as increased crop losses and damage to livelihood and assets from severe impacts of climate change.

Need for Village Irrigation Systems

In order to address these issues, there is need to set up village irrigation systems such as small reservoirs to provide necessary water to small holder famers. In providing water resources, one needs to focus as a priority on small holder farmers who are poorer and more vulnerable than their Dry Zone counterparts who have access to major irrigation. In the case of a delay in monsoon or heavy rainfall during the sowing or harvesting period, there is risk for the entire cropping season to be damaged. And for farmers who cultivate under village irrigation systems, the crop from the Maha Season (NEM) is often their main source of income and household food. And in the event of crop damage, these farmers would be losing their main source of income for the year.

The way to address the risk of lacking sufficient water for agriculture would be to look into options of adaptive measures. This could be done through adaptation actions taken in river basins, and working towards providing smallholder farmers living in the river basins water through improved irrigation.

Actions need to be taken to enhance the lives and livelihoods of the smallholder farmers in the Dry Zone whose economic and social vulnerability are increased due to climate impacts on water and food security. Attention needs to be given to addressing these issues of vulnerable communities suffering from extreme weather events, and slow onset impacts of climate change.

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Somawansa Amarasinghe - Some Recollections from Our Political Journeys

By Lionel Bopage

(Lanka-e-News -17.June.2016, 10.30) Comrade Somawansa Amarasinghe since joining the JVP in 1969, had been committed at that time to the political line of the JVP. I understand that while he was held in custody in Welikada prison for the April 1971 uprising, he had become estranged from the politics of the JVP. However, when he had been transferred to Jaffna prison later, he had apparently been self-critical about his political deviation. Since then, as a full time activist he had fully committed himself to the JVP politics.

I met comrade Amarasinghe after November 1977, when the then UNP government repealed the Criminal Justice Commissions Act under which most of the leaders of the JVP had been convicted and imprisoned. Since he was released before us, he had taken a leading role in carrying out the political activities of the JVP in the south of the country. We had the opportunity to work together in some JVP political projects, such as the Human Rights Movement and Vimukthi Gee (the Songs of Liberation), during which he played a very active and positive role. From time to time, the Central Committee and the Politburo of the party provided him the opportunities to undertake responsibilities by working in the Socialist Workers Union and also in certain activities related to the party’s international affairs. In the late seventies, he was elected to the JVP Central Committee. When the JVP was proscribed by the UNP government in July 1983, he was the District Secretary in charge of Kalutara.

In our political journeys, we had many political disagreements; he had some strong views: he was supportive of Sinhala nationalism and was biased against other faiths, in particular against Christianity. His pro-Buddhist and pro-Sinhala nationalist political line, in my view was contrary to the progressive political line we were following at the time. We had major disagreements with regard to the national question, particularly since the Presidential Elections held in 1982. Until then, he openly advocated the then JVP policy of accepting the right to self-determination of people on the Lankan national question. He even did so on the open political stage.

In July 1983, 26 members of the JVP including me, late comrade Somaratna Kaluarachchi, the JVP treasurer, comrade Vijitha Ranaweera, Mr Prins Gunasekera, late comrade Satyapala Wannigama, Dr Athula Sumathipala and a host of other professionals were detained under Emergency Regulations on the allegation of leading a pogrom against the Tamil population in the south. This pogrom was actually led by certain politicians of the ruling elite. The JVP was proscribed. Due to legal challenges raised in courts in late 1983, we were released from detention without any charges against us. In February 1984, I handed over my letter of resignation from the position of General Secretary of the JVP & its membership and also from being an elected JVP representative at the Galle District Development Council.

Before activating my resignation in February 1984, a final attempt was made to resolve the prevailing political issues. I still remember comrade Amarasinghe taking me in his motor cycle as a pillion passenger to Mathugama in January 1984, for a scheduled final discussion with comrade Rohana Wijeweera, which never materialised for reasons that are unknown to this day. Since comrade Rohana’s extra-judicial execution in November 1989, comrade Amarasinghe was the only Politburo member to survive the UNP’s extermination campaign against the JVP. According to the information I have, Mr Hendry Wickramasinghe had arranged comrade Amarasinghe to be taken to India by boat. Mr Wickramasinghe had also arranged travel visas for his family members to be flown to Bombay, and personally accompanied them from Bombay to Kerala so that the Amarasinghe family could remain together.

