Friday, June 17, 2016

Second language laboratory declared open in Agalawatte

Jun 16, 2016

A new language laboratory was ceremonially opened by the Hon. Minister of National Co-Existence, Dialogue and Official Languages, Hon. Mano Ganesan together with United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) at the National Institute of Language Education and Training (NILET) in Agalawatte yesterday.

The opening of this second laboratory is part of an effort to bridge the existing language gap and support the implementation of the official languages policy which will allow citizens to receive services from any public institution in the language of one’s choice. This can also promote wider dialogue in Sri Lanka, enhance the quality of public service delivery to all citizens, and build social cohesion by bringing together previously marginalized and excluded groups.

Having recognized the importance of supporting the Ministry of National Co-Existence, Dialogue and Official Languages in implementing the language policy of Sri Lanka, UNDP partnered with the Ministry to establish a language laboratory at the Department of Official Languages in Rajagiriya – which was declared open in March 2016 - and now, in Agalawatte. These efforts come under UNDP’s ‘Strengthening Enforcement of Law, Access to Justice and Social Integration (SELAJSI)’ Programme.

With an investment of an estimated LKR 10 million each, the new labs have been equipped with state-of-the art language teaching equipment and technology, which will facilitate more student-centered and interactive teaching using some of the latest techniques and technology available for language learning.

Speaking at the launch, Minister of National Co-Existence, Dialogue and Official Languages, Hon. Mano Ganesan thanked UNDP for its support and stated “Multiculturalism and pluralism is not a weakness but a strength to our country. My goal is to establish 16 language laboratories across Sri Lanka. On a journey to realize this and achieve national co-existence, I thank the UNDP for their assistance”

Also addressing the gathering, Resident Representative a.i.. of UNDP Sri Lanka, Ms, Lovita Ramguttee stated “UNDP is encouraged by the continued emphasis placed by the Government of Sri Lanka on the implementation of the Official Languages Policy. We strongly believe this support contributes towards further strengthening the institutional capacity of the Department of Official Languages enabling it to almost double its intake of current students thus supporting Sri Lanka in working towards Sustainable Development Goal 16 which focuses upon promoting peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, providing access to justice for all and building effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels.”

Other speakers including the Secretary to the Ministry of National Co-existence, Dialogue and Official Languages, Mr. Vajira Narampawana echoed similar sentiments, highlighting the importance language plays in promoting social inclusion in Sri Lanka.

Thursday, June 16, 2016

Fault Lines

Thursday, 16 June 2016

On economic affairs and foreign policy, political fault lines inside the ruling UNF-SLFP coalition have begun to emerge more clearly than ever this past week. As the campaign against Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran begins to crystallise, with the SLFP, anti-corruption activists, civil society and even the ‘Joint Opposition’ vehemently opposing his reappointment, both Sirisena and Wickremesinghe have legacy decisions to make in the next 15 days

Last Thursday (9), President Maithripala Sirisena walked into the Parliament Complex in Battaramulla when the no faith motion against his Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake was being taken up – one day later than scheduled – for debate. The President spent most of Thursday inside his offices in Parliament, and even took a seat inside the Chamber while senior Government members including SLFP Ministers took the floor to defend Karunanayake against the Joint Opposition charges.

On the one hand the President became a talisman of sorts to ensure members of his own Party in the Unity Government would hold the line in the face of sustained efforts by the ‘Joint Opposition’ to persuade SLFP MPs to vote with their conscience on the no confidence motion. His presence served to reinforce his support for his Finance Minister who was under fire from the pro-Rajapaksa faction of the UPFA and helped the UNF-SLFP ruling coalition to show a solidly united front.

But the proceedings also posed a unique opportunity for President Sirisena to send clear signals to the United National Front led by his Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe. Using his loyalists inside the Chamber that day, President Sirisena made his position on Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran abundantly clear. One by one, SLFP Ministers staunchly loyal to President Sirisena rose to extend support to Minister Karunanayake, but each speech had the same caveat – Governor Mahendran had to go.

Minister for Social Empowerment and Welfare S.B. Dissanayake harked back to remarks President Sirisena made publicly in June 2015 that it was best that the Central Bank Governor resigned his office. “Once a President says such a thing, usually the official responsible should tender a resignation. That is to be expected from decent officials,” Dissanayake asserted last Thursday.

Fisheries Minister Mahindra Amaraweera, one of President Sirisena’s closest SLFP confidants, told the House that it was imperative for the Government to act against the Central Bank Governor. Chandima Weerakoddy, former Deputy Speaker and Petroleum Minister in the Sirisena Cabinet, charged that Governor Mahendran’s conduct had been found ‘undesirable’ and “should be removed for the sake of the President and the Prime Minister”.

Shifting dynamics

Harim appointed Minister Samaraweera’s advisor

2016-06-16

Harim Peiris appointed as Advisor to the Minister of Foreign Affair Mangala Samaraweera. He has received his official letter of appointment from Minister Samaraweera yesterday.

He is also Sri Lanka’s Point of Contact for the Open Government Partnership (OGP).

Mr. Peiris has previously held a variety of senior official positions, most recently as the Chairman of the Resettlement Authority and a Member of the Coordinating Committee of the Office of National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR). He has also served as Presidential Spokesman, Chairman of Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and as Director General of Rehabilitation and Reconciliation.

