Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, May 18, 2016

Koothu to Kolam: An Island in Sound




AMALINI DE SAYRAH-on 

The Galle Music Festival was a true celebration of the diversity between and within cultures of Sri Lanka. The many facets of the Sinhala and Tamil communities, based on their geographical locations and origin histories, were illustrated through song, dance and music. 
The event is a breath of fresh air from its more well-known literary counterpart, making a space for the appreciation of local talent that is both awe-inspiring for the viewer and humbling for the performer.
View the full story here, or below:

Can We Trust Our Leaders To Fight Corruption?


Colombo Telegraph
By Mass L. Usuf –May 19, 2016 
Mass L. Usuf
Mass L. Usuf
“Corruption is a threat to development, democracy and stability” ~ Ban Ki Moon, the Secretary General of the United Nations
An increasingly common refrain one hears from the public these days is that whichever government comes to power, all are the same. This statement encapsulates a mix of resignation, disdain and hopelessness expressed in so many words. People are unhappy with the manner in which the investigations into corruption is being handled.
Under ‘normal’ circumstances, the people are resilient and will endure patiently until the next general elections to express their dismay. The people who experienced the kleptocratic rule of the former regime did just that. They unceremoniously jettisoned the perceived ‘Dutugemunu’ of the modern century, not by the bullet but by the ballot. However, an analysis of the current political reality begs the question, are the circumstances ‘normal’? We all know that the transference of power by the democratic process of election is the universally accepted norm. However, a mutated form of power grabbing is evolving under the guise of the Joint Opposition. The mutated strategy envisages returning to power neither through elections nor by violent rebellion but by harnessing the people’s power. In these circumstances, it may be naïve to imagine that change can take place only at the next general elections. Is the country treading on a dangerous course?
Gangrene
Democratic principles demand the opposition to be the policeman of the public in the legislature. Hence part of their job entails guiding, questioning, correcting course etc. of the government ensuring benefits to the people and the nation. In fact, the joint opposition has some other agenda and this they confess without any qualms. Their mission is to grab power and to do this they would not leave no stone unturned. The government with its financial woes and inept management of governmental business including that of corruption investigations is consistently providing a lifeline to the joint opposition. Metaphorically, the situation is like a wound in the leg which is festering. Left unattended it would turn gangrenous leading to amputation.
The Fight, Real Or Fake?                                    Read More

Beyond reconciliation and accountability: distributive justice and Sri Lanka's transitional agenda


A Sri Lankan woman works in a factory on the outskirts of Colombo. The emphasis of post-war programs on micro-finance and subsidies for private capital have not helped relieve economic precariousness.

VIJAY K. NAGARAJ 18 May 2016

In Sri Lanka, the question of whether to emphasise truth and reconciliation—embracing a “soft accountability” path—or to lay equal stress on investigation and prosecution of grave human rights crimes looms over the transitional justice debate. It is increasingly clear that the country’s transitional justice landscape will be determined by the contestation between the relative weight or sequencing of restorative and retributive justice measures. One crucial effect of this bipolarity is that it entirely sidelines distributive justice and questions of economic harms.

HomeEven the World Bank acknowledges that the post-war northern and eastern regions now account for some of the highest concentrations of both monetary and multidimensional poverty in the country. Indebtedness and food insecurityhave been major concerns for quite some time. While deficiencies in post-war housing programmes have catalysed the former, the latter seems to be worsening. A forthcoming study by the Centre for Poverty Analysis (CEPA) found overall food insecurity (as measured by coping strategies) to have significantly worsened for over 1,000 households first surveyed in 2012. Exposure to drought and floods, loss of land, and deficiencies in irrigation and other critical infrastructure have undermined agriculture, while illegal Indiantrawlers, weakening state support and declining yields have affected fishing.

Since the war ended, governments (past and present), donors, international agencies and most NGOs have focussed on restoring livelihoods in the North and East by promoting self-employment through provision of training and credit, especially micro-finance. Billions have been poured into livelihoods programmes. For example, the Central Bank disbursed loans worth 719 million LKR (approximately 4.9 million USD) and 1 billion LKR (approximately 6.8 million USD) in the North and the East respectively in 2014 alone.

