Monday, May 16, 2016

Pakistan PM Nawaz Sharif proposes Panama Papers probe in parliament, opposition walks out

Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif looks on during a lecture on Sri Lanka-Pakistan Relations in Colombo, Sri Lanka January 5, 2016.REUTERS/DINUKA LIYANAWATTE/FILES

Mon May 16, 2016

Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif asked parliament on Monday to form a commission to investigate allegations stemming from the Panama Papers leak but opposition lawmakers walked out, saying he had evaded questions about his family's affairs.

Sharif has been under pressure since documents released as part of the Panama Papers data leak showed his children owned several off-shore companies and used them to buy properties in London. He denies wrongdoing, as do his children.

The opposition has seized on the Panama Papers scandal as a fresh opportunity to try to unseat Sharif, who told parliament that his wealth was acquired legally in the decades before he entered politics and no money was siphoned off-shore.

"I can say with surety that ... not a single penny went out of Pakistan," Sharif told the parliament.

Sharif asked the opposition and other lawmakers to help form a parliamentary commission.

Previous efforts to have a retired or sitting Supreme Court judge chair a judicial commission have stalled as all the judges rejected the offer.

It is not clear if the opposition will take up Sharif's latest offer. They walked out soon after Sharif stopped speaking, angered that seven questions they posed to him ahead of the parliamentary session were not answered.

"Not a single question has been answered by the PM," said Khursheed Shah, leader of the opposition in the National Assembly.

Imran Khan, leader of the opposition PTI party, said: "We didn’t need to hear such a long story. He could have shown the documents as I have done so."

Opposition politicians said they would announce on Tuesday their response to Sharif's speech.

Analysts say opposition attacks on Sharif have lost some of their bite since Khan on Friday admitted he once owned an off-shore company to buy a London flat and avoid paying British taxes.

The leak of documents from a Panamanian law firm has captured global attention, uncovering among other things the use of off-shore businesses by wealthy individuals and corporations worldwide. While such off-shore companies are often not illegal per se, their use spurs suspicions of illegal activity, such as money-laundering, corruption, and tax evasion.

(Reporting by Drazen Jorgic in Islamabad and Syed Raza Hassan in Karachi; Writing by Drazen Jorgic; editing by Ralph Boulton)

Cancer sufferer, 64, receives first successful penis transplant in the US after 15-hour operation – but says he's too afraid to look at the results
Thomas Manning, 64, (pictured) underwent America's first penis transplant at Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston, enduring 15-hours on the operating table---Thomas Manning, 64, (pictured) underwent America's first penis transplant at Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston, enduring 15-hours on the operating table

Dr. Curtis L. Cetrulo (pictured), a leader of the surgical team, at Massachusetts General Hospital said transplants can transform and even save lives

Thomas Manning underwent surgery after diagnosed with penile cancer
Doctors spotted a growth on his penis after the patient, 64, suffered an accident at work involving heavy equipment
Medics removed most of the organ leaving him with a one-inch stump
Mr Manning said he'd been unable to urinate standing up or engage in an intimate relationship after the life-saving operation
A donor penis was eventually found and he endured 15-hour surgery
Surgeons at Massachusetts General Hospital performed operation for free
Mr Manning said the transplant operation had 'quite literally saved his life'
Patient added he had a 'second chance' he never believed was possible
His surgeons said that they are 'cautiously optimistic' after the operation
Concern for combat veterans with similar injuries due to rising suicides

By ALEX MATTHEWS FOR MAILONLINE-16 May 2016

A cancer sufferer has received America's first ever penis transplant after undergoing experimental surgery to attach a dead man's member.

Thomas Manning, 64, underwent the revolutionary operation at Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston, enduring an incredible 15-hours on the operating table.

The surgery was carried out as part of a study to help combat victims, cancer patients and those injured in accidents, reports the New York Times.

Scroll down for video

Mr Manning, who is not married and does not have any children, said the operation had 'quite literally saved his life'.

'In 2012, my life changed forever when I suffered a debilitating work accident, followed by a devastating cancer diagnosis,' he said, in a statement.

'Today, I begin a new chapter filled with personal hope and hope for others who have suffered genital injuries, particularly for our service members who put their lives on the line and suffer serious damage as a result.'

He added that the ground-breaking surgery allowed him a 'second chance' he had never believed was possible.

Doctors had first noticed Mr Manning was suffering from cancer after he suffered severe injuries in an accident at work involving heavy equipment. During his treatment, medics noticed a growth on his penis and he was later diagnosed with an aggressive form of penile cancer.