Conspiracy to exploit Salawa conflagration to cover up Lasantha , Ekneliyagoda killings by pro Gota murder squads !

(Lanka-e-News -15.June.2016, 11.45PM) A conspiracy is being hatched to exploit the recent conflagration at Kosgama Salawa armory to cover up the murders committed by the pro Gotabaya army murder squad during the Rajapakse regime’s nefarious decade, based on reports reaching Lanka e news inside information division.

Though the courts have ordered the army to furnish the details regarding the murders of Lasantha Wickremetunge , Ekneliyagoda and others committed by the pro Gotabaya murder squad in the forces, to the CID, so far the court order has not been abided by duly.. It is the view of the lawyers and the CID that the details provided are what had been distorted subsequently , and cannot be accepted.

The pro Gota army leaders are seeking to portray that the relevant files were in the Armory and were burnt down when the armory was razed to the ground, in order to rescue the pro Gota army murderers , according to reports reaching Lanka e news inside information division.

Fortunately in the Salawa armory there weren’t any files , and there were only bullets and records relating to the bullets which were were nearing the expiry dates , and were to be sold . These bullets which had about a year to expire are used for training. If these bullets are in excess , thee excess bullets are sold back to the Company from which they were bought at half the purchase price.

This fire broke out when these bullets were about to expire and had been given the approval for sale . Bids too had been called for them and the buyers were to come and examine them .

We are revealing the above details so that the public would know ahead what truly were contained in the armory since , it is learnt this conflagration is to be exploited by the conspirators to save the pro Gotabaya murder squad.

---------------------------
by (2016-06-15 21:35:39)

SRI LANKA: Letter to AG on the acceptance of apologies for human rights violations

June 16, 2016

15th June 2016

Mr. Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC., The Attorney General
The Attorney General’s Department
Hulftsdorp, Colombo 12,
Sri Lanka

Dear Mr Attorney General,

Regarding a State Counsel’s application to the Supreme Court to end a fundamental rights application relating to torture and fabrication of charges on a mere police apology

We have learnt through media reports that on 14th June 2016, when a fundamental rights application filed by Mr. Mohamed Amir came up before the Supreme Court, a State Counsel from the Attorney General’s Department informed the court that the police were willing to apologise to the petitioner for torture and fabrication of charges for possession of illicit drugs.

The facts of the petition were that during the riots in 2014, caused by the intervention of the “Bodu Bala Sena”, the petitioner was assaulted by a group of people and then taken to the Aluthgama police station, which proceeded to file charges against him for the possession of illicit drugs. The petitioner filed a fundamental rights application arguing that his rights had been violated by these acts.

On the basis of the information given by the State Counsel at the hearing on the 14th of June – that the police are willing to apologise to the petitioner – an apology was tendered by the Officer-in-Charge of the Aluthgama police, with the promise to the Supreme Court that the police officers will withdraw the charges filed against the petitioner.

The question that we wish to raise with you relates to the legitimacy and propriety of the State Counsel intervening on behalf of the police in order to enable the tendering of an apology for the serious allegations of torture, as well as the serious allegation of fabricating charges about the possession of illicit drugs. Both allegations against the police are of a serious nature. Is it the policy of the Attorney General’s Department that even such cases can be brought to an end by a mere apology and a promise to withdraw fabricated charges?

In our view there was no basis for the State Counsel to make an intervention for this purpose as the conclusion that the State Counsel, on behalf of the Attorney General’s Department, should have drawn from the willingness of the police to make an apology is that they admit to the violation of the rights of the petitioner on both allegations. When the police admit having committed these violations, is it the policy of the Attorney General’s Department that the police can escape the ramifications by tendering an apology to end the matter?

On the admission of the commission of such serious violations, which also amount to crimes, was it not the duty of the State Counsel to inform the Supreme Court that, as the police have admitted to committing these violations, they should be dealt with for violating fundamental rights and also separately proceeded against for criminal actions, because both acts amount to serious crimes?

Is it not the duty of those who represent the Attorney General’s Department before the Supreme Court to inform the Supreme Court of the legal situation arising from the police admitting the truth of the allegations made by the petitioner and clearly put before the Supreme Court the legal consequences that should follow under these circumstances?

According to the available reports, the State Counsel who represented the Attorney General’s Department has not engaged in discharging his duties in placing before the Supreme Court the actual law relating to the matters that have arisen during this case.

A fundamental rights violation is not merely a violation against an individual; it is a violation of the State’s obligation to protect the rights of individuals. Therefore, mere willingness on the part of the petitioner to accept an apology does not in any way expiate or expunge the violation committed by the State in the failure to protect the rights of the individual. The very reason for the existence of the fundamental rights jurisdiction is to ensure that the State’s duty to protect individual rights is not violated under any circumstances.

In any case, what was the need for the State Counsel to intervene on behalf of the police, particularly when the police admit that they have violated the rights as alleged by the petitioner? The police could have used their own lawyers to make whatever applications to court that they wanted. The duty of the State Counsel is not to intervene on behalf of the police in this case, but to explain to the court the position of the law arising out of the factual situation admitted in court.

