Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, June 11, 2016

Revealed: Cambodia's vast medieval cities hidden beneath the jungle

Exclusive: Laser technology reveals cities concealed under the earth which would have made up the world’s largest empire in 12th century

 in Siem Reap-Saturday 11 June 2016

Archaeologists in Cambodia have found multiple, previously undocumented medieval cities not far from the ancient temple city of Angkor Wat, the Guardian can reveal, in groundbreaking discoveries that promise to upend key assumptions about south-east Asia’s history.

The Australian archaeologist Dr Damian Evans, whose findings will be published in the Journal of Archaeological Science on Monday, will announce that cutting-edge airborne laser scanning technology has revealed multiple cities between 900 and 1,400 years old beneath the tropical forest floor, some of which rival the size of Cambodia’s capital, Phnom Penh.

 A fight scene depicted in detail in the bas-reliefs at the Banteay Chhmar temple complex. Photograph: Terence Carter
 There is an undiscovered city beneath Mount Kulen. Photograph: Terence Carter


Some experts believe that the recently analysed data – captured in 2015 during the most extensive airborne study ever undertaken by an archaeological project, covering 734 sq miles (1,901 sq km) – shows that the colossal, densely populated cities would have constituted the largest empire on earth at the time of its peak in the 12th century.

Evans said: “We have entire cities discovered beneath the forest that no one knew were there – at Preah Khan of Kompong Svay and, it turns out, we uncovered only a part of Mahendraparvata on Phnom Kulen [in the 2012 survey] … this time we got the whole deal and it’s big, the size of Phnom Penh big.”

A research fellow at Siem Reap’s École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO) and the architect of the Cambodian Archaeological Lidar Initiative (Cali), Evans will speak at the Royal Geographic Society in London about the findings on Monday.

Evans obtained European Research Council (ERC) funding for the project, based on the success of his first lidar (light detection and ranging) survey in Cambodia in 2012. That uncovered a complex urban landscape connecting medieval temple-cities, such as Beng Mealea and Koh Ker, to Angkor, and confirmed what archaeologists had long suspected, that there was a city beneath Mount Kulen. It was not until the results of the significantly larger 2015 survey were analysed that the size of the city was apparent.


That survey uncovered an array of discoveries, including elaborate water systems that were built hundreds of years before historians believed the technology existed. The findings are expected to challenge theories on how the Khmer empire developed, dominated the region, and declined around the 15th century, and the role of climate change and water management in that process.

“Our coverage of the post-Angkorian capitals also provides some fascinating new insights on the ‘collapse’ of Angkor,” Evans said. “There’s an idea that somehow the Thais invaded and everyone fled down south – that didn’t happen, there are no cities [revealed by the aerial survey] that they fled to. It calls into question the whole notion of an Angkorian collapse.”

The Angkor temple ruins, which sprawl across the Unesco-protected Angkor archaeological park, are the country’s top tourist destination, with the main temple-city, Angkor Wat, appearing on the Cambodian national flag. Considered the most extensive urban settlement of pre-industrial times, and boasting a highly sophisticated water management system, Angkor’s supposed decline has long occupied archaeologists.

The new cities were found by firing lasers to the ground from a helicopter to produce extremely detailed imagery of the Earth’s surface. Evans said the airborne laser scanners had also identified large numbers of mysterious geometric patterns formed from earthen embankments, which could have been gardens.

Experts in the archaeological world agree these are the most significant archaeological discoveries in recent years.

Michael Coe, emeritus professor of anthropology at Yale University and one of the world’s pre-eminent archaeologists, specialises in Angkor and the Khmer civilisation.

“I think that these airborne laser discoveries mark the greatest advance in the past 50 or even 100 years of our knowledge of Angkorian civilisation,” he said from Long Island in the US.

“I saw Angkor for the first time in 1954, when I wondered at the magnificent temples, but there was nothing to tell us who had lived in the city, where they had lived, and how such an amazing culture was supported. To a visitor, Angkor was nothing but temples and rice paddies.”