But the neo-liberal strategy of making everyone an entrepreneur has not worked, and economic precariousness and indebtedness remain high. Privileging individualised micro-capital accumulation has been accompanied by privileging heavily subsidised private capital that thrives on precariousness—be it export-dependent garment factories or high-end tourism.

The North and East once had large strategic industries in the public sector that generated employment, catalysed local economic investments and fulfilled strategic national needs. These included the chemicals factory at Paranthan, the cement plants at Kankesanthurai, and the paper mills at Valaichchenai. Half-hearted attempts have been made to restart the last while reports have surfaced of the cement plants being asset stripped after the war.

What is needed is an effective restoration and expansion of the strategic industrialisation of the North and East. This calls for considered public and guided private investment that can revitalise the local and national economy and generate secure, decent and large-scale employment.

Another issue with a significant bearing on economic justice and precariousness is land. The focus of much of the work on this has been on “restitution” of land ownership and individual property rights, especially those occupied in the name of security or other purposes.

Important as this is, it is crucial to move away from a purely restorative approach to land toward one in which restoration is complemented by redistribution. This is even more important given the post-January 2015 regime’s markedly neoliberal approach to land, central to which is granting title and ownership to millions country-wide to promote a market-friendly land rights regime.

Land rights abstracted from broader political economic, agrarian and ecological entitlements carry the inherent danger of dispossession. This is especially the case when land is commodified rather than viewed as a vital productive resource, a commons and as embedded in gender, caste and class relations. In this respect, as much as South Africa or Bosnia, one should perhaps turn to the peace agreements in Guatemala and to a lesser extent in Nepal for principles that weld together the restorative and redistributive dimensions of land.

None are particularly successful but it is the principles underlying the latter, especially Guatemala, that are instructive because they recognise dispossession as a political economic process that cannot be reversed by restoration of property rights alone. Indeed, the re-opening in 2014 of land restitution claims in South Africa came precisely due to a failure to recognise this and ensure complementarity between restoration and redistribution.

Experiences from Latin America do show that reparations can encompass significant distributive measures.Ideas such as “transformative reparations” that articulate development, social policy and transitional justice without conflating them are vital to consider. But this is a result of sustained mobilisation thatcombined demands for truth and accountability with demands for stronger redistributive policies in general.

Embracing ideas such as “transformative reparations” that articulate development, social policy and transitional justice without conflating them are vital to consider. A transformative approach to reparations seeks to alter broader conditions of exclusion, going beyond a selective and individuated restorative focus on the past or merely seeking equivalence between reparatory measures and harms.

The idea cannot be to just repair harms but to advance social justice and avoid creating hierarchies of harms or victims. A good place to start in Sri Lanka is to challenge the recently initiated “reforms”of the country’s welfare system to ensure they actually account for the specificities of war-related precariousness especially in the North and East.

A truth-first-reparations-later approach also suggests a fundamental misunderstanding regarding conditions of war and development. In Sri Lanka, development has often been war by other means. A failure to see this is why, at the moment, Sri Lanka’s transitional justice agenda offers virtually nothing to communities like the Up-Country Tamils, who have long been victims of war and development.

Non-recurrence, otherwise an enduring concern in transitional justice appears to be a non-issue when it comes to economic precariousness and distributive harms. Whenever questions of economic or distributive justice arise, the answer is often some variant of “transitional justice cannot deal with everything”. But who decides what transitional justice can and will deal with? How is it even ‘justice’ to prioritise truth and accountability but ignore everyday precariousness and the indignities of impoverishment?

This piece is abstracted from a longer essay, co-authored with Chulani Kodikara, on the politics of transitional justice in Sri Lanka for a forthcoming edited volume.