Sunday, May 15, 2016

Silenced Shadows

YOLANDA FOSTER-on 05/15/2016

When I first travelled to Sri Lanka in the nineties, the country was still recovering from the shocking violence of mass disappearances in the late eighties.[1] It was difficult for people to talk about this period and sometimes friends would close down, the memories were simply too raw. It was only years later that I learnt a close friend had lost half his school friends in 1989 – an event so shocking and so far from my own teenage experiences. As I started to develop an awareness of the complexities of Sri Lankan history it was Sri Lankan artists that prompted me to explore what was hidden from plain view.

I had the privilege of attending exhibitions in Colombo and enjoying exchanges with some of the artists who went on to launch the ‘No Order Manifesto’ (1999). One artist whose work stood out is Chandragupta Thenuwara whose Barrelism series played with the ubiquity of war culture. The idea of surface and hidden meanings was explored through camouflage brushstrokes that hinted that things were being made to vanish – alluding to a trend of tragic disappearances and unlawful killings. In this period art emerged that seemed overtly interventionist using art to surface histories of violence.

Many of the artists that were at the forefront of the ‘90s art trend such as Jagath Weerasinghe acknowledged that violence had touched them personally. His exhibition ‘Yatra Gala and the Round Pilgrimage’ was hosted by the Heritage Gallery. On entering, the visitor had to walk across dry rice encouraging an interaction with the installation. The exhibition took the viewer on a journey across Sri Lanka with a mother looking for her son. She visited Suriyakanda and other mass grave sites creating an alternative pilgrimage. The artist notes:

“The idea for this work first occurred in my mind, in February 1996, when I was at Embilipitiya, a village in the south of Sri Lanka, organizing a ceremony for a group of parents, whose children had disappeared and been murdered in 1989-90 at torture camps in Embilipitya. The ceremony was organised as part of the ‘Shrine of Innocents’ monument which is being built to commemorate these lost children…To this ceremony most of the mothers came wearing white sarees and holding a picture of their lost child. These women reminded me of mothers going to temples with flowers, held in their hands. Their white sarees made it so severe a feeling. Instead of flowers, now they are carrying the photograph of a child who is murdered.”

By Lukman Harees –May 15, 2016

Lukman Harees

‘The misfortune of a republic…happens when the people are gained by bribery and corruption: in this case they grow indifferent to public affairs, and avarice becomes their predominant passion’ – The Enlightenment philosopher Baron de Montesquieu

It was in the news that President Sirisena attending the Anti-Corruption Summit in UK reiterated : ‘We were elected to office on the policy platform of democracy, good governance and rule of law. Therefore, we consider our prime duty to root out of corruption from the country. We have already taken significant measures for this purpose’. Quite a good assertion indeed! But have this lofty rhetoric transformed itself into actionable plans and walking the talk? Sadly not (fast enough), which leads the people who voted for the change of government to ponder: Is this ruling coalition decked in Yahapalana clothing, another case of mere old wine in new bottles?

True there are apparent signs of this government’s willingness to open up, be transparent and close some gaps in fighting corruption. But despite the change of the government, many of the ‘shady’ characters who were identified with political abuse and corruption in the last regime are still being seen within influential circles of this government too. The people of Sri Lanka, voted for a clear and structural change and not for a mere cosmetic one. They yearned for access to justice and transparent institutions, and the elimination of the corruption and bribery that makes their lives far harder and far more expensive. It is therefore the duty of thisYahapalana government to eliminate political and institutional corruption and to create a society founded on justice, fairness and the rule of law. The people count on this government to take bold decisions and act decisively to strengthen the fight against corruption and bribery without being on the defensive saying that it is better than the previous one in comparison.

Few weeks ago, General Sarath Fonseka gave a piece of the political ego embedded inside the psyche of a Sri Lankan Minister in current times, during an interview with a prominent TV. He sought to justify the absurd amounts being spent on the vehicle he demanded by stating that they (meaning other ruling politicians too specially the Ministers) needed sufficient comfort to serve the people whom they represent. It was comical for 2 reasons; firstly, he was not even elected; but came through that ‘wild’ footpath –the national list, and secondly the absurd reasons he gave for adopting such luxurious lifestyles when compared with the simple lifestyles of some political giants of the yester-year such as W. Dahanayake. However, views expressed by him obviously may not have surprised many as the present corrupt political culture tolerates ,encourages and even have attracted the worse amongst us, rather than the best amongst us to indulge in politics to further their family fortunes. Perhaps, the bystander ‘indifferent’ mentality of the ‘nice’ Sri Lankan people has consciously or unconsciously led to this growing process of political degeneration in our Paradise Isle.