Charles Higham, research professor at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand, and the leading archaeologist of mainland south-east Asia, said it was the most exciting paper he could recall reading.

“I have been to all the sites described and at a stroke, they spring into life … it is as if a bright light has been switched on to illuminate the previous dark veil that covered these great sites,” Higham said. 

“Personally, it is wonderful to be alive as these new discoveries are being made. Emotionally, I am stunned. Intellectually, I am stimulated.”

David Chandler, emeritus professor at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia, the foremost expert on Cambodian history and the author of several books and articles on the subject, said the work was thrilling and credited Evans and his colleagues with “rewriting history”. 

Chandler said he believed it would open up a series of perspectives that would help people know more about Angkorian civilisation, and how it flourished and eventually collapsed.

“It will take time for their game-changing findings to drift into guide books, tour guides, and published histories,” Chandler said. “But their success at putting hundreds of nameless, ordinary, Khmer-speaking people back into Cambodia’s past is a giant step for anyone trying to deal with Cambodian history.”

David Kyle, an archaeologist and ecological anthropologist has conducted projects at Phnom Kulen, the location of the biggest findings, the massive city of Mahendraparvata, the size of Phnom Penh, beneath the forest floor.

He said the “survey results have revolutionised our understanding and approaches. It’s impossible not to be excited. It facilitates a paradigm shift in our comprehension of the complexity, size and the questions we can address.”

While the 2012 survey identified a sprawling, highly urbanised landscape at Greater Angkor, including rather “spectacularly” in the “downtown” area of the temple-city of Angkor Wat, the 2015 project has revealed a similar pattern of equally intense urbanism at remote archaeological ruins, including pre- and post-Angkorian sites.


Dr Peter Sharrock, who is on the south-east Asian board at London University’s School of Oriental and African Studies and has a decades-long connection to Cambodia, said the findings showed “clear data for the first time of dense populations settled in and around all ancient Khmer temples”.

“This urban and rural landscape, linked by road and canal networks, now seems to have constituted the largest empire on earth in the 12th century,” Sharrock said.

Evans, whose domain is an air-conditioned room full of computers at the French archaeological centre in Siem Reap, rather than dirt trenches at far-flung digs, is modest about his achievements and quick to credit his colleagues on the Cali project.

He said he believed the discoveries would completely upend many assumptions about the Khmer empire.
He also hoped it would bring the study of people back into the picture.

Coe, who has been to many of the places covered by the survey and has seen the imagery, said that while the 2012 survey of Phnom Kulen demonstrated what the technology could do – “it could look through the dense jungle covering these hills and reveal an unexpected city which predated Angkor itself” – the 2015 survey took this into new dimensions.

This view was shared by Dr Mitch Hendrickson, the director of the industries of Angkor project and assistant professor in the department of anthropology at the University of Illinois. He said the initial survey had been “an incredible leap forward” in archaeologists’ ability to see everything for the first time and had been “a major game-changer” in understanding how the Angkorian Khmer people built, modified and lived in their cities. But he was “stunned” by the second survey.

“The results for Preah Khan of Kompong Svay are truly remarkable and are arguably the jewel in the crown of this mission. The lidar shows us that there was much, much more,” Hendrickson said, referencing a full-blown community layout that was previously unknown. “It’s both humbling and exciting. There are so many fantastic new discoveries.”

“We knew that Preah Khan of Kompong Svay was significant before the lidar – it’s the largest complex ever built during the Angkorian period at 22 sq km, it is connected to Angkor directly by a major road fitted with infrastructure, and likely played a role in facilitating iron supply to the capital.

“The new results suggest that it may have been more important than many temples built in Angkor and that it had a decent-sized population supporting it.”

Dr Martin Polkinghorne, a research fellow in the department of archaeology at Adelaide’s Flinders University who is conducting a joint research project on Longvek and Oudong, the post-Angkorian capitals, said his team would use the data during excavations scheduled until 2019 to understand the cities.