Gagan portrays exposures against him as betrayal of state secrets and punishes two innocent officers


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News- 18.May.2016, 8.00AM) Following the exposure of Air force commander Gagan Bulathsinghala by Lanka e news on the 8 th of May that during his 9 months since he took office he had gone on 8 foreign junkets , two innocent officers of the Air force had been hauled up before the military court based on false charges of passing information to Lanka  news. Gagan who put through illicit deals conjointly with the notorious Sajin Vaas Gunawardena of the Rajapakse blue brigand deprived the country of many millions of rupees of revenue by hiring helicopters on the sly most perfidiously to Cairns Co. India ought to have been put behind bars for his traitorous activities . Instead of that he was  appointed as the air force commander without any screening or scrutiny into his antecedence which , to say the least is most putrid. The outcome : within 9 months of his appointment he did 8 foreign junkets along with Muslim wheeler dealers to transact illicit deals.
These two penalized innocent officers who had never ever spoken to Lanka e news any day had been charged that via their phones they have read the Lanka e news face book page. Incidentally, Gagan has banned Lanka e news being accessed via the internet of  the Air Force.. This is not for anything but because his traitorous , perfidious and wheeler dealer activities are being exposed by Lanka e news and those  are coming to light. 
Gagan the fraudster and traitor who is raving mad with power is trying to portray these exposures of his as betrayal of State secrets. 
The two officers who have been victimized sans valid grounds are : Flight Lieutenant Buddhika Rawatte and Squadron leader Niluk Dalpathado. One   of them has been transferred to Vavuniya Iranamadu camp while the other has been transferred to Trincomalee .. Both of them had been hauled up before the military court on a frame up that they are revealing state secrets by passing information to Lanka e news,.
Lanka e news at no stage revealed state information . In its last exposure it disclosed , the Air Force commander, an  officer of the government who is responsible to the people and out of whose funds he is paid a salary  is going on junkets ostensibly to purchase planes . But in fact he is taking along with him Muslim wheeler dealers to transact illicit and corrupt deals . It was also revealed by us this traitorous bloke is travelling to countries like Nepal , Australia and Bangla Desh  under the pretext of purchasing planes from  those countries at State expense , from which countries SL has never purchased planes. Gagan who does not know   the difference between a plane and tomato because he is trying to purchase planes like tomatoes after feeling and squeezing , perhaps also does not know the difference between the candid exposure of the corrupt activities of a government servant no matter his rank by us  , and the revelation of a state secret. Revealing the treacherous and perfidious activities of a government officer irrespective of his position is certainly not betraying state secrets., it is on the contrary  a patriotic act in the best interests of the nation.
Truly speaking it is Gagan as Air force commander who revealed information (which may be confidential ) some weeks ago  to a journalist Rasika Jayakody  of the Observer newspaper
 
Lanka  e news is hurling epithets such as ‘traitor’, and ‘the corrupt’ at Gagan  because we are armed with evidence., and not for nothing. Lanka e news on 31 st May 2015 reported on the multi million fraud committed by Gagan teamed up with Sajin Vaas ,under the caption ‘ A multi million rupee fraud within Air Force ! Here is the evidence…’ In that  crime , Gagan who was directly responsible is undoubtedly  a traitor. Hence . he cannot expect us who espouse the cause of truth frankly, fearlessly and forthrightly  to describe him as an innocent infant  and  who is still being taught to suckle though he is grown up .- no, not for all the world.!
If it is in any other  country where the laws are duly enforced , Gagan should by now be behind bars.. Believe it or not , though Sajin Vaas undertook to pay Rs. 80 million to the Air force out of those collections , until this moment  of writing  this report , Gagan as air force commander has not taken any action to recover that amount. We do not know how many more millions in this deal are kept hidden . However we certainly know the relevant file ,on Gagan’s instructions is being kept hidden in  the Air Force ,administration (finance) .
 We do not know how many more Air Force officers Gagan will summon to the military court after this publication . But if Gagan continues  with his balu weda ( base conduct) unrelentingly , it would become necessary for us to expose not only his corruption now , but also what unspeakable base and disgraceful activities he indulged in during his school days and  during his period  of marriage , with full details including names and addresses supported by  copious evidence . In that event , we can all see who will be hauled up in the military court.
It is a pity the whole country is made to  pay for the grave sin of appointing a traitor like Gagan Bulathsinghala to the post of commander .


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by     (2016-05-18 03:06:40)

‘I trust FCID, CID chiefs 100%’ – says PM

‘I trust FCID, CID chiefs 100%’ – says PM

May 18, 2016
Prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has told president Maithripala Sirisena that he 100 per cent trusted the honesty and efficiency of the chiefs of the FCID and the CID, who respectively are senior DIG Ravindra Vaidyalankara and senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne, reliable sources say.