Sunday, May 15, 2016

In a notably pungent observation at the close of her mission visit to Sri Lanka this month, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers Mónica Pinto took pains to remind Sri Lanka’s Constitutional Council of one fact.

This was that the Council, set up with great expectations under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, must make its rules of procedure and functional regulations publicly available. As she pointed out in her preliminary findings, the criteria used to evaluate candidates’ suitability for a given position by the Council must be in the public domain. Such transparency would ‘contribute to dissipating possible accusations of deliberate opacity and arbitrariness’, it was noted.

Why this reluctance to adhere to basic rules?

Even though this recommendation was largely (and unsurprisingly) ignored by the media, it remains by far, one of the most important findings in this mission report. It homes in on a specific lynchpin of the regime change last year, namely the commitment of the ‘yahapalanaya’ (good governance) administration to ensure that the evils of the 18th Amendment to the Constitution are rolled back. For that objective to be achieved, the transparency and the public accountability of the Council is paramount.

Indeed, one can only be taken aback that it requires this amount of public pressure to emphasize the obvious. Should not formulating rules of procedure for the functioning of the Council and deciding the criteria which it uses when selecting individuals to key public posts and constitutional commissions have been the most immediate task on its very first day? Are these children who should be taught anew fundamental preconditions for the functionality of any body, let alone a constitutional body of such premier importance and in which such public trust was (vainly?) reposed? Or was this task left unaddressed due to the political necessity to have the process open to manipulation behind the scenes? This question has been often raised in these column spaces.

This is not an academic question either as seen by at least one example of an appointment letter to a purported Chairman of a Commission being sent and withdrawn for no good reason. In general terms and in another era of spirited public interest litigation, such a problematic incident would have promptly given rise to a fundamental rights challenge. It is perhaps fortunate that the Constitutional Council was not called upon to meet such a distasteful eventuality.

Unacceptability of simple propaganda

Quite apart from other factors, the absurdly different procedures adopted for the appointment of the Attorney General and the Inspector General of Police begs the question as to whether the Council is completely unaware of the monumental gravitas of its constitutional function. To be clear, it is not a question of the personalities in issue. Rather, it is the process. It is heartening therefore to see that this crucial point has been recognized and acknowledged in the Special Rapporteur’s report. The further recommendation that to avoid the politicization of the appointment processes by the Council and to increase its legitimacy, its composition should be changed so as to include more civil society representatives, including possibly representation from the Bar Association and academia is also laudatory.

This finding demonstrates the lack of success of simple propaganda that a purely superficial change in governance structures will suffice to meet Sri Lanka’s crisis of the Rule of Law. Indeed, the caution against superficiality underlines the general tenor of this report as well as the companion report of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, Mr. Juan E. Mendez.

For example, Mr Mendez points particularly to the fact of the judicial oversight of police action being superficial, opining that magistrates merely accept what the police and state counsel inform the court. Instead, more diligence must be exhibited by judges to prevent infringement of the Rule of Law. It is based on this reasoning that he recommends the amendment of Sri Lanka’s Victim and Witness Protection Act to ensure that the protection of victims is not entrusted to the police.

Grave findings by both Special Rapporteurs

Both reports reflect a common theme. Sri Lanka needs urgent and comprehensive measures to ensure structural reform in the country’s key institutions. A piecemeal and superficial approach will not suffice. Mr Mendez, himself a lawyer and activist who experienced torture, concludes very significantly that ‘the current legal framework and the lack of reform within the structures of the armed forces, police, Attorney-General’s Office and judiciary perpetuate the real risk that the practice of torture will continue.’

This is a grave finding that state authorities ought to take note of.

Meanwhile, the preliminary findings of the Special Rapporteur on the judiciary also focus attention on the public accountability of the Judicial Service Commission. Reviewing and publicizing the criteria for the appointment of judges and the causes for removal through disciplinary proceedings is emphasized as being crucial for ensuring that the administration of justice is more transparent, decentralized and democratic. It is therefore recommended that legislation should explicitly provide for specific criteria for the appointment of judges and their removal after a disciplinary proceeding whose grounds are set out in the law.

These grounds should be substantiated with full respect for due process, including the right to a review.
Where the appellate judiciary is concerned, it is recommended that a special panel of independent and impartial individuals must be established under a law containing specific causes triggering misconduct and granting due process safeguards Corresponding sanctions must be proportionate and adequate.

