Tata Steel: secret plan to rewrite pension law

Tata Steel: secret plan to rewrite pension law

A Government row has erupted over a secret plan to re-write pension law after Indian conglomerate, Tata, demanded members’ benefits be cut.

Wednesday 25 May 2016

The disagreement has emerged as Business Secretary Sajid Javid met Tata bosses in Mumbai. 

Steelworkers had hoped there would be an announcement about a shortlist of buyers but the parent company just said it would now take some more time to evaluate bids.

Sources suggest this move could preempt a decision by Tata to keep its investment in the UK and abandon the sales process, which the Government has been pressing for.

It is understood that the Department for Work and Pensions “is not comfortable” with the possible proposal being spearheaded by Mr Javid that would change pension rules to persuade Tata to hold its investment.

It is understood that the Prime Minister has signed off on what could amount to a far-reaching change in pensions law despite the objections from DWP and reservations of Treasury. The split could be hugely damaging for Mr Javid, who is running out of time to rescue Tata Steel, which employs 15,000 people in Britain.

Number 10 said they recognised the fact that the pension was a challenge and they were exploring all options, but would not comment specifically on ongoing policy discussions or speculation about a row.

People involved in the discussions say the law could become a Pandora’s box with “dangerous implications” for all UK pension schemes and employees. Insiders complain “Tata is holding a gun to Government’s head” and trying to “circumvent the proper mechanisms”.

“It would be wholly irresponsible to tear up the law just to please one foreign owner,” said one senior Government source.

If the law is changed for Tata then other companies could agitate for similar reductions in members’ benefits, which would affect most of the UK working population. Companies like BHS and Sir Philip Green would be tempted to ask why this reduction in pension liabilities couldn’t be applied to them.

If the Government decided to go ahead with the plan, a consultation period would need to be launched seeking to cut the scheme’s long-term liabilities by benchmarking it to the consumer price index (CPI) rather than the retail price index (RPI), which is higher.  This was already done for state pensions in 2010.

The exact details of the scheme are not clear but this could shave billions of pounds from ongoing costs and mean a haircut of around 10 per cent to members.

Tata would also want the Government to guarantee the scheme, which would represent a major shift in the current stance. While the Government has done this for Royal Mail in the past it was thought unlikely it could justify using taxpayers’ money to guarantee the Tata Steel pension scheme, which is valued at £14bn.

“Do we have a pension protection scheme or not?” said the source, referring to the Pension Protection Fund, which is a levy system that rescues schemes in trouble. Under the PPF the haircut to Tata’s scheme would be more acute.

Roy Rickhuss, general secretary of union Community, said that while it was an “unmitigated disaster for BSPF (British Steel Pension Scheme) to go into PPF”, it was important that decisions aren’t made that have more serious consequences. “We would not want the law to be changed here as it would set a dangerous precedent,” he said.

Tata has said it has had seven expressions of interest from bidders and is hoping today to announce two or three “preferred bidders” will be taken into a second round.

“Sajid promised Tata something – and this is something,” said the inside source.

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Hundreds pulled from sea as ship capsizes off Libyan coast

Fears death toll could rise with seven bodies recovered already after 6,000 people rescued by Libyan and Italian authorities in past three days 

Migrants and refugees rescued this week off Libyan coast wait for a meal (AFP)

 Wednesday 25 May 2016

About 600 people have been pulled from the sea off the Libyan coast after an overcrowded boat overturned, the Italian navy said on Wednesday.

But seven bodies have been recovered in the incident and the death toll could yet rise with the rescue operation continuing.

The navy's Bettica patrol vessel spotted "a boat in precarious conditions off the coast of Libya with numerous migrants aboard," it said in a statement.

"Shortly afterwards, the boat overturned due to overcrowding. The Bettica, which had arrived nearby, threw life-rafts and jackets" to the people in the water, while another navy ship in the area sent a helicopter and rescue boats.

Middle East Eye's Simona Sikimic in the Sicilian port of Palermo reported on Wednesday that 1,053 people including 260 unaccompanied children had arrived there aboard a rescue ship.

Ambulances were gathered at the port as several pregnant passengers and others in wheelchairs were taken off the ship. Several people, alleged to have smuggled the passengers, were arrested at the scene and could face 10 years in jail.

Aid sources in Palermo tell MEE that facilities in Palermo for unaccompanied minors are already at full capacity.

The latest arrivals bring the number of people rescued and brought to Italy since the start of the year to nearly 40,000, according to data released by the UN's refugee agency (UNHCR) earlier this week.