The reason for the PM’s remark to the president is that there is a rumour that top ministers of the ‘Yahapaalana’ government are going to submit a cabinet proposal soon accusing the two police officers of delaying court cases and to remove them. The ministers in question are health minister Rajitha Senaratne, megapolis minister Champika Ranawaka, ports minister Arjuna Ranatunga and the latest cabinet member Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka. Several new ministers are going to support their proposal.
Explaining further to the president, the PM has said, “Let us allow them to do their duty. This is not a game of hide and seek. Obtaining evidence should be done skillfully. Lawyers for the defendants are waiting for an opportunity for a loophole. This is like striking with a two-edged sword. If the target is missed, the striker too, will be cut.”
Supporting the PM’s views, a renowned criminal lawyer told us, “Rajitha, Champika, Arjuna and Fonseka do not have any knowledge of the law. What they want is to have media hypes saying Namal is caught, Gota is caught, Basil is caught. Then, the people will not question them about the increase in VAT and the cost of living. Especially, evidence in financial crime should be built very skillfully, like bringing out a valuable artifact hidden by the sand sheet of time. In a crime, the case should be built upon circumstantial evidence if there is no eyewitness account. So, if the CID goes to act according to the haste of politicians, such cases can be brought down easily.”

Lanka Hospitals Paid Board Of Directors Headed By Gota Rs. 21 Million To Attend Meetings

Colombo Telegraph

May 18, 2016
Lanka Hospitals PLC has paid a hefty Rs. 21 million to its Board of Directors headed by former secretary to the ministry of defence Gotabaya Rajapaksa to attend Board meetings.
Gotabaya
Gotabaya
The Hospital, which was under his chairmanship until January 2015, spent the Rs. 21 million for a period of two years to pay it’s Board Members to attend the customary meetings. In 2014, the Hospital had spent approximately Rs. 6.9 million, and in 2015 the hospital paid approximately Rs. 13.6 million to the Board of Directors, to attend the meetings.
The payment was made based on how many Board meetings, the members attended. The Board Members included; Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Roshini Cabraal, D.P.A. Fernando, G.W.K. Wickremasinghe, M. Mohan Singh, N.A.P.B. Wijesririwardena, P.A. Lionel, Y.D. Nihal Jayatilleka, N.L.K. Ganganath Karunaratna, Sunil Godhwani, Vishal Bali, Daljith Singh, Sanjeev Vashishta, P. Raghunath, K.H.C. Daphne, Sandeep Puri, K.P. Jayasuriya, Karthik Rajagopal, M.S. Perera, H. Hemal Gunasekara, H. Asita de Silva, S.M. Wijeratne, S.T. Nanayakkara, Ven. Thiniyawala Palitha thero, Sarath Paranavitane, M.D.S. Lokuhetty, R. Lalith Wijesundara, Damien Fernando, Anil Abeywickrema, Ms. Uma Rajamantri, H.A.C. Siriwardena, K.S. Srivastava, and Ravi Sachdev, over a period of two years.
Rajapaksa resigned from his position of chairmanship of Lanka Hospitals PLC, after his brother, Mahinda lost the Presidential elections in 2015. The Government owns majority of the shares at Lanka Hospitals.
Meanwhile, even though reports said that the Board of Directors were paid for attending meetings, in the list of names submitted to Parliament by Minister of Public Enterprise Development, Eran Wickremeratne, Rajapaksa’s name was not listed as a member of the Board who received an allowance for attending the meetings.

Corrupt go unpunished ; what happened to 40 kilos gold ? Government issued red alert ! Prof. Wijesoriya’s statement hereunder (video)


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News- 18.May.2016, 8.00AM)  The convener of Citizen’s Force ,Professor Sarath Wijesooriya along with the Civil Organizations issued a red signal to the government yesterday that they will be launching  an Island wide campaign today, against the deplorable lukewarm attitude of the government towards taking action to punish the individuals who had committed grave crimes of corruption and for which there are copious and cogent  supporting evidence ; and against  government’s gross failure in that direction.
Orally and in writing , the president and the prime minister had been informed that instead of duly punishing them a fence of protection cannot be built around the criminals involved in corruption . The professor had questioned how is that the investigations have ground to a halt into the sale and distribution by Rajapakses of 40 kilos of gold which form part of national wealth ; the Siriliya account; Sajin Vaas Gunawardena  colossal fraud etc.
Professor Wijesooriya addressing a media briefing convened yesterday in Colombo issued the following statement 
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by     (2016-05-18 02:51:39)