“The decline of Angkor is among the most significant events in the history of south-east Asia, but we do not have a precise date for the event,” Polkinghorne said. “By using lidar to guide excavations on the capitals of Cambodia that followed we can determine when the kings of Angkor moved south and clarify the end of Angkor.

“Cambodia after Angkor is customarily understood in terms of loss, retreat and absence; a dark age,” he said. “Yet, Cambodia was alive with activity after Angkor. South-east Asia was the hub of international trade between east and west. Using the lidar at Longvek and Oudong in combination with conventional archaeology we will reveal the dark age as equally rich, complex and diverse.”

What is a lidar survey?

An airborne laser scanner (ALS) is mounted to a helicopter skid pad. Flying with pre-determined guidelines, including altitude, flight path and airspeed, the ALS pulses the terrain with more than 16 laser beams per square metre during flights. The time the laser pulse takes to return to the sensor determines the elevation of each individual data point.

The data downloaded from the ALS is calibrated and creates a 3D model of the information captured during the flights. In order to negate tree foliage and manmade obstacles from the data, any sudden and radical changes in ground height are mapped out, with technicians who have models of the terrain fine-tuning the thresholds in processing these data points. Once completed, the final 3D model is handed over to the archaeologists for analysis, which can take months to process into maps.

Viewpoint: How British let one million Indians die in famine


Antique print of Indian famine victims, 1885-Famine in India, 1900
Antique print of Indian famine victims, 1885India famineIndia famine victimsIndia famine
Undated picture of Indian famine victims-Undated picture of an Indian village in a famine-affected district

BBC
It has been a difficult summer for India.

Drought and a searing heat wave have affected an astonishing 330 million people across the country.

But this summer also marks the 150th anniversary of a far more terrible and catastrophic climatic event: the Orissa famine of 1866.

Hardly anyone today knows about this famine. It elicits little mention in even the densest tomes on Indian history.

There will be few, if any, solemn commemorations. Yet the Orissa famine killed over a million people in eastern India.
In modern-day Orissa state, the worst hit region, one out of every three people perished, a mortality rate far more staggering than that caused by the Irish Potato Famine.

The Orissa famine also became an important turning point in India's political development, stimulating nationalist discussions on Indian poverty. Faint echoes of these debates still resonate today amid drought-relief efforts.

Photograph of the 1900 famine in India

India famine'No relief was the best relief'

Famine, while no stranger to the subcontinent, increased in frequency and deadliness with the advent of British colonial rule.

The East India Company helped kill off India's once-robust textile industries, pushing more and more people into agriculture. This, in turn, made the Indian economy much more dependent on the whims of seasonal monsoons.

One hundred and fifty years ago, as is the case with today's drought, a weak monsoon appeared as the first ill omen.

"It can, we fear, no longer be concealed that we are on the eve of a period of general scarcity," announced the Englishman, a Calcutta newspaper, in late 1865.

The Indian and British press carried reports of rising prices, dwindling grain reserves, and the desperation of peasants no longer able to afford rice.

All of this did little to stir the colonial administration into action. In the mid-19th Century, it was common economic wisdom that government intervention in famines was unnecessary and even harmful.

 The market would restore a proper balance. Any excess deaths, according to Malthusian principles, were nature's way of responding to overpopulation.
This logic had been used with devastating effect two decades beforehand in Ireland, where the government in Britain had, for the most part, decided that no relief was the best relief.

On a flying visit to Orissa in February 1866, Cecil Beadon, the colonial governor of Bengal (which then included Orissa), staked out a similar position. "Such visitations of providence as these no government can do much either to prevent or alleviate," he pronounced.

'Too late, too rotten'

Regulating the skyrocketing grain prices would risk tampering with the natural laws of economics. "If I were to attempt to do this," the governor said, "I should consider myself no better than a dacoit or thief." 