Some 5,600 people were rescued from the Mediterranean on Monday and Tuesday with at least 2,800, rescued by Libyan authorities and returned to the North African country, according to a report in Italian daily La Repubblica.

The surge of people comes as conditions on the Mediterranean have lulled following a spate of rough weather and further landings are expected in the next 24 hours, said our correspondent. 

The nationalities of those rescued were not immediately available although the overwhelming majority of those arriving in Italy so far this year have been from sub-Saharan Africa.

Officials say there is no sign yet of Middle Eastern refugees switching to the Libyan route to Europe following moves to restrict access from Turkey via the Greek islands.

Earlier this month, a British parliamentary committee said the EU's naval mission to combat people trafficking off Libya - called Operation Sophia - was "failing" and succeeded only in forcing people smugglers to change tactics.

The operation, the committee said, "does not in any meaningful way deter the flow of migrants, disrupt the smugglers' networks or impede the business of people smuggling on the central Mediterranean route".

The operation's destruction of wooden boots has also encouraged smugglers to use rubber dinghies, which has put travellers at great risk, the committee's report said.

UN expert calls for tax on meat production

People could be deterred from eating meat by increasing its price further up the supply chain, stemming rise in consumption and environmental damage

 Pig meat consumption will rise significantly by 2020 in China, the IRP report shows. Photograph: View China Photo / Rex Features

Adam Vaughan in Nairobi-Wednesday 25 May 2016

Governments should tax meat production in order to stem the global rise in consumption and the environmental damage that goes with it, according to a UN expert.

The world faces serious environmental problems if emerging economies such as China emulate Americans and Europeans in the amount of meat they eat, Prof Maarten Hajer, the lead author of a report into the impact of food production and the environment, told the UN environment assembly in Nairobi.

“If we were all to copycat the way in which we feed ourselves in North America or Europe [with meat], the planet would be in deep trouble,” he said.

Hajer stopped short of calling for a tax on meat sold in supermarkets and shops, but he said people could be deterred from eating meat by increasing its price further up the supply chain.

“We think it’s better to price meats earlier in the chain, it’s easier. It’s sexier to tax it at the consumer level, but not as effective,” said Hajer, a member of the International Resource Panel (IRP), which comprises 34 top scientists and 30 governments.

The IRP report which was released on Wednesday predicts a 20% rise in chicken and dairy consumption, and 14% increase in pig and beef over the next 10 years. The authors called on governments to push their citizens to eat less meat to avoid the accompanying “disproportionate environmental costs”, although the report itself does not advocate any policy options.

It found that the food farmed and transported to feed 7 billion people is responsible for 24% of greenhouse gas emissions, and 60% of the loss of species around the world. “This report shows our current food system has to change because it’s not sustainable,” said Hajer.

“Dealing with consumer choices is an extremely touchy issue, but you have to deal with it, because there will consequences,” said Janez Potočnik, co-chair at the IRP and former EU environment commissioner. “The time is coming when we will not be able to sweep it any more under the carpet.”

Henk Westhoek, a co-author of the report, said it was not just governments that should encourage people to eat less meat on environmental grounds, but supermarkets and big food companies. “Once they provide better alternatives, not just in meat alternatives, but in menus, they would reduce meat consumption in western societies,” he said.

The report highlighted data that shows pig meat consumption rising significantly by 2020 in China, and a big increase in poultry consumption in Indonesia, the EU and North America.

But overall meat consumption in sub-Saharan Africa is expected to stay static, along with India, where little growth is expected for cultural and religious reasons.

The IPR laid out a series of recommendations for governments to make food production more sustainable, including less meat consumption, cutting out food waste and reconnecting city dwellers with the farms and places where their food is grown.

'Thousands miss out' on surgery for type-2 diabetes

By Smitha Mundasad-24 May 2016

Thousands of people with type-2 diabetes in the UK are missing out on obesity surgery that would slash blood sugars and even lead to remission in some cases, a team of experts say.

Leading surgeon Prof Francesco Rubino described the gut operation as "the closest thing to a cure" available.

UK guidelines already recommend the surgery for some patients.

But experts argue the guidance needs to be expanded and made more prominent, as most doctors do not offer it.

'Biggest changes'

About three million people in the UK have type-2 diabetes, which can lead to serious complications, including kidney failure, blindness and heart disease.

The team predict up to 100,000 obese diabetic patients - including those who are only mildly obese and have already tried medication and lifestyle changes - could benefit from the surgery, which involves removing part of the stomach or re-routing the gut.

But they estimate fewer than 6,000 bariatric operations were carried out for type-2 diabetes last year.