One cannot help concluding that the State Counsel’s intervention was for the purpose of indicating to the Supreme Court that the matter could be brought to an end by way of an apology. The stamp of approval of the Attorney General is thus given to this scheme. Through the State Counsel’s application, the police have found an easy escape from liability.

The State Counsel has forgotten two more matters relating to fundamental rights: the illegal arrest and illegal detention of the petitioner. From the facts of the case, it is quite clear that there was no reason for the petitioner to be taken to the police station and for detaining him. The charges filed against him were admitted to be false and fabricated. It is quite clear that there was no reason to arrest or detain him. Whether this matter has been raised in the petition or not, on the plain reading of facts it is very clear that such illegal arrest and detention has taken place. That matter is itself of paramount importance. To reiterate the importance attached to preventing illegal arrest and detention in the common law tradition we quote here what the eminent British jurist AV Dicey wrote in 1885:

“The right to personal liberty as understood in England means in substance a person's right not to be subjected to imprisonment, arrest, or other physical coercion in any manner that does not admit of legal justification. That anybody should suffer physical restraint is in England prima facie illegal, and can be justified (speaking in very general terms) on two grounds only, that is to say, either because the prisoner or person suffering restraint is accused of some offence and must be brought before the Courts to stand his trial, or because he has been duly convicted of some offence and must suffer punishment for it. Now personal freedom in this sense of the term is secured in England by the strict maintenance of the principle that no man can be arrested or imprisoned except in due course of law, i.e. (speaking again in very general terms indeed) under some legal warrant or authority, and, what is of far more consequence, it is secured by the provision of adequate legal means for the enforcement of this principle. These methods are twofold; namely, redress for unlawful arrest or imprisonment by means of a prosecution or an action, and deliverance from unlawful imprisonment by means of the writ of habeas corpus.”

We have no way of knowing whether a State Counsel is given a firm grounding on the principles of the common law, particularly relating to the personal freedoms and the protection of personal liberties. The particular conduct of the State Counsel in this case does not show that he has had the benefit of such an education.

We are writing to you to request you to inquire into this matter and to take whatever appropriate actions necessary to scrutinise the legalities of the issues involved. Besides this, apology or no apology, the police officers involved need to be criminally charged for fabricating possession of drugs charges against an innocent citizen. This is an enormously important matter and this terrible practice is being carried out at different police stations. As the officer whose duty it is to advise the State on legal issues, we think that you are obligated to clarify these matters to your department, as well as to the public at large.

As we were writing this letter to you, we learned that the Special Narcotics Raid Unit, in collaboration with the STF, seized 91.3 kilos of cocaine valued at Rs 2 billion at the Rank Container Terminal Container Yard in Orugodawatte on the morning of 14th June 2016.

We wonder if this too will come to the same end: by the tendering of an apology at some future time when the public will have lost interest in the matter? What is at stake here is therefore is the very meaning and relevance of law in Sri Lanka and what is to become of a nation that has trivialised the law to this extent. We look forward to hearing about your actions in relation to this matter.

We want to explain to you why the Asian Human Rights Commission is raising these matters for your attention. I am sure that you would not consider it to be a controversial statement if one were to state that the legal system in Sri Lanka has suffered profound disturbances, particularly during the last four decades. The following quote from the Honorable Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Mangala Samaraweera, made at the august assembly of the United Nationals Human Rights Council, makes it very clear that the above statement is not of a controversial nature:

“Accountability is essential to uphold the rule of law and build confidence in the people of all communities of our country in the justice system. We also recognise fully the importance of judicial and administrative reform in this process. These are essential factors that must be addressed for the culture of accountability and the rule of law which have been eroded through years of violence to once again be ingrained in our society.”

The erosion of the legal system means the erosion of the foundation of our nation. This erosion has today gone to the extent of shaking the very moral and ethical foundation of our society. As a person learned in the law, you know what this means. It means that our very existence as a civilised society is deeply in peril. Once this process is set in, there are can be only be two alternative outcomes: either the process will be stopped or we will face ever deepening collapse of every institution and aspect of our constitutional, legal, judicial, societal and moral fabric. That is where we stand today. It is from that perspective that we are alerting you of this. As the chief legal officer of the country, there lies a great responsibility on your shoulders if we are to take the alternative that we should take, towards rescuing all that is so fundamental to us.

If everyone who bears responsibility in the sphere of the administration of justice makes an excuse on the basis that his institution does not have adequate officers, adequate premises, adequate resources and the like, then who is to bear the responsibility for the necessary rescue that we need to face to secure our own survival? Where there are such resource limitations, it is the duty of those who are responsible for these institutions to explain matters plainly to the government and to obtain the necessary resources. On the issue of the administration of justice, the taxpayer will not begrudge national resources being allocated to the extent necessary to ensure the existence of functional institutions. Therefore, the moral backing of the society exists for the leaders of such institutions who are willing to take bold initiatives and to demand what they in fact need from the government, who bears the responsibility to supply them. If, instead, the resource limitation is used as the excuse for poor quality services in the area of law and justice, the contribution would be towards the impending doom.

Both as the chief of the main prosecuting agency in the country, and the chief legal advisor to the government, you and your department owe an obligation to this society to ensure that our prosecution system does not fail us and that the government receives the advice needed to ensure that the protection of the legal system becomes its most primary obligation.