SRILANKAN AIRLINES LOSS PUTS EACH CITIZEN IN A RS.23,000 DEBT RAP

Untitled

Sri Lanka Brief18/05/2016

The loss of SriLankan Airlines alone had put each citizen in a debt trap of Rs.23,000,”Megalopolis and Western Development Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka said in Parliament yesterday.

“The 4 percent VAT increase would not support to fill the loss incurred by the SriLankan Airlines alone,”he said. Minister Ranawaka said another reason for the debt trap is that the increase in commercial loans. He added that there was only one percent commercial loans in 2000 while the rest were relief loans. He added that by 2010, the rate of country’s commercial loans increased to 55 which was unbearable.

The total society debt of the country is Rs 3,449 billion in 2015,Minister Ranawaka said.

The minister told the House that this amount in 2015 had increased in addition to the government debt.
He said that the debt of society is the total loans taken by the people in addition to the loans obtained by the state from domestic and foreign sources..

He made these observations yesterday joining the adjournment debate moved by UNP MP Nalin Bandara Jayamaha on the massive waste and corruptions made at the Sri Lankan Airlines during the previous regime.

He also said that the debt services is high in many countries. “In Japan debt services is 227 percent of the GDP but that it only accounts to 15 percent of that country’s revenue,”Minister Ranawaka said. “But, in Sri Lanka the total debt services is 90 percent of the revenue,”he added. Minister Ranawaka said mal-investments made during the previous regime have entangled the country into a debt trap.

He said the Mattala Airport had suffered a loss of Rs. 4,478 million, Hambantota Port Rs. 4,949 million and the Puttalam Power Plant Rs 75,000 million during the past few years as a result of mal investments.

He said that most of those projects do not bring profits to the country. “But the then government had invested in them despite the fact that there were many other projects that could have been profitable had had they been implemented.

“The rate of tax in 1978 was 28 and it has been reduced to 10 by during the previous regime as that government granted tax reliefs to the rich people.

“The Mahinda Rajapaksa regime reduced the number of rich tax payers from 700,000 to 500,000”, Ranawaka said.

“If the government maintained the Tax policy in 1990 until today we could have presented a budget without a budget deficit.”

Sandasen Marasinghe and Disna Mudalige
Daily News
Journalists visit the Palestinian Museum in the West Bank town of Birzeit, near Ramallah, on May 17, on the eve of the museum's opening to the public. (Abbas Momani/Agence France-Presse via Getty Images)
 
BIRZEIT, West Bank — On the eve of the opening of the new $24 million history and culture museum he helped create, Omar al-Qattan is ready for everybody’s question, which is essentially: Why isn’t there any art on the walls?

The long-awaited Palestinian Museum opened its doors for a gala reception on Wednesday to celebrate the building’s inauguration, a party that drew many diplomats and dignitaries, as well as artists and deep-pocked Palestinian capitalists from the West Bank and abroad.

So where are the exhibits? The Palestinian embroidery, the traditional folk crafts? The Roman-era glass, the 1970s PLO posters, the vintage photography? Where is the ephemera of the Palestinian diaspora that was promised a year ago — the old house keys and Ottoman-era land titles that tell the story of exile and loss, what Palestinians call the “Nakba,” their “catastrophe” or “cataclysm” that accompanied the creation of the Israeli state in 1948?

Where is all the stuff?

Qattan said the brief answer is that there really isn’t any stuff — yet — but there will be. The museum board of directors decided by necessity they would build their museum first and amass collections and stage exhibits later.

The fact that the Palestinian Museum is opening without an inaugural exhibit seems embarrassing at first — and it supports the impression that the Palestinians simply cannot get their act together, that they have built an empty monument.