They looked at a growing body of evidence that suggests the treatment - traditionally used for weight-loss - not only reduces weight but also alters gut hormones and the lining of the gut to get blood sugars under control.

This reduces the need for daily drugs or insulin injections and leads to a period of remission in more than a third of cases, experts say.

---

'I lost three stone'

Anne Mulvaney, aged 51, from London, said the surgery had given her a lifeline.

She was diagnosed with type 2 diabetes four years ago and her weight climbed to 19 stone (120 kg).

She tried to lose weight but she says it was nearly impossible. She was offered surgery in March, when taking anti-diabetic medication every day.

Three months later she is now 15.6 stone (99kg) and though not yet what doctors would consider an ideal weight, she no longer has to take drugs to keep her blood sugar under control.

She said: "Before the operation I no energy and was thirsty all the time.

"Now I have lots of energy, don't crave sugar anymore and can exercise without getting breathless as quickly.

"But it is not a quick fix. You have to be dedicated and make changes. The whole process, including seeing a psychologist, took about two years.

"It feels a bit like a corset that gets tight when you have a spoonful too much.

"I don't eat as much as I used to now - but I don't get hungry.

"I definitely don't regret it - it has given me a new lease of life."

Scientists argue the operations - which cost about £6,000 in established centres - would pay for themselves within two years, by cutting the cost of drugs and the expense of treating diabetic complications.

They say the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) needs to make this option explicit in their diabetes guidance and to expand it to ensure long-term diabetics on the cusp of obesity are also considered.

'Needless barriers'

Prof Rubino, co-author of the report and a surgeon at King's College London, said: "Surgery represents a radical departure from conventional approaches to diabetes.

"The new guidelines effectively introduce, both conceptually and practically, one of the biggest changes for diabetes care in modern times."

Meanwhile Prof Mark Baker, at NICE, said the paper appeared to be broadly in line with the updated NICE guideline on obesity.

But Simon O'Neill at charity Diabetes UK, said: "Many people who stand to benefit from this potentially life-saving treatment are missing out due to needless barriers to obesity surgery services.

"Even people who meet the criteria for the surgery are made to wait too long."

In a joint statement, endorsed by 45 international organisations and published in the journal Diabetes Care, experts put out a global call for surgery to be seen as a standard part of diabetes treatment in certain cases.

The guidelines emerged at a summit organised by charity Diabetes UK, the American Diabetes Association, International Diabetes Federation, Chinese Diabetes Society and Diabetes India.

US working with Sri Lanka to implement HRC resolution - Nisha Biswal

 24 May 2016

Sri Lanka has the opportunity to promote human rights and accountability, as the US works with the country to implement the UN Human Rights Council resolution passed in October 2015, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia Nisha Biswal told a congressional hearing.

Testifying at a Asia and Pacific subcommittee hearing on 2017's budget priorities in South Asia, Ms Biswal said that diplomatic relations between the countries are at an all time high.

"[Our] bilateral relationship has been transformed over the past year, thanks to a unity government led by a president and prime minister that are committed to reforms that can benefit all Sri Lankans. Sri Lanka now has the opportunity to assume its rightful place as a leader in the international community, one that contributes to the global economy; promotes human rights, accountability, transitional justice, and democracy; and that helps to uphold international law," she said in her opening remarks at the hearing on May 10.

The chair of the subcommittee, Rep Matt Salmon said the 2017 budget request for Sri Lanka was a ten-fold increase from previous years, now at $39.8 million and asked the assistant secretary how the increase would work towards bolstering democratic change, and strengthening civil society organisations.

Ranking member Rep Brad Sherman also questioned Ms Biswal, asking her about the pace of reforms. "As I talk to those from the Tamil community I see that progress could be moving forward more quickly toward giving more local power to local to local officials and withdrawing the military from the North-East," the Californian Democrat said.

Ms Biswal said that there had been a "sea change between what the environment and the perception was in Sri Lanka amongst the Tamil and other minority populations", since President Sirisena came into power.

"[It] is and continues to be a work in progress. There are many, many areas where we want to see more actions and more progress, but we do see a commitment and a steady sense of actions from the government, including on the return of land over 3800 acres of land have been returned from military to the original land owners," the assistant secretary said.