Every day everyone everywhere in the country is crying foul about everything that is happening within the justice system of Sri Lanka. That cry is heard within the country and also outside the country. The failure of every ambition of the country - such as its inability to draw adequate investments to ensure economic growth, the failure to ensure a corruption-free bureaucracy that will galvanize every aspect of the country’s life, the failure to maintain a proper healthcare system that is free from neglect, as well as the deterioration of the education system, and even failing to ensure that people receive drinking water that is not contaminated – all relates to the functioning of our justice system. It is our justice system that has the capacity to make us a socially responsible nation. All kinds of irresponsibility, which has given rise to so many diverse forms of grievances, can be traced back to the dysfunctional nature of our institutions of justice.

The matters we have raised about this one case adequately explain all the aspects that are really wrong in our justice framework. We have lost the attachment to upholding norms and standards, which are the building blocks of a justice system. The examination of this one case will reveal to you what has gone wrong in the system as a whole. That is the rationale for our intervention.

Thank you,

Yours sincerely,

Basil Fernando

Right Livelihood Award Laureate, 2014
Director of Policy and Programmes
Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong.

Cc:

1. Ms. Mónica Pinto, UN Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers
2. Mr. Juan E. Mendez, UN Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment

Colombo's TID interrogates Tamil paramilitary operative

[TamilNet, Wednesday, 15 June 2016, 22:48 GMT]
Colombo's ‘Terrorist’ Investigation Division (TID) officers are interrogating a 29-year-old Tamil paramilitary operative from Thenmaraadchi, Jaffna, in connection with the discovery of explosives in March at the village of Ma'ravanpulavu, informed sources told TamilNet on Wednesday. Sivarasa Sivakulan alias Murali, who has been a close confidant of former SL Military Commander in Jaffna Major General Mahinda Hathurusinghe and who was actively involved in SLFP election campaigns in Thenmaraadchi during the regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa, is the one subjected to interrogations at the notorious 4th Floor in Colombo. Mr Sivakulan has also been a close friend of the present SL Governor of Northern Province Mr Reginald Cooray, informed sources in Jaffna said. He was detained on 11 June.

Sivarasa Sivakulan with SL Military Officer Sampath

The TID interrogation of Sivakulan comes after the detention of more than 14 Tamils within the last three months.

On 29 March, SL police and military were forced to launch a search operation to arrest a Tamil recruit of the SL military, whom the villagers accused of abusing a Tamil girl.

During the search operation, they came across another person, who was a former LTTE member. He was in possession of explosives and was a friend of the military culprit.

Following the discovery of the explosives, the TID operatives from Colombo carried out a number of abduction-styled arrests in the North and East.

The discovery of explosives was also used to defend continued SL military occupation in Tamil areas.

In the meantime, there were also reports of a section of SL military deploying Tamil recruits and some former LTTE members to justify its claim of continued Sinhala military deployment in the occupied Tamil homeland.

Meanwhile, SL military, police and the SL Governor in North maintain silence on the arrest of SL military operative Sivakulan.

Some of the former LTTE commanders, who were deployed in counter-insurgency operations under Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and released later, have also been detained by the TID, which is using the so-called Prevention of Terrorism Act with a political motivation of serving the interests of the regime in power in Colombo.

Sivakulan was an under-age member of the EPRLF. He became a full-time military intelligence operative at a very young age, the sources said providing photographs of Sivakulan with SL Governor and military personalities.

During the times of peace talks between the LTTE and the Colombo government, the SL Military intelligence had deployed Sivakulan in covert operations against the LTTE, the sources further said.

Sivakulan with SL Governor Reginald Cooray

Sivakulan [right] with SL Governor Reginald Cooray

Related Articles:
14.04.16 Occupying Colombo resumes arrests, abductions in Jaffna

Sri Lanka In Global Affairs: The Journey Since January 2015

By Jayadeva Uyangoda – June 15, 2016

Dr. Jayadeva Uyangoda

My views expressed here today do not represent positions of any political party, or any power center. I do not have any personal or political stake either at the ways in which how the government makes its foreign policy decisions or conducts its policies. Not being a political insider, I am not privy to valuable political gossip that can help place in context, and even alter, most of the points I would be making in this presentation. I am only a student of politics, and not a political actor, before or behind the scenes. I look at Sri Lanka’s foreign policy issues and challenges purely from an academic point of view. Therefore, I will take every precaution not to allow my analysis and arguments naïve, although some may see them exactly to be of that quality.

One thing I have learnt recently – and this is a lesson I urge all of you also to think about — is that foreign policy making is infinitely more complex than what politicians in the opposition, or those who are aspiring to come to power, want the public to believe. Leaders of this government seem to have been learning this simple, yet fundamental lesson, since last January. That is why the foreign policy positions of this government seem to have been in a continuous state of flux.

There is a good reason for it to be so. The government has been compelled to negotiate a number of factors and pressures in steering its journey in order to establish its on ‘foreign policy identity.’ I do not think that there is yet evidence to suggest that the government wants to have, or been able to establish, a firm ideological identity in its external relations, as it has been the case with many governments in the past, particularly the previous one. Avoiding an ideological identity as such to its foreign policy strategies seems to be a key defining feature of the Maithripala Sirisena-Ranil Wikremasinghe administration at present.