For this, 47 individuals including Mr Wickramasinghe had been held in custody for prolonged periods of time and interrogated. Without the assistance of Mr Wickramasinghe, comrade Amarasinghe would not have survived to see the day. Comrade Amarasinghe had been in exile, until he came back to visit the country in the mid-2000s. Yet after his coming back to Sri Lanka from exile, he had completely forgotten the services Mr Wickramasinghe had rendered to him and his family.

After the1982 presidential election comrade Amarasinghe’s political line including that of many other JVP leaders changed. The last JVP Central Committee meeting I attended at the former JVP MP Vijitha Ranaweera’s place in Vitharandeniya, Tangalle was held solely for the purpose of changing the JVP’s policy on the national question, specifically to repudiate the policy of accepting the right to self-determination. Comrade Amarasinghe was one of the top proponents of this repudiation campaign. It was the decision at the Central Committee that led me to finally resign from the JVP. Since I left the JVP, I had several accidental encounters with comrade Amarasinghe at bus halts or medical centres. Around 1986, I even had a dosa and vadai lunch with him and comrade Jinadasa Kithulagoda at a saiva restaurant in Colpetty!  Nevertheless, on the occasions I had accidental meetings with him, I did not hesitate to point out to him the erroneous and incorrect nature of the JVP’s policy stance on the national question. Yet, as usual, comrade Amarasinghe rejected this and bluntly stated that “It (i.e. the JVP policy) is not going to change”.

During my first visit to Sri Lanka, probably in 1994, I wanted to meet up with the JVP leadership to discuss the then political situation of the country. When I contacted comrade Tilvin Silva, I was informed that they have to contact comrade Amarasinghe in London to get permission for such a discussion. I was waiting for this opportunity, but later came to know that he did not gave permission for this to happen. To his credit, I need to say that I was given that opportunity years later during another visit of mine to the country. I met up with comrade Tilvin Silva and Wimal Weerawansa. Our points of view were so far apart on certain issues including the national question, and we had to agree to disagree. In 2002, when comrade Amarasinghe came back to the country on a permanent basis, I was also visiting the country. I went to listen to his speech at Hyde Park, where he pledged to send 50,000 JVP cadres to the North East battlefront to fight with the government forces, against Tamil militants. Since then, I have seen several interviews he had provided as the leader of the JVP, and I was flabbergasted to see what he had said in some of those interviews. In recent times he resigned from the JVP and formed another political entity that did not gain any discernible political traction.

I have been vehemently critical of comrade Amarasinghe’s extremely nationalist and collaborative politics. Under his leadership, the JVP formed a coalition with the SLFP, thus defeating the very purpose for which the JVP was built in the 1960s, against the betrayal of the left movement by the leaders of the LSSP, the CP and the MEP at the altar of capitalism. Several leading JVP members even accepted ministerial portfolios in the new bourgeois coalition. Comrade Amarasinghe’s right wing politics extended further when in 2005, he decided to support the presidential candidature of the then leader of opposition Mr Mahinda Rajapaksa, despite strong opposition from within the party ranks. I also understand that when Wimal Weerawansa broke away from the JVP wanting to follow an even stronger nationalist line of politics, comrade Amarasinghe had been very close to him and his politics. His recent departure from the JVP leadership appears to confirm his close association with right wing nationalistic politics. It is sad to recall his recent political behaviour had been much more erratic than what it used to be. He joined the ranks of ultra-nationalists of the country, thus betraying the very ideals of social justice and socialism that gave birth to the JVP.