"We have seen the government take steps to start looking at constitutional reform by convening its parliament as a constitutional assembly; we have seen for the first time a Tamil leader named as the opposition leader in parliament; in May the UN Special Rapporteurs on Judicial Independence and Torture were welcomed to Sri Lanka, both of whom were denied entry by the previous government; and the government has shown itself willing to examine both the progress and the shortcomings and to engage in an honest and open dialogue on what it needs to do," she further said, mistakenly referring to Mr Sampanthan as the first Tamil opposition leader. Appathurai Amirthalingam was in fact the first Tamil opposition leader in 1977.

"We need to see some more progress on things like the establishment of a commission on missing persons; we'd like to see them take a look at their PTA and to see how it can be revised or reformed in light of changing circumstances on the ground so that civil liberties can be ensured, and many other things that I think we'd like to see greater progress on but we are encouraged by the fact that there seems to be a commitment to move forward."

See Nisha Biswal's opening remarks in full below:

"I will now turn to Sri Lanka, where our bilateral relationship has been transformed over the past year, thanks to a unity government led by a president and prime minister that are committed to reforms that can benefit all Sri Lankans. Sri Lanka now has the opportunity to assume its rightful place as a leader in the international community, one that contributes to the global economy; promotes human rights, accountability, transitional justice, and democracy; and that helps to uphold international law. Sri Lanka’s strategic position in the Indian Ocean makes it a key player in regional efforts to ensure maritime security, protect freedom of navigation, and respond to natural disasters. And its natural ports, abundant resources, and entrepreneurial people all mean enormous potential for economic growth and connectivity. With all of these factors in mind, our FY 2017 budget request of $39.8 million will support the government’s reforms to stimulate trade and investment, improve governance and human rights, and pursue reconciliation and accountability.

"Our diplomatic relations are at an all-time high, and we are now working with Sri Lanka to implement the steps agreed to in the resolution we jointly sponsored at the UN Human Rights Council last year. We also support reconciliation through our public diplomacy programs, such as by teaching English, which serves as a linking language between Sri Lankan Sinhalese and Tamil communities. Embassy Colombo is also working to strengthen Sri Lanka’s media environment through training for journalists on access to information, increasing diversity in types of stories covered, and improving English language skills.

"This past month, we launched the U.S.-Sri Lanka Partnership Dialogue, which expanded and reinforced our cooperation in development, governance, energy, trade, and security. And our approach to make Sri Lanka’s economy stronger is truly whole-of government. The USTR just hosted the U.S.-Sri Lanka Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) Council Meeting at the end of April. 

Through the Department of Commerce, we train Sri Lankan business leaders and government officials in best practices for their nascent tourism industry, which is on track to have a banner year. And the Treasury Department will soon embed an advisor in Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Finance, who will assist the ministry with public financial management reforms for the next two years."

Government reform initiatives pick up speed

By Jehan Perera-May 23, 2016, 7:56 pm 

In October 2015 the government surprised virtually everyone regardless of political spectrum, and friend and foe, when it co-sponsored the resolution on Sri Lanka by the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. From the time that the war ended in 2009 onwards Sri Lanka came under pressure by this international body to investigate charges that massive violations of human rights had taken place in the closing stages of the war, which included war crimes. Together with crimes against humanity and genocide, war crimes constitute the triumvirate of international crimes for which there can be no amnesty according to current international standards. It may be a recognition of this that drives the opposition to insist that its leaders may face the electric chair.

Prior to October 2015, the Sri Lankan government headed by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa had resisted the international calls for accountability for past violations of human rights and international crimes. It strenuously denied the allegations and sought to mobilize international support in its favour. Although the government succeeded in 2009 due to the willingness of the majority of countries at the UNHRC to give the government the benefit of time to work out a solution this victory was shortlived. Thereafter on every occasion that Sri Lanka opposed the resolutions against it in Geneva, it lost and not surprisingly as the US itself led the campaign against the Sri Lankan government.

The co-sponsoring of the UNHRC resolution by both Sri Lanka and the international community was a victory for the government as it took the issue of dealing with the past out of the realm of contestation and fault finding to that of cooperation and accommodation. Immediately the pressure put on the government by the international community was reduced. The October 2015 resolution was also broadened to include a series of issues that went beyond a narrow focus on accountability for war crimes. That resolution can be described as fulfilling the requirements for transitional justice in terms of international standards that are promoted by the UN as a matter of principle, not to punish countries but to ensure that they find sustainable solutions to their problems.