Some see this flexibility as a weakness of the government. There is, however, another way of looking at it. It represents the essential dimension of pragmatism in foreign policy, necessitated by a range of complex domestic, regional and global factors. Muddling through is not necessarily a sign of weakness, or prelude to disaster, in a context where the government has been experimenting different responses to some key foreign policy determinants.

What are the key determinants that have impacted on the shaping of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy since January last year? We can put them in two groupings.

The first is electoral and regime change compulsions. Any new government would want to steer a new path of foreign policy. Given the atmosphere of extreme hostility between the two camps, the new government was compelled to abandon immediately the foreign policy orientation of its predecessor. The new orientation was seen in the restoration of closeness with regional as well global powers that had earlier been marginalized. This core dimension of the foreign policy continues with only a slight change.

Police ordered to handover Somawansa’s body to relatives

June 16, 2016

The Colombo Magistrate’s Court today ordered Welikada Police to handover the body of former JVP leader Somawansa Amarasinghe to his relatives for funeral proceedings.

Following a motion presented by Mayura Amarasinghe, a relative of the late leftist leader, Colombo Additional Magistrate Augusta Atapattu instructed police to hand over the body as medical reports do not confirm the death as suspicious.

Former leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and General Secretary of the People’s Servants Party, Somawansa Amarasinghe has passed away yesterday at the age of 73.

The funeral is to be held on Saturday (18) at the Borella cemetery.

Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy Trends since January 2015: Some Critical Thoughts

Full text of the presentation recently made by Jayadeva Uyangoda Retired Professor of Political Science University of Colombo at the Panel Discussion on “Sri Lanka in Global Affairs: The Journey Since January 2015.”

( June 16, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) My views expressed here today do not represent positions of any political party, or any power center. I do not have any personal or political stake either at the ways in which how the government makes its foreign policy decisions or conducts its policies. Not being a political insider, I am not privy to valuable political gossip that can help place in context, and even alter, most of the points I would be making in this presentation. I am only a student of politics, and not a political actor, before or behind the scenes. I look at Sri Lanka’s foreign policy issues and challenges purely from an academic point of view. Therefore, I will take every precaution not to allow my analysis and arguments naïve, although some may see them exactly to be of that quality.

What are the key determinants that have impacted on the shaping of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy since January last year? We can put them in two groupings.

This change is felt primarily in the relations which China. China had maintained a close political proximity to the previous government and its leadership. China’s aloofness to the emerging opposition during even the last few months of the year 2014 was somewhat inexplicable too. All this had led to the new government to adopt a policy of distancing itself from China, both politically and economically. One could even detect some degree of tension between Sri Lanka’s new government and the Chinese government, as it had become somewhat noticeable with regard to the Port City development project. The government has passed that initial phase of uncertainty and now appears to have refined its core foreign policy stance to be ‘friendship with all; enmity with none.’

The second was a theme that showed the continuation of the central role that the ethnic conflict and civil war had played in bringing together in a symbiotic framework Sri Lanka’s domestic politics and external relations. New York, Geneva, Washington DC, London, Brussels and New Delhi were the key cities that constituted the centres of its global geography. Geneva in March and October 2015 symbolized this process of re-configuring Sri Lanka’s global relations and strategies. For the first time since 2009, we could see the Sri Lankan government, the UN, the EU and Western governments – the West-led managers of the global political system – sitting and talking to each other as friends, committed to a shared goal of post-war peace-building and development in Sri Lanka.

This reconfiguration of the external seems to have run into some difficulty by late last year. Its cause was primarily domestic. And it entails Sri Lanka’s severe balance of payment crisis, triggered off by the mounting debt crisis and the poor record of incoming private foreign investments. The new government has also come to realize that its newly found Western allies were not really ready to assist Sri Lanka to manage the emerging economic crisis in any substantive way. Understandably, for the Maithripala Sirisena – Ranil Wickremasinghe government, there was no free lunch coming from Europe or America! Whatever little that came had political conditionalities attached. Faced with potentially disastrous economic downturn, the government seems to have decided to re-recalibrate its external relations. This is the only way to explain the government’s perusal, of late, of a policy of closer and robust economic relations with China, despite continuing domestic criticism, coming from allies as well as opponents. There is no free lunch from Beijing too, though!!

A point that may interest the observer is that the government has so far been careful to emphasize the economic dimensions of its closeness to China, thereby playing down the possibility of any political and ideological closeness. This is one point by which this government seems to sharply differentiate itself from the previous one. There was a strong view in the country that China was backing the authoritarian project of the previous government’s leadership, closing its eyes totally to issues of democracy, human rights and corruption. The Chinese leadership is unlikely to abandon their personal and political closeness with Sri Lanka’s former President. In foreign policy matters, China is also known historically for its utmost pragmatism to serve national interests. What seems to be happening is that China has regained the initiative in restoring its relations with the new Sri Lankan government at a conjuncture when it can define the terms of engagement from a position of advantage. This perhaps is the only foreign policy setback the new government has experienced.

Meanwhile, domestic issues seem to continue to maintain the upper hand in defining the trajectories of Sri Lanka’s external relations. Let me explain this point by citing just one prominent example.