Further, the use of contempt of court by past Chief Justices as a ‘favourite tool’ is noted. Sri Lanka is urged to enact legislation to define a clear and precise scope for the offence of contempt of court, identifying behaviour constituting contempt of the court, and setting up a procedure to deal with such cases.

Heeding the recommendations

The Government will do well to heed not only this recommendation but also several other points of concern contained in these mission reports before the two Special Rapportuers present their final observations to the United Nations next year. It is only in doing so that it will demonstrate its true difference from the previous regime.
That difference still remains to be tested.

Wisdom of a Monetary Board impassively watching over a fast declining capital base

Monday, 16 May 2016

Central Bank’s response is a salutary development

A response issued by the Central Bank (available at: http://www.ft.lk/article/540589/Central-Bank-has-its-say-over--Continuously-loss-making-Central-Bank-is-no-better-than-Sri-Lankan-Airlines- ) to an article published by this writer in this series (available at: http://www.ft.lk/article/539287/Continuously-loss-making-Central-Bank-is-no-better-than-SriLankan-Airlines ) drawing the attention of the top political leaders and the members of the public to continuing losses in the Central Bank has been carried by Daily FT in its edition on May 9, 2016. This is a salutary development and should be promoted by all means. That is because it paves the way for the public to have a productive discussion on the subject and help the government to map out strategies to be adopted to avert a potential crisis in the future. In an economic democracy which this government has committed itself to establish in the country, such intellectual debates are a sine qua non.

Rule of a civilised debate: Honour the opponent

However, it is also essential that such debates and disputations are conducted, as Emperor Asoka had pronounced in one of his rock inscriptions some 24 centuries ago, ‘by duly honouring the opponents in every way on all occasions’. This writer wrote several articles on the question of the central bank incurring losses, making profit transfers to the government when it had made losses and the depletion of the capital base of the bank over the time to critically low levels. These issues were raised with the Monetary Board of the Central Bank since it is the Board which is ultimately responsible for the successes or failures of the institution known as the Central Bank. Since the Board is made up of professionals of high standing, this writer sees no problem in observing the wisdom promulgated by Emperor Asoka when conducting this debate.

- See more at: http://www.ft.lk/article/542140/Wisdom-of-a-Monetary-Board-impassively-watching-over-a-fast-declining-capital-base#sthash.pVsYHzQ2.dpuf

Disappearance Of Lalith And Kugan: Keheliya In A Muddle, But Faults Defence Ministry

May 15, 2016

The disappearance of human rights activists, Lalith Weeraraj and Kugan Muruganandan has placed ex-Minister Keheliya Rambukwella in a muddle. However, Rambukwella, who was also the Government Spokesman during ex-President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s tenure, has faulted the Ministry of Defence, claiming that he merely made a statement based on the information he received from the ministry in 2011 that they were both in government custody.

Lalith and Kugan

Rambukwella who appeared before the Jaffna Court on Friday to give evidence regarding the disappearance of the two human rights activities, who were also members of the Frontline Socialist Party went on to add that after giving his statement to the media that Lalith and Kugan were in government custody, he had ‘forgotten’ about the incident, and had no knowledge of what may have transpired after that, as he did not follow up on the incident.

The next hearing of the case was fixed for August 12.

The whereabouts of both Lalith and Kugan are still unknown, after they disappeared in Jaffna in December 2011, while organizing a press conference which was to be held to coincide with the International Human Rights Day.

The Rajapaksas, like Donald Trump, will portray themselves, again, as the saviours of victimised Sinhala-Buddhists, betrayed by an ‘anti-national’ government which is on the side of the minorities, India and the West. That Rajapaksa gamble may or may not work, electorally.

by Tisaranee Gunasekara

“Sometimes a pebble is allowed to find out what might have happened – if only it had bounced the other way.” ~ Terry Pratchett (Jingo)

( May 15, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is unlikely to know the poem or the poet, but the sentiments would have been his as he watched Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni swearing in as president for the seventh time.

‘For all the sad words of tongue or pen,

The saddest are these: ‘It might have been!’’

Mr. Museveni’s seventh consecutive investiture (he has been in power since 1986) was as controversial as the election he purported to win. A clamp down on dissent kept Uganda quiet and silenced the social media, the final frontier of dissent. His main opponent, opposition leader Kizza Besigye, was arrested, flown to a remote corner in the country and formally charged with treason. His crime was casting aspersions on Mr. Museveni’s victory and the charge carries the death sentence.