INTERNATIONAL

FRAMEWORK

In the international framework, transitional justice refers to the movement from a situation of mass violations of human rights and autocratic governance to a situation of peace and good governance. In this context there is a broad understanding of the different forms of justice, including criminal trials, but also restorative justice. In the UN system, transitional justice means the "full range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society’s attempt to come to terms with a legacy of large scale past abuses in order to ensure accountability, serve justice and achieve reconciliation." (www.unrol.org/files/TJ_Guidance_Vote_Marhc_2010Final.pdf)

When societies that have experienced long periods of conflict and human rights violations on a mass scale make the transition to a period where these are much reduced, it is important to sustain the process. The international community, and in particular the UN and its agencies, have identified several of the transition processes that could lead to sustainable improvement. In October 2009, the UN Human Rights Council issued a resolution on the UN’s approach to transitional justice that highlighted the need for a comprehensive strategy that incorporates both judicial and non-judicial measures. These transitional justice strategies are meant to prevent the recurrence of human rights violations and authoritarian rule.

The UNHRC resolution (12/1 Human Rights and Transitional Justice, A/HRC/RES/R/ 1 Oct 09) stated the importance of

1. Truth seeking process that investigates patterns of past human rights violations and their causes and consequences can complement judicial processes

2. States have a responsibility to prosecute those responsible for gross violations of human rights and serious violations of international humanitarian law

3. Peace agreements endorsed by the UN can never promise amnesty for genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and gross violations of human rights

4. Ensure that discrimination, the root causes of conflict and violations of all human rights are addressed.

Transitional justice may be divided into retributive justice and restorative justice. Retributive justice is primarily about punishment after investigation, trials and prosecution which lead some kind of penalty. On the other hand, restorative justice seeks to focus on the needs of the victims and the larger community. It also has the goal of promoting political, economic and legal reform. The most prominent example of restorative justice is the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission after apartheid in the mid 1990s. However, there are many who argue that without retribution in which perpetrators of crimes are held accountable and punished, there can be no stop to impunity in the future. Sri Lanka is a country that is wrestling with these issues at the present time.

FIRST FRUITS

One of the strengths of the present government is that it is a national government that comprises many key figures who were part and parcel of the former government. President Maithripala Sirisena himself held high positions in the former government, including the post of acting Minister of Defence. This combination has given the government a measure of political stability. On the other hand, it is difficult for the government to tackle issues relating to retributive or punitive justice as a priority and more emphasis is being given to restorative justice. Further, there has been concern that the forward movement has been slow.

After the change of government there have been unofficial reports that the government is working on the full range of transitional justice issues, including those of punitive justice as manifested in a judicial accountability mechanism. There have been reports that government delegations have been visiting foreign countries, and in particular South Africa and the United States but without disclosure of the contents of those discussions. It appears that the government’s concern is that any premature public discussion on what it is proposing would be used by the opposition to utilize the power of narrow nationalism to derail the government’s transitional justice initiatives.

In the past fortnight the government has been sharing the first of its transitional justice mechanisms, which is the Office of Missing Persons. This is meant to deal with the problem of disappearances, abductions and missing persons which has been dealt with in the past by a variety of governmental initiatives, the most recent of which has been the Missing Persons commission headed by Justice Paranagama. The government has called for meetings with civil society organizations active in the area and also has had a preliminary consultation with those who have been direct victims. It appears that every effort is being made to ensure that the legislation that establishes the Office of Missing Persons reaches international standards.

There are three other specific mechanisms that the government has promised, which are the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Office of Reparations and the Judicial Accountability mechanism. Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera first sketched them out in September 2015 in the run up to the UNHRC resolution of October 2015. It is reported that the government has proceeded far with these also although public consultations are yet to take place regarding them. There is reason to believe that they too will meet international standards in their legal formulation as in the case of the Office of Missing Persons. The real challenge will come at the next stage—that of implementation in the face of the past and present coming together in the government and opposition.

Some suicides are never recorded

INDRANI BALARATNAM-on 05/23/2016

[Editor’s note: This is the first of a series of poems submitted by the author as entry criteria for the Write to Reconcile Programme, which brings together emerging writers with the goal of writing fiction, memoirs or poetry on the issues of conflict, peace, reconciliation, memory and trauma in Sri Lanka, post-war.

Featured image courtesy Sltoday] 

Some suicides are never recorded.
She stared at the pill in her hand
Reflecting on all that she had done,
On all that she thought it would be.

Her family hated the Tigers:
The reconciliation of violence with freedom
Was one they could not legitimise.
Her words were her weapons,
Her books, soaked up her fire.

“Their cloth is not the same”
A polite way to reduce
A 26 year war; decades of inequality
Into nothing more
Than mere caste.

But 3 years ago, “they” became “I”
And “we” is lost
in the intensity of that cyanide.