This government’s overall record of domestic policy and policy reforms has been one of marginal achievements. Its major victories in the domestic front continues to be negative ones – negative in the sense of achievements made by not doing certain things, rather than doing things with aggressive intent. Therefore, this government’s exemplary record of restoring and maintaining a open, democratic and non-repressive political ambience in the country, is more a product of preventing the state agencies doing certain things, than doing positive things such as the abrogation of Prevention of Terrorism Act, or taking concrete steps towards demilitarization. There are of course good reasons to explain this poor positive democratization record. Yet, they hardy justify the government’s continuing record of negative achievements. Thus, the government has already begun to lose the loyalty of its ‘natural’ domestic constituency, the democratic civil society movement.

Meanwhile, only in three areas the government seems to have been successful. As already mentioned, managing external relations through a strategy of policy flexibility is one. The other two are, (a) arresting the process of Sri Lanka’s drift towards hard authoritarianism, and (b) keeping the opponents — the so-called joint opposition — at bay, preventing its growth into an imminent political threat to regime stability. Actually, this government’s strength lies in the weakness of the lose coalition of its parliamentary opponents, who incidentally are MPs of the UPFA coalition which President Sirisena himself heads.

The success in the external relations front is primarily characterized by the government’s ability to establish a policy regime of equilibrium vis a vis major regional, continental and global powers. However, that success runs the risk of being undermined by a failure in a crucial domestic issue with international consequences. This refers to the proper implementation of promises and pledges made in the Geneva resolution last year on post-war peace building, ethnic reconciliation and state reform.

The evidence so far suggests that the government might try to defend its poor performance record, or the weak report card, because it has to do it any way in Geneva by citing domestic difficulties. To defend it internationally, the government might also need to recalibrate its external relations and seek new domestic as well as global allies who are skeptical of, and even opposed to, the Geneva process. This is the topic which Sri Lanka’s foreign policy watchers of domestic political developments, me included, would monitor with great interest during the next few months to come. While seeking new allies, President or the Prime Minister should not ignore the broad coalition that made possible the regime change of January 2015. Nor should they turn their back on the reform agenda for good governance, democracy, and peace building. Now it is time for them to take some serious steps towards course correction. Revisiting the January 2015 reform agenda will certainly be helpful.

Meanwhile, the government’s external, or foreign, policy activities seem being conducted through two centers, President’s office and Prime Minister’s office. This is an extremely interesting new development. The thinking and action at both centers seem so far seem to be complementary, although there is no proper public acknowledgement of it by the leaders themselves. In fact, re-negotiation of economic relations with China appears to have been undertaken by both the President and the Prime Minister.

There seems to be policy convergence between the SLFP led by the President and the UNP led by Prime Minister Wickremasinghe. Both centers show signs of being non-ideological, non-combative and principled in their perceptions of the world and global affairs. Quite significantly, and refreshingly, they don’t have advisors who give long lectures to Western diplomats in their capitals on international law, politics or colonialism. President Sirisena’s modest and simple personal demeanor is an added asset. It is the policy of ‘friendship with all; enmity with none’ that in my view has made it possible for the President to be invited to the G-7 Summit.

The government’s foreign policy strength perhaps lies in the position of equidistance it is now maintaining with regional, continental and global powers. In a world where (a) there is no bipolarity, and there are old and emerging global powers in rivalry as well as acting in cooperation, and (b) regional centres of power emerging as important players in the global arena, Sri Lanka’s foreign policy can, and should, not be informed by dogmatic adherence to ignorance. This government has taken Sri Lanka’s foreign policy to a post-ideological, post-egoistic, and post-confrontational phase. Some critics may not see the value of it. Yet, the realization of it is no mean achievement for any government.

Arjuna turns out super luxury furniture deploying Port resources for his harem (video) !.

(Lanka-e-News -16.June.2016, 11.10PM) Arjuna Ranatunge the minister who is now wreaking havoc on the Port and deploying its resources for the benefit of his harem , has illegally turned out goods made out of super quality timber of the carpentry Industry belonging to the Port. Those goods were seized lastday by the Port trade union leaders along with a media team.

The goods so made using valuable timber such as teak and stain at the carpentry division belonging to the Ports Authority located at Slave Island Beira included double beds , Almirahs, living room almirahs ,tables, chairs etc . meant not for the Port but for luxury houses.

Though it is the responsibility of this Industry to produce goods to serve the purposes of the Port , these goods have been produced not based on any orders placed duly in accordance with regulations. The only order was that given by the Minister orally. In other words the minister instead of abiding by rules and regulations, and setting an example to others has himself flouted laws uncaringly .

It is the chief engineer in charge of this Industry who is fully responsible for this. This engineer is well noted for his corrupt activities committed in league with former chairman of Ports Priyath Banduwickremage during the ‘nefarious decade’ of the Rajapakses. Instead of punishing him , what Arjuna Ranatunge did was after becoming the minister of Ports , he used him to get the necessary luxurious furniture done unlawfully for his harem. Accordingly these furniture items have been produced unlawfully. That is grave corrupt activities have been indulged in meaning that all those from minister Arjuna down to the engineer merit punishment .

The opinions expressed by the trade union leaders in this regard can be viewed via the Hiru video footage hereunder

---------------------------
by (2016-06-16 17:44:29)

Inside the Blood Bank on World Blood Donor Day

RAISA WICKREMATUNGE on 06/15/2016

June 14 marks World Blood Donor Day. Groundviews takes a look inside Sri Lanka’s National Blood Transfusion Service, to better understand the process of blood donation – and how it showcases the best of Sri Lanka’s spirit.