With that, Mr Beadon deserted his emaciated subjects in Orissa and returned to Kolkata (Calcutta) and busied himself with quashing privately funded relief efforts.

In May 1866, it was no longer easy to ignore the mounting catastrophe in Orissa. British administrators in Cuttack found their troops and police officers starving. The remaining inhabitants of Puri were carving out trenches in which to pile the dead. "For miles round you heard their yell for food," commented one observer.

As more chilling accounts trickled into Calcutta and London, Mr Beadon made a belated attempt to import rice into Orissa. It was, with cruel irony, hindered by an overabundant monsoon and flooding. 
Relief was too little, too late, too rotten. Orissans paid with their lives for bureaucratic foot-dragging.

For years, a rising generation of western-educated Indians had alleged that British rule was grossly impoverishing India. The Orissa famine served as eye-popping proof of this thesis. It prompted one early nationalist, Dadabhai Naoroji, to begin his lifelong investigations into Indian poverty.

As the famine abated in early 1867, Mr Naoroji sketched out the earliest version of his "drain theory"—the idea that Britain was enriching itself by literally sucking the lifeblood out of India.

"Security of life and property we have better in these times, no doubt," he conceded. "But the destruction of a million and a half lives in one famine is a strange illustration of the worth of the life and property thus secured."

Indifferent response

His point was simple. India had enough food supplies to feed the starving - why had the government instead let them die? While Orissans perished in droves in 1866, Mr Naoroji noted that India had actually exported over 200m pounds of rice to Britain. He discovered a similar pattern of mass exportation during other famine years. "Good God," Mr Naoroji declared, "when will this end?"

It did not end anytime soon. Famines recurred in 1869 and 1874. Between 1876 and 1878, during the Madras famine, anywhere from four to five million people perished after the viceroy, Lord Lytton, adopted a hands-off approach similar to that employed in Ireland and Orissa.

By 1901, Romesh Chunder Dutt, another leading nationalist, enumerated 10 mass famines since the 1860s, setting the total death toll at a whopping 15 million. Indians were now so poor - and the government so indifferent in its response - that, he stated, "every year of drought was a year of famine."

A wealthier, less agriculturally dependent India is now able to ensure that this does not happen. 

Significant problems remain: the Indian Supreme Court recently upbraided some state governments for their "ostrich-like attitude" towards the current drought.

For such reasons, it is all the more important to remember the Orissa Famine today. This humanitarian disaster, and the others that followed, galvanized Indians into fighting against British colonial rule.

Framing and implementing a robust national drought policy, as the Supreme Court has ordered, will be a fitting way to commemorate the million Indians who perished 150 years ago.

What does Global Peace look like in 2016?

The Global Peace Index Records a Historically Less Peaceful and More Unequal World #GPI2016
The Global Peace Index ranks 163 countries from most peaceful to least peaceful


In the tenth edition of the annual Global Peace Index (GPI), the Institute for Economics and Peace has analysed the state of peace in 163 independent states and territories, covering 99.7% of the world’s population.
This year, findings indicate that the world is becoming less peaceful and the gap between the most and least peaceful countries continues to widen. The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has seen the lowest levels of peace for the second year in a row and is largely driving the continued global decline in peace that’s been occurring over the last decade. In contrast, many countries outside MENA have recorded high levels of peacefulness.

Economics & PeaceThe economic cost of violence in 2015 was $13.6 trillion (PPP). This is equivalent to 13.3% of World GDP and is 11 times the size of global foreign direct investment. The analysis shows that the economic losses from conflict dwarf the expenditures and investments in peacekeeping and peacebuilding; $742 billion compared to $15 billion.

Investment in peacekeeping and peacebuilding has increased from 2014 to 2015, but it still only represents two per cent of the global economic losses from conflict.