She fought as she was taught,
Her tongue was the sword she bore every day,
Her degrees cloaked her body
With the strength to push back.

But the inequality never ceased;
The discrimination did not desist.
Her people continued to suffer, and
Her words, were losing their shudder.

Despair
Love
Suffering
Anger
Exasperation.
The catalysts that led her to join
Are the same that brought her here today,
Staring at this pill,
Wondering why it came down to this.

What she has done since joining –
It’s unthinkable.
Each ripple of suffering she caused
Shed a layer of herself, irreversibly.
Each family destroyed by her actions,
Haunts her daily existence.

The cloak that clung to her has unraveled,
The swords in her mouth are blunt.
The cyanide absorbs her pain,
The finality almost feels sane.

If she had strapped her body
To the cause in these final moments,
This suicide – her suicide –
Would surely be recorded.

End of war in Sri Lanka, but Tamils still suffering

Azman Ujang's piece: "Peace pays off for Sri Lanka" simply mimics the Sri Lankan government's propaganda about who really benefitted from the end of the country’s civil war.

By P Ramasamy-May 22, 2016

Azman Ujang’s piece titled “Peace pays off for Sri Lanka” in his column “Off the Cuff” (The Sun Daily, May 16), seems to be an exercise that is echoing the propaganda efforts of the Sri Lanka government rather than critically examining who really benefited from the end of the civil war that raged for more than 30 years.

Yes, peace dividends might have brought benefits to political elites, foreign investors and tourists but what about the locals and Tamils in particular? The civil war ended with the defeat of the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam), not a terrorist organisation, but a Tamil liberation movement.

If not for the harsh and brutal policies of the Sri Lankan government, the LTTE would not have arisen in the first place. Wanton killings of Tamils, ethnic massacres, and discrimination against Tamils in education as well as employment contributed to the rise of the liberation movement.

One can hardly talk about the dividends of peace, when major human rights issues concerning the Tamils in the north and east have not been settled yet. The call by international human rights agencies for the Sri Lanka Government to undertake reconciliation measures by accounting for the hundreds of thousands of Tamils who have gone missing, the more than one hundred thousand, mostly innocent women, children and the elderly who were killed during the height of the civil war as well as the rapes and torture inflicted on Tamil women, have not been addressed.

The new government of Maithripala Sirisena has failed to punish those responsible for war crimes. Unfortunately, despite calls by international human rights agencies including the United Nations, countries like India and the United States have shown no interest in addressing the human rights violations in Sri Lanka.

The war might have ended, but the civilian Tamil population, particularly in the north and east, are being robbed of their properties and land by the Sri Lankan armed forces. Hundreds of thousands of parcels of land belonging to Tamils have been grabbed by the armed forces in the name of security. Tamil fishermen have been refused entry to certain areas in the sea due to security impositions by the Sri Lankan navy.

Small-scale businesses owned by Tamils in the past have been taken over by organisations affiliated with the armed forces. A large number of houses owned by Tamils have come under the control of the armed forces simply by listing these properties under the security list.

Former LTTE members who underwent rehabilitation face the prospect of unemployment. The armed forces and personnel of various security agencies continually harass many of them. Tamil women continually face sexual and other forms of harassment from armed forces personnel as well. Many Tamil women, who have been widowed and are without employment have resorted to the world’s oldest profession – prostitution.

So what exactly is Azman referring to when he talks about peace dividends? One or two visits to the country do not make him an expert on the political, social and economic situation in Sri Lanka. Perhaps he should travel to the north and east to ascertain the true conditions of the Tamils there, a community that certainly is not the beneficiary of the end of the civil war.

The Sri Lankan High Commissioner to Malaysia, Ibrahim Ansar cannot be the only source of information for Azman. If Azman is a journalist, he needs to have an open mind to understand how events have unfolded in Sri Lanka over the last 30 years or so.

Can Azman tell us how Tamils benefitted from the investments by Telekoms, Maxis and Khazanah Malaysia?

There might be improved communications, frequency of flights and so on, but they have had no impact in improving the socio-economic situation of Tamils in their own homeland.

P Ramasamy is Deputy Chief Minister II of Penang.

With a firm belief in freedom of expression and without prejudice, FMT tries its best to share reliable content from third parties. Such articles are strictly the writer’s personal opinion. FMT does not necessarily endorse the views or opinions given by any third party content provider.

Political solution an organic process

When will you ever, Peace, wild wooddove, shy wings shut,

Your round me roaming end, and under be my boughs?