On the front of the New York Times culture pages earlier this week was the headline, “Palestinian Museum Is Set to Open, Empty of Art.” The newspaper the National, published out of the United Arab Emirates, went with “Palestinian museum opens offering hope but lacking exhibits.”

Qattan disagreed that anything was lacking.

“Some institutions build a shell around their existing collections. We decided to build the institution first,” he said.

“If we had built this in Sweden with government subsidies, I would be opening a museum today with an amazing collection and a wonderful exhibit,” he said.

“Instead, we built a new museum in the West Bank entirely with private funds, at a time when fundraising has been especially challenging,” he said. “We built a museum despite checkpoints, walls, occupation.”

Qattan, born in Beirut, is a University of Oxford graduate in English literature, a film producer with Cannes credits and scion of a family whose construction company just built the Kuwait National Library. 

He lives in London. His family’s A.M. Qattan Foundation is a major donor to the project, alongside 30 others, such as the privately owned Bank of Palestine and successful Palestinian families, most of whom made their fortunes abroad.
At a news conference on Tuesday and in interviews afterward, Qattan politely but pointedly pressed reporters to see all he and his fellow founders had achieved.

“We have done something amazing,” he said, pointing to the building.

The Palestinian Museum is nestled on a hilltop with panoramic views stretching to the Mediterranean Sea at Birzeit University north of Ramallah. The new building, the first of two phases, is 36,000 square feet of cutting-edge architecture and already award-winning; it is the first building in the Palestinian territories to be awarded a highly sought-after Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design rating for sustainability. It was designed by the Dublin firm Heneghan Peng. There are climate-controlled conservation and display areas, with security systems, built to international standards that meet criteria that would allow for major museums around the world to loan material for shows — if they can get the stuff through Israeli customs.

Fair to say, there is nothing quite like it in the West Bank or Gaza.

The lead architect, Róisín Heneghan, said the vision was for the low-slung triangles of limestone, marble and glass to rise from the stony landscape of olive groves and incorporate terraced hillsides with a native garden watered by buried cisterns. The landscape designer is Lara Zureikat from Jordan. Heneghan said Zureikat couldn’t get a visa from the Israel to attend the opening.

The architect said it would be nice to have an opening exhibit but that many newly built museums open without them.

“There is almost always a lag between when the contractor hands over the keys and when they stage a first exhibit,” she said.

Heneghan thought it no big deal that it would take a while to stage a first exhibit. She said it takes at least a month to fine-tune the climate and humidity. She pointed toward workers who were still finishing plumbing work in the bathrooms and installing turn keys on interior doors — a day before the inauguration.

Still, it may be at least a year before the Palestinian Museum stages its first show in the West Bank.

The museum’s new director Mahmoud Hawari apologized to reporters for not having a business card.
“It is my first day on the job,” he explained.

Literally? “Yes,” he said. “I just arrived.”

Asked what his first exhibit might be, Hawari confessed he wasn’t sure.

“We have to see what has been done and where we are,” he said.

The museum’s previous director, Jack Persekian, parted ways from the museum in December over “disagreements about management style and planning controls,” according to Qattan.

Hawari said he wanted to hire home-grown curators but said there is no university programs in the West Bank to train Palestinians in museum arts. “We will have to seek partnerships abroad,” said Hawari, a specialist in Islamic art and an archaeologist, who trained at the University of London.

The museum has been gathering photographs for its “Family Album Project,” which will like be displayed in the future. Likewise, another project, called “Never Part,” has been postponed. The exhibition focused on the personal belongings that Palestinians carried when they left their homes.

Luay Khoury, chairman of Projacs, the company that served as lead contractor for the new museum, donated his services and sits on the board of the Palestinian Museum. He said the new institution will not be what many, including his Palestinian elders, expect.

“Some people wanted a ‘Remembrance Museum,’ which would be the traditional approach,” Khoury said, a kind of Nakba Museum, explaining that many members of Palestinian society thought they would build a museum that would focus exclusively on the Palestinian struggle against Israel.

“We want to do something different, something for the young people, for tomorrow,” Khoury said. “This is controversial.”