Deaths from terrorism have increased to an all-time high, battle deaths from conflict are at a 25 year high and the number of refugees and displaced people are at a level not seen in sixty years. Since 2008, deaths from terrorism have nearly tripled.

However, the trends over the past decade are not uniformly negative.

Today, 77 countries are more peaceful than ten years ago, with some at their most peaceful in history. Iceland is once again the world’s most peaceful country; Denmark, Austria, and New Zealand follow closely behind and Portugal joins the top five for the first time.

There has been a renewed effort by the international community to provide timely support to peacekeeping operations, including a 12 per cent improvement in UN peacekeeping funding. There are also more deployed peacekeepers as a result of this improvement, reflecting the global commitment to peacekeeping and global peace and security.

In addition, overall global military spending has decreased in the last three years and 106 out of 163 countries measured in the GPI reduced their military expenditure as a percentage of GDP.

This year, UN member states have formally recognised the critical nature of peacefulness in advancing global development by including Goal 16 in the Sustainable Development Goals. Goal 16 relates to the promotion of peace, justice and strong institutions and is a positive, practical step forward. However more data is needed. It will take significant time and investment for National Statistical Offices to develop the necessary statistical capacity to measure Goal 16 but in the meantime, third party initiatives will be required to fill the data gaps and act as a source of independent verification for the National Statistical Offices.

For more on the Global Peace Index and to view data for 163 countries please visit our interactive website, or connect with us on FacebookTwitter andInstagram. #GPI2016
Written by Sarah Cowley

HELP PEOPLE STRUGGLING TO SURVIVE IN THE SYRIA CRISIS

SYRIA:  STOP THE BOMBING

Deliberate attacks on civilians, hospitals and other medical facilities are war crimes.

“The rocket fell on the door, killing a guard and a medical worker. I did not hear the plane or the strike. I felt an explosion, electricity cut and I woke up with a buzzing sound in my ear.” 

- Doctor al-Quds hospital where 27 staff and patients were killed

The brutal conflict in Syria has entered its sixth year with no end in sight. Thirty-five people “disappear” every day. Five people are killed every hour. And every twenty seconds another Syrian is forced to flee their home. This is now the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophe.

Intensified Syrian government air strikes have killed hundreds more civilians, including children, in a matter of weeks. Russian and Syrian government forces have systematically targeted hospitals in opposition-controlled areas around Aleppo as a strategy of war.

THE PEOPLE OF SYRIA
HAVE SUFFERED ENOUGH.


Several areas remain under siege in Syria, with nothing moving in or out for months and even years. Starvation is being used as a weapon of war by both the Syrian government and armed groups.

The city of Daraya outside Damascus, besieged for over three years and cut off from any humanitarian aid, has also endured thousands of indiscriminate barrel bombs -- deadly weapons fashioned out of oil barrels, fuel tanks or gas cylinders packed with explosives, fuel, and metal fragments and dropped from helicopters and planes. The city’s only remaining field hospital has been targeted 15 times by government forces.

These are war crimes. The international community cannot continue to make excuses for their inaction.

LEARN MORE 

Plans for full-body transplant in China cause concern

The first patient and his family are hopeful but medical experts say the idea is “at best premature, at worst reckless.

Dr. Ren Xiaoping, an orthopedic surgeon at Harbin Medical University, is proposing a full-body transplant operation.