– Gerard Manley Hopkins

by Izeth Hussain-May 20, 2016, 7:32 pm 

Hopkins was of course speaking of an inner peace, since he like all great creative writers had the strange gift of tormenting himself, a gift that can also be seen as a "fertile lack of balance" in Roy Fuller’s phrase. But what he wrote was apposite to the kind of outward peace that we are looking for, struggling for, in Sri Lanka, an enduring peace that we hope will ensue from a definitive political solution of the ethnic problem. That peace is conventionally imaged as a vacuous creature with a twig in its mouth. It could be more appropriately imaged as the wild wooddove of Hopkins’ imagining. It is a wild creature that is not easily amenable to our wishes but one that we have to prove worthy of after a struggle.

The point I am getting at is that it would be mistaken to imagine that the political solution, reconciliation, and ethnic harmony that most Sri Lankans want can be secured just through Constitutional changes, legal enactments, and the setting up of certain institutions. All that provides only a framework for action, and what matters really is the action that follows: does it put into practice the Constitutional changes and the legal enactments, and does it conduce to reconciliation and ethnic harmony? If not, the framework would be pointless. But even if the action is of a positive order, it will take time before ethnic harmony is reached. It would be an organic process, something like the growth of a tree. The establishment of relations of trust and reciprocity that would signal a political solution on the ground cannot be accomplished overnight or in the short run. The reason is that that wild wooddove will not heed the diktats of the Constitution.

What we can do in the present phase is to make the right decisions, not the wrong ones that can lead to a compounding of the problem. I have argued in my last article and earlier ones that a very wide measure of devolution, going well beyond 13 A, can compound the problem and become a factor that countervails advance towards a definitive solution. I have drawn the conclusion therefore that the most effective factor in solving the problem would be a fully functioning democracy with adequate safeguards for the minorities as in the West. The Tamils seem to be allergic to this idea for the following reason. The kind of democracy that I am postulating could be a chimerical one in Sri Lanka. We may be able to achieve something like a fully functioning democracy – we are on the way it – but many Tamils would say that it is doubtful in the extreme that the Sinhalese would ever allow adequate safeguards for the minorities as in the West. Therefore the Tamils insist on as wide a measure of devolution as might be possible to secure their legitimate interests to the greatest extent that might be possible on their own without depending on the Sinhalese.

At this phase of my argument I will make an important point about democracy. It is that devolution can succeed only if there is a democratic culture, only if the majority is imbued with the democratic values that make it respect the rights of the minorities. So, a fully functioning democracy is a pre-requisite for successful devolution. I am not being fanciful here but severely pragmatic. We did have something close to a fully functioning democracy from `1948 to 1977, and we did have reasonably fair and equal treatment for the minorities from 1948 to 1956. There is no reason – given the fact that we have learnt some lessons from a quarter century of war – why we should not be able to improve on that earlier performance.

I argued in my last article that what we have on our hands is not a purely indigenous Tamil ethnic problem but an Indo-Tamil problem. India therefore has a moral responsibility to help sort out the problem, and also the ability to do so. It can persuade the Tamils that there is no reason why Sri Lanka should not match India’s performance in having something that can be fairly characterized as a fully functioning democracy and an acceptable degree of fair and equal treatment for the minorities. It can also persuade the Tamils that it is mistaken to make a shibboleth of devolution, insisting that a very wide measure of it is the essential pre-requisite for a political solution. The example of Belgium should show that devolution can aggravate the problem. India can also convince the Tamils that the international community does not accept the so-called right of self-determination. India won’t allow self-determination for Kashmir and it severely punished the Sikhs for striking out for Kalistan. Recently there was an article by the head of Sri Lanka’s Maoist Communist Party asserting categorically the right of self-determination. But China won’t allow self-determination for the Tibetans or its Muslim minority.

India can help, it has a moral obligation to help, and it could do so to a decisive extent. But that extent though decisive will be a limited one: not much more than persuading the Tamils to give up their intransigent positions. Thereafter it will be up to us to make the requisite Constitutional and other changes, and set up the appropriate institutions. But all that will amount only to the establishment of a framework for a solution, not the solution itself. For that we have to set in motion an organic process, comparable to the growth of a tree, which will lead to relations of trust and reciprocity. I believe that that will not be possible unless there are attitudinal changes among both the Sinhalese and the Tamils.