“We wanted to open it up,” Qattan said. “We want the past, of course, but the future, too.”
When they put up their first exhibit, the people will get to see — and decide

Israel steps up war on Palestinian culture

Young man sits in row of empty seats in theater
Israel froze funding to Al-Midan Theater after it staged A Parallel Time by Bashar Murkus last year.Nir EliasReuters

Alia Al Ghussain-18 May 2016

The Palestinian community in Haifa enjoyed a small victory in March when a theater successfully challenged the Israeli government to win reinstatement of official funding cut after controversy over the staging of a play about prisoners last year.

But the reinstatement also threw into focus the constraints on Palestinian artistic expression in present-day Israel and some saw the resumption of official funding as a double-edged sword.

On 29 March, al-Midan Theater reached agreement with the Israeli culture ministry to resume the transfer of public funds to the theater, as well as to unfreeze outstanding funding for last year, ending a stand-off that started in May 2015.

The ministry had frozen al-Midan’s public funding after the theater staged Bashar Murkus’ play A Parallel Time, which revolves around the lives of six Palestinian prisoners and a jailer in an Israeli prison.

Adalah, a Haifa-based legal center, alleged that the ministry’s decision was taken for “political reasons.”
Acting on behalf of al-Midan, Adalah filed a petition against the decision in October 2015.

The legal grounding for the ministry’s decision was dubious from the outset, according to Adalah. The groupargued that the decision was illegal and “did not meet the basic requirements of administrative law.” No hearing was held before the decision was made, no formal reasoning was provided for the decision and it did not have any proper factual basis, the legal center said.

In addition, the play had been approved three times by official bodies, including a committee supported by the culture and education ministries, and Adalah lamented the fact that it took the intervention of Israel’s attorney general for the issue to be resolved.

A necessary compromise

“It is unfortunate that it was only after the intervention of the attorney general that the ministry of culture retracted its illegal freezing of funds and its attack on the theater’s freedom of expression and artistic creativity,” Adalah stated after agreement was reached.

“The most important thing for us is that the agreement made between the theater and the ministry did not impose any prohibition or conditioning of the creative content produced by the theater,” Adalah added.

The agreement did, however, entail a compromise under which al-Midan agreed to a deduction of 75,000 shekels (just under $20,000) from its annual budgets between 2016 and 2019. And Palestinian artists in Haifa remain acutely aware that their artistic expression is curtailed by the Israeli state.

“The tightening of democratic spaces in any state is usually reflected in its control and censorship of art. 

When a state begins censoring art, we know we’ve reached a dangerous situation,” Khulud Khamis, a Haifa-based author, told The Electronic Intifada.

Some artists feel that the reinstatement of funding to al-Midan was simply an attempt to polish Israel’s democratic credentials in the international arena.

“Personally, I was not impressed by the reinstatement of funding,” said Yazid Sadi, al-Midan’s production director. He was speaking to The Electronic Intifada in a personal capacity and was not stating the theater’s position.

“I expected it, as the culture ministry needs from one side to show how democratic they are, but from the other side they made us pay a penalty of 300,000 shekels … So that we think twice next time before we want to stageA Parallel Time or any other meaningful political theater or art.”

Sadi described the compromise al-Midan made as necessary to maintain its freedom of programming: 

“If we had given into their pressure and cancelled A Parallel Time, we probably wouldn’t have had to pay the penalty. But we didn’t think twice and decided to pay the penalty gladly. The play became a symbol of freedom of expression, and we were ready to give up all of our funding if they would rob us of this very basic right.”

Shrinking freedoms

“A state that censors art is a state that is well aware of the power of art as a tool for political resistance,” 

Khamis said. “Art has the power to convey reality in different forms and shed light on socio-political phenomena from perspectives that the state does not want us to see, thus acting as an eye-opener.”

While Israeli law is supposed to provide for freedom of speech, Palestinian citizens, who make up one-fifth of Israel’s population, often see these rights violated. In 2003, for instance, the Israeli film board banned the commercial viewing of a film about Israel’s 2002 siege of Jenin refugee camp in the occupied West Bank. The film, Jenin, Jenin, which comprises a collection of interviews with camp residents a week after the invasion, was directed by Mohammed Bakri, a Palestinian citizen of Israel.

The ban was later overturned, although the judge in the case commented that the accusations of war crimes by Israeli forces made in the film were “lies,” and that the documentary had “not been made in good faith.”
Like A Parallel TimeJenin, Jenin sheds light on the ugly face of Israel’s occupation.