By Sat., June 11, 2016
HARBIN, China — Six years ago, Wang Huanming was paralyzed from the neck down after being injured wrestling with a friend. Today, he hopes he has found the answer to walking again: a new body for his head.
Wang, a 62-year-old retired gas company worker, is one of several people in China who have volunteered for a body transplant at a hospital in the northern Chinese city of Harbin.
The idea for a body transplant is the kind of thinking that has experts around the world alarmed at how far China is pushing the ethical and practical limits of science. Such a transplant is impossible, at least for now, according to leading doctors and experts, including some in China, who point to the difficulty of connecting nerves in the spinal cord. Failure would mean the death of the patient.
The orthopedic surgeon proposing the operation, Dr. Ren Xiaoping of Harbin Medical University, who assisted in the first hand transplant in the United States in 1999, said he would not be deterred. In an interview, Ren said that he was building a team, that research was underway and that the operation would take place “when we are ready.”
His plan: Remove two heads from two bodies, connect the blood vessels of the body of the deceased donor and the recipient head, insert a metal plate to stabilize the new neck, bathe the spinal cord nerve endings in a glue-like substance to aid regrowth, and finally sew up the skin.
“For most people, it’s at best premature and at worst reckless,” said Dr. James L. Bernat, a professor of neurology and medicine at the Geisel School of Medicine of Dartmouth College.
Some Chinese researchers are also concerned that the experimentation is going too far, too fast.
“I don’t want to see China’s scholars, transplant doctors and scientists deepening the impression that people have of us internationally, that when Chinese people do things they have no bottom line — that anything goes,” said Cong Yali, a medical ethicist at Peking University, referring to Ren’s plans.
Amid the medical and ethical uncertainties, Wang and his family cling to hope.
“A medical procedure that sounds impossible may save us,” his daughter, Wang Zhi, 34, said.

Friday, June 10, 2016

IPI concerned by attack on Sri Lanka editor

First physical attack against journalist under Sirisena presidency brings new challenges

Placards placed by journalists bearing the names and faces of several killed or disappeared colleagues during a protest titled ‘Black January’ in Colombo, Sri Lanka on Jan. 21, 2016. The journalists held the protest to remember a series of attacks against journalists during the month of January in recent years. 
EPA/M.A.PUSHPA KUMARA

International Press InstituteIPI Contributor Katy Witkowski-Jun 9, 2016

The International Press institute (IPI) today called on Sri Lanka’s government to bring to justice those behind the recent beating of a journalist who was attacked and struck in the head with a pole.

Freddy Gamage, editor of website Meepura and convener of Sri Lanka’s Professional Web Journalists Association was walking towards his car after covering a Negombo City Municipal Committee meeting last Thursday when two people wearing full-face helmets attacked him.

The attackers fled the scene on a motorcycle without license plates, according to local news reports. Gamage was treated at a local hospital for the injuries he sustained and said he continues to feel the ill effects of the attack.

Gamage has exposed alleged corruption by the Lanza family, which is politically active in Negombo, including possible connections to black market trading. He claimed that two brothers, Nimal and Dayan Lanza, are the masterminds behind the attack, saying they previously threatened him for his reporting.

“In 2009, [Nimal Lanza] called me at my office and said if I’m going to continue writing about them, he would kill me,” Gamage told IPI. “I went into hiding for one month.”

Authorities have arrested two suspects in the attack, but police told Gamage that there is not enough evidence to hold the Lanzas responsible. However, police did note that one alleged attacker currently in custody received 16 calls from Dayan Lanza on the day of the incident.

“My fear is that this family is very powerful,” Gamage told IPI. “[Dayan Lanza] is a very close ally of the past president, and his elements are still operating through the government itself now.”

Media personnel and local human rights groups have protested the attack, calling on the authorities to arrest all involved. IPI today echoed those calls.

“Although the current government has made strides forward in terms of media freedom, the attack on Mr. Gamage is disturbing and we call on authorities to conduct a full investigation and hold all involved, including any masterminds, to account,” IPI Director of Advocacy and Communications Steven M. Ellis said. “We also urge authorities not to allow the presidency of Maithripala Sirisena, who took office last year amid high hopes, to be marked by the same impunity for crimes against journalists that characterised his predecessor’s tenure.”

In a separate incident after the attack, Gamage said that he noticed suspicious people who “rushed” towards him as he left his office.

“They’re trying to make me fear because they think I can stop moving with the case,” he explained, adding that he is now considering a “mobile” life in which he never travels alone, changes vehicles often and sleeps in different places.