View the full story, compiled on Shorthand Social, here, or below:

Six years for the degree and five years without jobs

Jun 15, 2016

A protest was held today 15th opposite the health ministry by the graduates of the Ayurvedic medical college urging the government to give jobs.

The protest was organized by the unemployed doctor’s graduates union. The union said so far there are more than 700 graduates without jobs.

The union stressed that the government should provide jobs for them.

Rajagiriya Accident: Ranawaka May Get Off Scot Free

June 16, 2016

Welikada Police has informed the Colombo Additional Magistrate that the CCTV footage on the Rajagiriya accident which allegedly involved Megapolis and Western Development Minister Champika Ranawaka does not show the minister in the area at the time of the accident.

The police made the statement based on the report sent to them by the Moratuwa University. Earlier the police said that the CCTV camera footage belonging to the residents in the area had been deleted.

Police also informed that Court that they were unable to record a statement from the victim, as he was not in a very stable condition.

Eyewitnesses alleged that Ranawaka was involved in a hit and run accident in Rajagiriya, which left one person critically injured. Ranawaka has denied any involvement in the accident.

கைவிடப்பட்ட இராணுவ முகாமில் வெடித்து சிதறிய கண்ணிவெடிகள்

Jun 16, 2016
மட்டக்களப்பு மாவடிவேம்பில் கைவிடப்பட்ட நிலையில் காணப்பட்ட இராணுவ முகாமில் நேற்று (புதன்கிழமை) மாலை திடீரென ஏற்பட்ட தீ விபத்து காரணமாக அப்பகுதியில் பதற்றமான ஒரு நிலைமை ஏற்பட்டுள்ளது.

யுத்த காலத்தில் மட்டக்களப்பு மாவடிவேம்பில் பயன்படுத்தப்பட்ட இந்த இராணுவ முகாம், கடந்த சில வருடங்களுக்கு முன்னர் இராணுவத்தினரால் கைவிடப்பட்டிருந்தது.

இந்நிலையில், நேற்று ஏற்பட்ட தீ விபத்து காரணமாக, இராணுவத்தினரால் முன்னர் புதைக்கப்பட்டிருந்த நிலக்கண்ணிவெடிகள் வெடித்ததாகவும், முகாமை சுற்றி பலத்த சத்தத்துடன் பெரும் புகைமூட்டம் காணப்பட்டதாகவும், அந்தப் பகுதியில் சிறிது நேரம் போக்குவரத்து தடைப்பட்டிருந்ததாகவும் தகவல்கள் தெரிவித்தன.

தீ விபத்து குறித்து அருகில் உள்ள பொதுமக்கள் கருத்து தெரிவிக்கையில் இராணுவத்தினரால் கைவிடப்பட்ட இந்த இராணுவ முகாமில் இன்னும் பல நிலக்கண்ணிவெடிகள் காணப்படுவதாகவும், பல வருடங்கள் ஆகியும் இதனை இராணுவத்தினர் அகற்றாது இந்தப் பிரதேசத்தை ஆபத்தான பகுதியாக பிரகடனப்படுத்தி மூடி வைத்துள்ளதாகவும் குறிப்பிட்டனர்.

‘மூடி வைக்கப்பட்டிருந்த இந்த இராணுவமுகாமிற்கு பின்புறம் திடீரென தீபிடித்து எரியத்தொடங்கியதுடன், தீ பிரதான பாதையை நோக்கி பரவியுள்ளது.

இதன்போது, முகாமிற்குள் புதைக்கப்பட்டிருந்த நிலக்கண்ணிவெடிகள் வெடித்துள்ளன. 15 தடவைக்கு மேல் குண்டுச்சத்தங்கள் வெடித்ததை அவதானிக்க கூடியதாக இருந்ததுடன் வீதி முழுவதும் பெரும் புகைமூட்டம் காணப்பட்டது. இதனால் சிறிதுநேரம் பெரும் பரபரப்பு ஏற்பட்டதோடு போக்குவரத்தும் பாதிக்கப்பட்டிருந்தது.’ என்றும பொதுமக்கள் தெரிவித்தனர்.

சம்பவ இடத்திற்கு வருகை தந்த இராணுவத்தினர் தண்ணீர் தாங்கி மற்றும் இராணுவ சிப்பாய்களின் உதவிகளை கொண்டு தீயை கட்டுப்பாட்டிற்குள் கொண்டுவந்த போதிலும், இந்தப் பிரதேசம் தொடர்ந்தும் ஆபத்தான பகுதியாக காணப்படுவதனால், தாம் எந்நேரமும் அச்சத்துடன் வாழ்வதாகவும் மக்கள் மேலும் குறிப்பிட்டனர்.

Minister Rajitha’s gobbling up of 2000 % public funds powered by ‘Power Asia’ ! Why didn’t FCID probe this hitherto ?

(Lanka-e-News- 15.June.2016, 7.30PM) It is a well and widely known fact that the present health minister Rajitha Senaratne left the Rajapakse government and joined with common opposition candidate Maithripala Sirisena during the last presidential elections by citing the grounds that Rajapakse government is corrupt , and the pro good governance masses too accepted him.