More recently, in 2015, the Israeli high court upheld key provisions of a law imposing legal consequences for those boycotting or advocating a boycott of Israel.

This law will disproportionately affect Palestinian citizens of Israel, who are already marginalized under Israeli law.

A 2011 measure — that Palestinians call the Nakba Law — prevents commemoration of the ethnic cleansing that led to Israel’s creation, for example. Such laws severely restrict the ability of Palestinians in Israel to express their opinions and draw attention to Israel’s crimes, historic and contemporary.

“The problem is that everything is linked to loyalty … You only have the space they will allow you,” said Nadim Nashif, director of Baladna, a Palestinian youth group in Israel.

A “loyalty in culture” bill proposed by Miri Regev, Israel’s culture minister, is currently making its way through Israel’s parliament, the Knesset. The bill would cut funding to any institution that questions the existence of Israel as a “Jewish and democratic state,” denigrates state symbols like the flag and marks the Nakba. An amended version of the first draft was approved by Avichai Mendelblit, Isarael’s attorney general, in February.

“The aim is to make Palestinian cultural institutions behave,” said Nashif.

Maintaining an ethnocracy

The definition of Israel as a Jewish state results in the repression of Palestinian identity and freedom of expression, Nashif added.

“The whole structure of the state is designed to create and educate generations of ‘good’ Arabs, including in the cultural field — Arabs who don’t question government policy, who do not talk about the Nakba,” Nashif said.

Sadi agreed: “The so-called Jewish democracy is ridiculous as it can’t be a real democracy since it is only for Jews.”

This partly explains why Palestinian artists in Israel are disproportionately targeted for censorship. A new generation is exploring and expressing its Palestinian identity, openly questioning the Israeli institutions which discriminate against its community.

“Palestinian artists are usually not funded, or they are not hired,” said Nashif. “Now the discrimination is more extreme and much more evident. The policies of Miri Regev were there before, but done more quietly. There was a concern about image. This government is arrogant enough to say it out loud. These fights have always been there but now they are more open and brutal.”

Alia Al Ghussain is a British-Palestinian born and raised in Dubai. She holds an MA in human rights from the University of Sussex.

Philippines: Duterte mulls granting amnesty to all communist prisoners

NPA guerrillas in Far South Mindanao in formation during the 46th Founding Anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines.PHOTO  BY EDWIN ESPEJONPA guerrillas in Far South Mindanao in formation during the 46th Founding Anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines.PHOTO BY EDWIN ESPEJO

 
IN a bid to end a communist insurgency that has killed 40,000 people in the span of four decades, Philippines president-elect Rodrigo Duterte plans to grant amnesty to all political prisoners.

According to ABS-CBN News, The National Democratic Front of the Philippines confirmed this proposal on Wednesday, a gesture which has been well-received by NDF chairperson Luis Jalandoni.

The idea to release the prisoners is aimed at resuming peace talks with the communist rebels as it was previously stalled.

“We are pleased [to hear] that Duterte may make a general amnesty declaration to release the political prisoners when he becomes president,” Jalandoni said in Filipino (translated) on Radio dzMM.
Jalandoni said there were currently 543 political prisoners, of which 88 were sick and elderly. He said 18 of them were NDF peace consultants while three are carrying out life sentences.


Duterte, Jaladoni said, was also tipped to suspend all military operations against the communist rebels pending a peace agreement. He added guerrilla fighters would also agree to a ceasefire.

Meanwhile, Associated Press reported communist rebel leaders welcoming Duterte’s offer of four Cabinet posts or an alliance government.

This raises the possibility that the Marxist guerrillas, who demand an end to U.S. military presence in the country and free land distribution to farmers, could assume high positions in the government.
The presumptive president, who won the most votes according to unofficial counts, has offered the Communist Party of the Philippines Cabinet posts in the agriculture, environment, social welfare and labor departments.

The party said Wednesday that Duterte knows that policy changes are more important than the Cabinet spots.

It remains to be seen what common ground can be forged given wide gaps between the views of the rebels and those in the military and business communities.
Additional reporting by Associated Press