In conclusion, I wish to emphasise that once he was a totally dedicated full time activist of the JVP. He resurrected the JVP that had been decimated by the policy of political and military annihilation of the then UNP government. He had been mainly responsible for re-building and rejuvenating the JVP with the able assistance of many strongly committed and active leaders who had been working on the ground at the grass roots level in the island. In my many meetings with him he was always a convivial political companion and I was sad to hear he had passed away. For his commitment and dedication to the cause of social justice over the years, we pay our fraternal respect to him. I also wish to take this opportunity to convey our sincere condolences to comrade Amarasinghe’s family, relatives and friends.

By Lionel Bopage

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by     (2016-06-17 17:22:29)

Isuru Amarasinghe pays last respects to his father

FRIDAY, 17 JUNE 2016

Mr. Isuru Amarasinghe, the son of former leader of the JVP late Mr. Somawansa Amarasinghe, paid his last respects to his father’s remains yesterday (16th) evening. He arrived in Sri Lanka with Mr. Wasantha Samarasinghe from London yesterday evening.

The Leader of the JVP Anura Dissanayaka, Central Committee Members Wasantha Samarasinghe and Sunil Watagala and close relatives of late Mr. Amarasinghe’s family were present.

Photographs from JVP 'Facebook' page

Alavi Moulana : Trade Union leader turned politician liked by all

by Latheef Farook  :  June 16, 2016

Veteran trade unionist turned politician Seyed Ahmed Seyed Alavi Moulana who passed away during the holy month of Ramadhan on Wednesday 15 June 2016 was buried at the Dehiwala Burial ground following day.

Discussing about Moulanaa friend of mine TilakJayasingha, Sri Lanka’s former Ambassador to Palestine, reminded me that his uncle,Communist Party Trade Union Leader M.G.Mendis who later became RatgamaMP,  time and again used to saythat;

“ Moulana had been a decent man with malice to none. He was gifted with the best of negotiating skills .With his pleasing manners,humourand the policy of middle path he  amicablysolved disputesthat made both workersandmanagement alike like him”. 

Moulana was the first Muslim to join the Sri Lanka Freedom Party in1956 when the island’s Muslimcommunitywas identified with the United National Party.He remained with the party till his last moment- rare quality in the island’s politics today when it has become norm for politicians to switch their loyalties for perks and position without any principle.

Be it during times of prosperity or adversity he continued to defend the rights of workers. For example during the time of late President J.R.Jaywardene who crushed trade union movements to promote his open economic policy, Moulana had to face numerous problems.

He was attacked and severely wounded. He showed me how he was attacked by bicycle chainand ripped open from his hip to upper rib. Those were difficult days when he had to face financial crisis too.However he didn’t turn to anyone for help but managed with what he could make.

When things became very difficult he did not try to join the UNP to tide over his difficulties. AfterMr Anura Bandaranaike crossed over to UNP, I asked him whether he would follow the suit. His response was “my loyalty always remains with SLFP and the Bandaranaike family whether it is prosperity or adversity”.

As we know here in Sri Lanka political fortunes changes fast. After more than a decade and half of UNP rule, the SLFP came to power and his  patience paid off.

Born in 1930 he entered localpolitics, Colombo Municipal Council, early in life in 1948..In 1960, during   late Prime Minister Mrs Srimavo Bandaranaike’s period he was made SLFP trade Union leader. He was later appointed one of the vice-presidents of the SLFP and the senior vice-president of the Sri Lanka Nidahas Sevaka Sangamaya

Since then he hasserved as Deputy Media Minister, Minister of Provincial Councils and Local Government, Ministeroflabour,Acting Governor for Sabragamuwa and Governor of Western province

He was alsoadviser on Muslim Affairs to former president Chandrika Kumaratunga. On his 80th birthday he was honoured with the title of “ Jana Prasadiu” at  a ceremony by defeated president Mainda Rajapaksa.,

He was a founder of Sri Lanka Committee for Solidarity with Palestinian People and played a crucial role in championing the rights of Palestinians exposing Israeli atrocities

As a Muslim he had been prominent role in trying to sort out every issue. His presence was everywhere in almost every function.

May Almighty Allah accept his good deeds and reward him.