The question of making attitudinal changes is a huge and complex one which we have not even begun to address. Here I am doing no more than merely introducing the idea. Let me conclude by providing a few illustrations of what I have in mind. We can teach our children the history of Sri Lanka in a tendentious way that emphasizes the aspect of conflict between the Sinhalese and the Tamils. Alternatively we can teach it in a way that gives equal emphasis, or even greater emphasis, to the positive interaction between the two groups, which in many ways was a symbiotic relationship. We can teach our children that Dutugemunu saved this island which belongs to the Sinhalese from Elara and the invading Tamils. Alternatively we can teach them that it is mistaken to think of that war purely in terms of a conflict between the Sinhalese and the Tamils. We can omit or emphasize the facts that Dutugemunu designated Elara as the Just, and that generations of the Sinhalese people walked past Elara’s tomb – a practice that lasted until the ‘fifties of the last century. Obviously history can be taught in ways that could promote or hinder the organic process that could lead to relations of trust and reciprocity.

At the present juncture, when there seems to be a prospect of understanding between the Government and the TNA, it is important that both the Sinhalese and the Tamils give up their habit of demonizing the other side. The Tamils must give up their notion that there is such a thing as the Mahavamsa mindset which will forever prevent the Sinhalese giving fair and equal treatment to the minorities, and the Sinhalese must abandon the notion that the Tamils will never give up their dream of Eelam. Obviously there will be no advance towards an enduring solution if such mistaken and essentially racist beliefs persist. Changes in beliefs and attitudes, not just Constitutional and institutional changes, are required for the organic process to get going towards the relations of trust and reciprocity that will constitute a political solution on the ground. We have to struggle towards that consummation. Otherwise that wild wooddove, Peace, will never come to repose under our boughs.

izethhussain@gmail.com

The Floods: Get Me A Pencil

By Yudhanjaya Wijeratne –May 24, 2016

Yudhanjaya Wijeratne

If there is such a thing as too much goodwill, I think I’ve seen it. Gripped by a desire to help out our fellow Sri Lankans, we’ve cooked, screamed, delivered, run supplies by the truckload and picked clean the shelves of our supermarkets.

The result? Incredible good – people fed, clothed, supported to another day by people they’ve never even heard of; and at the same time, incredible waste – truckloads of spoiled food, supplies being shuttled with no tracking or double-checking, massive oversupply to areas like Aranayake and Wellampitiya while camps like Wattala struggled to make do, well-meaning volunteers heading out to areas they’re barely capable of surviving in, let alone helping. And chaos on every possible front.

I don’t blame anyone. To be honest, I’ll take the good and the bad over indifference any day. And yes, there’s plenty of indifference – I see enough of it walking into work. But enough people reached out to truly make the gigantic task ahead of us bearable.

The situation right now

Major areas that were hit – judging by severity and freqeuncy of donation requests – are Aranayake, Wellampitiya, Kelaniya, Wattala. Secondary points seem to be Kilinochchi, Kolonnawa, Biyagama, Malwana, Athurugiriya, Avissawella and Kaduwela. New camps have been set up Atkalupahana, Digala, Maniyangama and Boralankada. There are isolated pockets popping up all over the map that are unaccounted for – usually clusters of between 100 and 200 people.

Aranayake is landslide turf. It’s getting the most amount of media attention, and is oversupplied with dry rations (rice, dhal, soya, milk powder) and in need of with what I call Stage 2 essentials – candles, clothes, soap, underwear – all the requirements that come immediately after a meal in the belly.

Kelaniya is muddy diseased hellhole 101 from what I’ve seen. Water is everywhere and disease is spreading, even among the volunteers. It’s undersupplied on every front but badly needs medicine, medical personnel and swimmers to combat the conditions.

Wellampitiya is returning to normalcy. While most of the electricity grid is out, people are moving back in and cleaning up.

Wattala is a network of 9 camps held together mostly by one central Army camp, and it’s the subject of sporadic lack of cooked food. Dry rations are being stocked and it’s limping along two days at a time.

Atkalupahana, Digala, Maniyangama and Boralankada are brand-new camps sorely in need of everything, including dry rations.

Biyagama, Malwana, Kolonnawa/IDH and Athurugiriya are flooded in pockets, and while they’re sorted for rations, they need underwear, candles, soap, toothbrushes, medicine – more Stage 2.

A complete list of items required has been released by the DMC and is available here.

Note that this may or may not tally with our observations. I make no claim for the accuracy of the DMC. Here’s a general list for cleaning and reclamation put together by one of my co-workers for donations. For posterity, here’s the old Google sheet we were using a couple of days ago.

What is the government doing?

Touching children who clearly don’t want to be touched.

Oh, and they’ve allocated Rs 150 million for flood relief, apparently. Let me put that in perspective. Here’s the math, courtesy of Dr. Sanjiva Weerawarana.

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