Sri Lanka was ravaged by civil war for nearly 26 years, as ethnic Tamil rebels maintained an insurgency against the government until 2009. Both rebels and the authorities had a negative impact on press freedom, and media outlets faced censorship and targeted attacks as conflict ebbed and flowed.

While former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who was ousted in a surprise election defeat in 2015, was able to bring about an end to the civil war, his government regularly intimidated and threatened journalists. Following Sirisena’s election, media freedom defenders expressed hope that the new government would institute widespread reforms.

Gamage said he actively participates in forming a coalition of politicians, media personnel, military and police officers in order to create mechanisms by which journalists can consult representatives from the authorities and find protection. However, much remains to be done. Tamil journalists continue to face threats and attacks in the northern and eastern areas of the island.

Moreover, Sri Lanka’s inspector general dismissed a media representative to whom journalists could lodge complaints, but he has yet to appoint a replacement. Impunity persists, as investigations of murdered journalists have largely stagnated. Gamage told IPI that he works on a campaign that aims to keep these journalists’ cases from falling through the cracks by commemorating each on the anniversary of their deaths. However, in many of those cases police have made little progress.

The Constitution We Need


Colombo TelegraphBy Veluppillai Thangavelu –June 10, 2016
Veluppillai Thangavelu
Veluppillai Thangavelu
Sri Lanka is in the process of framing a new constitution. A resolution submitted by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe seeking parliamentary approval for the appointment of a constitutional assembly was adopted unanimously on March 10, 2016.
The original resolution underwent significant amendments proposed by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the Joint Opposition and the Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP). This is the third attempt at constitution making since independence in 1948. The last Constitution which gave birth to a Presidential system of government was introduced by J.R. Jayewardene. It came into effect on February 4, 1978 and since then has undergone 19 amendments during the last 38 years.
The new constitution, inter-alia, is aimed mainly at (a) Reforming the electoral system, (b) Abolishing the Executive Presidency, and (c) Finding a solution to the ethnic problem  through various forms of devolution.
The Government appointed a Public Representation Committee (PRC) to obtain the views of civil society, institutions and individuals outside the elected parliament. The PRC has since submitted its report to the government in all three languages.
Constitutional making is not going to be easy as evidenced by the inadequacy of the 1972 and 1978 constitutions. These constitutions reflected the narrow political philosophy of   the then leaders of the SLFP and the United National Party. Mrs. Srimavo Bandaranaike wanted to vest power in the hands of the majority Sinhala – Buddhists at the expense of other national minorities. J.R. Jayewardene who was an ardent admirer of American President Dwight Eisenhower and French Charles De Gaulle always dreamt of introducing an executive presidency in Sri Lanka.
In 1971, he moved a resolution in the Constituent Assembly in support of an executive presidency. The resolution was rejected, but when his chance came in 1977, he ditched the 1972 constitution in favour of an executive Presidential style government. J.R. Jayewardene became a constitutional dictator under his 1978 constitution. He boasted that he can do anything except making a man a woman or vice versa.
His successors made full use of the executive powers of the President to the extent of subverting parliament and undermining the independence and powers of the judiciary. Ironically, Mahinda Rajapaksa who came to power promising to abolish executive presidential system made full use of the same system. He became an authoritarian ruler, especially after the 18th Amendment.
In short, both the Republican Constitution of 1972 and 1978 were fundamentally flawed concentrating power in the hands of single individuals and failed to protect and safeguard fundamental democratic values and principles. The 1972 Republican constitution ditched the Soulbury constitution by conferring   constitutional status to the Sinhala Only Act, giving the religion of the majority foremost place and declaring Sri Lanka a unitary state. These provisions were almost reproduced verbatim in the 1978 constitution by J.R. Jayewardene.