It was Rajitha who was a judge when the case against ex Chief justice Shiranee Bandaranaike was heard by the Rajapakses and when they chased her out at midnight like a cat after hearing the case alone in the moonlight .In any case when he charged that the Rajapakses are corrupt and left them , the pro good governance masses accepted him. Not only did they accept him but also lifted him up so much so that he was made the No. one in the district at the general elections. The masses ensured that position to him on the assumption that Rajitha who was so vociferous against corruption of the Rajapakses is clean and not corrupt.

Nevertheless , based on the complaint lodged with the Police FCID that is appointed to investigate the corruption and frauds during the ‘’nefarious decade’ of the Rajapakse regime , in the ministry of fisheries and irrigation promotion , during his period there had been grave corruption and frauds , and complaints have been made against them.

(Fortunately , so far no complaints have been received pertaining to the ministries of health and irrigation which portfolios were held earlier on by the common opposition candidate and who is now the incumbent president Maithripala Sirsena.. Not only the FCID , even Lanka e news media Institution which is against corruption has not received any complaints).

Surprisingly , the complaint , noted hereunder made regarding the massive corruption and fraud in the Fisheries ministry when Rajitha was the minister had not so far been taken up .

Sadly , this incrimination directed against Rajitha dents and destroys the faith and confidence reposed in Rajitha by the people. It is the view of the people that if the frauds and corruption of Mahindananda and Weerawansa are being probed , why not minister Rajitha’s . Is it because the latter switched allegiance , and somersaulted to the Maitripala camp ? they ask . The people therefore may be thinking the screams of Rajapakses that the FCID is ‘taking revenge against us’ are true .

This fraud and corruption not only taints Rajitha’s reputation but also tarnishes the image of the government of good governance. In the circumstances this fraud shall be investigated , and an opportunity must be afforded to Rajitha to prove his innocence. If he is guilty on the other hand , punishment shall be duly meted out , his status notwithstanding.

The gist of the complaint made to the FCID pertaining to the fraud at the fisheries ministry of which he was the minster at that time is as follows :

This fraud has been perpetrated during the final phase of the Rajapakse regime. That was the time the devil was fleeing while destroying everything coming across its path. Unfortunately this is not a trivial fraud . It is gobbling up a 2000 % not just 10% or 15 % , that is, for a task that costs Rs. 9 million , an amount of Rs. 177 million had been approved ! A fraud which is so colossal to the detriment of the country that if those rascals behind it are not struck by lightning it is a miracle.

Corruption charges originate thus….

There exists a unit under the name of Promotion of irrigation and monitoring (PIMU) in the ministry of fisheries and promotion of irrigation projects . Under this ministry’s projects , to provide basic and research study facilities to the fisheries harbors of Silawatura (Mannar district) , Gurunagar (Jaffna district) and Gandara (Matara district) , a project was launched.

Power Asia Co. was entrusted with carrying out this project. The Co . showed that the budgeted expenditure in that regard is Rs. 177 million, whereas an established reputed Institution in the Island charges less than Rs. 9 million only as its fees to secure its expert advice for such a study .

Accordingly , the PIMU of the ministry of fisheries and irrigation promotion in order to implement this aforesaid project has paid an amount which is 2000 times more ! This is unalloyed and absolute corruption , misappropriation of public funds and hence a heinous crime committed on the people !

The most interesting and intriguing part of this racket is , the PIMU deciding to grant less than a month’s time to Power Asia in respect of this project . In the short history of business of Power Asia , never has it completed a project of such value . Besides this Institution has no previous experience in this sphere of engineering research studies .

Yet it is Lakshman Ratnayake a specialist in internal supplies of the fisheries ministry who had exerted intense pressure that this project shall be entrusted to Power Asia and none else. For the moment let us think we do not know that he was a most intimate and bosom pal of Rajitha Senaratne at that time .

After the approval , most expeditiously out of the sum of Rs. 117 million , a sum of Rs. 46 million was paid to Power Asia . But to the dismay of the racketeers whoever they may be, the government changed before they could grab the remaining amount. Mind you , because this amount was paid even before the treasury has approved , the fisheries port project that was in progress in Kalamitiya , Beruwala during that time ground to a halt due to non release of funds towards that.

The expenditure shown by Power Asia for the fisheries harbors at Silawatura , Gurunagar and Gandara are also most bizarre . They had shown an expenditure of Rs. 6000 million per fisheries port , meaning that the total expenditure for the three ports is Rs.18,000 million ! whereas believe it or not ,the expenditure incurred in respect of the Kelaniya fisheries port that is being established is only Rs. 900 million . Based on that the expenditure shown by Power Asia is 700 % more !

Though a complaint was lodged with the FCID pertaining to this massive fraud and misappropriation , so far it had not been taken up . Because some political force may be suppressing this investigation, last Friday , Sagala Ratnayake the minister in charge of law and order summoned the chiefs of the FCID and the CID , and instructed that investigations into complaints received so far , should not be halted, and not to close any file no matter who gives instructions .

In accordance with that, attempts to avert this investigation and cover up this massive fraud , will be detrimental and not be conducive to the physical and mental health, as well as the ‘political health’ of the health minister Rajitha Seneratne and the government of good governance.

---------------------------
by (2016-06-15 14:12:48)