US CONGRESS COMMITTEE DISAPPOINTED LANKA HAS REJECTED FOREIGN JUDGES

us2


Sri Lanka Brief10/06/2016

(Nimmi Gowrinathan, Visiting Professor at the Colin Powell Center for Civic and Global Leadership in New York, making her statement)

Mark Feierstein, Roberta Jacobson, Matt SalmonA US Congress committee on foreign relations has expressed disappointment at President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s decision to reject foreign judges in the domestic accountability process on the war.

The views were expressed when the Congress Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific met to discuss Sri Lanka.

Committee chairman Matt Salmon noted the negative impact the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime had on US-Sri Lanka relations and the progress made in Sri Lanka after January 8 last year.

However he noted that there still remains some concerns on Sri Lanka even after January 8 last year, including on the failure to agree to foreign judges to be part of the domestic accountability process in the war.

Salmon also raised concerns on Sri Lanka’s relationship with China, including the construction of a port city in Colombo with Chinese funds.

The discussion on Sri Lanka was held under the topic “Sri Lanka’s Democratic Transition: A New Era for the US-Sri Lanka Relationship”.

Statements were made at the discussion by Ms. Lisa Curtis, Senior Research Fellow at the Asian Studies Center at the Davis Institute for National Security and Foreign Policy of the The Heritage Foundation and by Ms. Kara L. Bue, Founding Partner at Armitage International and Nimmi Gowrinathan, Visiting Professor at the Colin Powell Center for Civic and Global Leadership in New York.

In her statement, Kara L. Bue said that the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2015 that brought President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe into power have resulted in a paradigm shift away from the authoritarian and chauvinistic rule of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to a reform-minded era focused on good governance and reconciliation.

This shift, she said, also has effectively ended Sri Lanka’s 10-year self-imposed exile from the international community.

“Presently, the international community is largely focused on the Geneva human rights process. While important, greater economic opportunity and development are both key pieces of any peace dividend and should be supported. Sri Lankan government officials have discussed the need for an international donor’s conference for development in the North and East akin to the 2003 Tokyo’s Donor Conference. Consideration should be given to such an effort,” she added.

Armitage International was formed in March 2005 by Richard L. Armitage, former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State.

He was in Sri Lanka recently where he met the Government and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA).(Colombo Gazette)



















10 June 2016

Exiled Tamil victims who survived the final stages of the armed conflict on the island have called for international judges to participate in an accountability mechanism for mass atrocities, in a new report by the International Truth and Justice Project.

Launched on Friday, the report clearly identified the top priority of the victims as criminal accountability, including “the prosecution of those who were in positions of superior and command responsibility”.

The victims stated they would testify by video to a special court in Sri Lanka only if international judges were involved and their identities protected.

“These findings have huge implications for the design of the transitional justice mechanisms in Sri Lanka,” said Yasmin Sooka. “It’s important that thousands of Tamils who’ve fled Sri Lanka have a voice, especially as some are the only known surviving witnesses to alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity”.

“Donors, the international community and the Government of Sri Lanka must take note and facilitate the participation of these victims,” she said in a press release.

The ITJP study, based on interviews with75 Tamil victims in four different European countries, also laid out a list of recommendations, including a range of confidence building measures.

“A common thread in all interviews conducted is the total lack of trust in the State and its institutions,” it said. “This distrust and betrayal has been exacerbated over the years by the ongoing violations and the continued military occupation of the North and East of Sri Lanka.”

Speaking on recent measures taken by the Sri Lankan government, Ms Sooka said,
“The recent publication of Sri Lanka’s law establishing an Office of Missing Persons without input from the families of victims and civil society is contrary to the spirit of the UN resolution and the normative framework for participation and consultation”.
“The Sri Lankan law is problematic as it does not deal with the criminal aspects of enforced disappearances,” she added.

“What is often under-reported is the extent of violations inflicted on the entire family, be it torture, reprisals or extortion. Worryingly several people reported that their families were still being harassed or threatened after the change of government in Sri Lanka in 2015 and this cannot create a conducive atmosphere in which to conduct national consultations.”

See the full text of the report here