Kizza Besigye is a member of what is known as the ‘Bush Generation’; a physician by profession, he was Mr. Museveni’s personal doctor during the guerrilla war which propelled the latter to power. Mr Museveni was once a popular leader (and a darling of the West) credited with bringing peace and stability to a war-torn country. He was initially critical of leaders who cling to power forever but changed his tune gradually as his political appetites grew. Mr Besigye was a key member of the Museveni government for more than a decade before joining the opposition.

During his seventh investiture, Mr. Museveni was surrounded by a phalanx of other long-ruled African leaders, leaders who have no intention of leaving power so long as there is a breath left in their aged bodies. Some of them nurse dynastic dreams (Mr. Museveni is accused of promoting his son as his successor); all of them rule over lands where democracy is a cover for one party rule and elections can have only one, utterly predictable, outcome.

Human beings tend to get used to the most atrocious of circumstances, with time. They can be taught to abandon ideals and dreams, and focus on survival and managing. Once the message of ‘support me and you will prosper; oppose me and you will suffer’ has seeped into the collective consciousness of a nation, popular dissent becomes near impossible. People try to get on with their lives to the best of their ability, allowing leaders to rule as they will.

OPEN LETTER TO RAJAPAKSA FROM SRI LANKA FM SAMARAWEERA ON UNHRC RESOLUTION

UNHRC in session

15/05/2016

My dear Mahinda,

I still vividly recall the first time I met you. It was at the SLFP Party Headquarters on Darley Road in June 1988, which I attended in my capacity as the new SLFP organiser for Matara. I also remember being moved by the impassioned speech you made during the meeting about the widespread disappearances across the country and the responsibility of the SLFP playing an active role in finding these persons. I found your words exhilarating and it was the beginning of a long friendship. At the end of the meeting, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike who chaired the meeting called you over and introduced me to you as Mahanama’s son.

Having graduated from Central Saint Martins in London as a fashion and textile designer, I was more at home in the bohemian artistic world of London at that time having qualified as a fashion and textile designer. My belief that I should do something about the large scale disappearances and other human rights violations in the South especially in and around my birthplace, Matara, finally pushed me to leave the comfort-zone of fashion, art and design and become a full time politician. And then we became ‘brothers-in-arms’, championing a number of democratic, progressive and humane causes. This led to the formation of the Mother’s Front Movement on the verandah of my ancestral house in Walpola, Matara in 1990 where you graciously accepted my invitation to be a co-convenor, along with me, of this historic movement.

Buoyed by the attention the Mothers’ Front was receiving, you started portraying yourself as a savior of human rights. You also became a champion of the free media and workers’ rights. In fact, we attended the inaugural meeting of the Free Media Movement at the New Town Hall together. You also took a leading role in the Padha Yathra protest made against alleged human rights violations of the Premadasa administration. Your single minded commitment to many of the values I too cherished since my student days struck a familiar chord bonding our friendship even further.

However, the many statements you have been making lately, especially the recent statement made by you opposing the Human Rights Council resolution, brings me genuine sorrow because it reminds once again that your role as a great human rights defender and upholder of democracy was merely an act done for the sake of political expediency while you were in the Opposition.

In fact, I realised this bitter truth only after you climbed to the top of the greasy poll of power and became President ten years ago. If you remember, before parting company in 2007, I sent you a thirteen page handwritten letter emphasising my concerns that your policy of dismantling democracy, ignoring reconciliation and violating the basic tenants of good governance would lead to the country’s ruin and your own downfall as well. But instead of learning from those mistakes, I fear that stubbornness, hate and greed continue to cloud your judgement, leading you down the very same path of destruction.

By Shyamon Jayasinghe –May 15, 2016

Shyamon Jayasinghe

May 15, 2016

Sri Lanka’s former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, with a grant from the yahapalanaya government took flight to Uganda a few days ago for its President Museveni’s fifth installation as President. While Mahinda was hanging around the palace waiting for the Palace guard to escort him, he confronted a young man named Boko- servant of the palace.

Boko: Are..you are the President of Sri Lanka, Sir. I recognised you with that red thing round the neck. We are most honoured to see you, your Excellency

Mahinda: eh..eh.. not exactly the President now. I handed over to my friend, Sira, but he lets me do what I want. I still run the show.

Boko: Oh! so in your country Presidents change?

Mahinda: Why not? We are a five star democracy. I actually made it six stars. We are the best in the world, my friend

Boko: In my case I was born 26 years ago but never saw any President other than our leader, Lord Museveni.

Mahinda: Ah? (Thinking) Really… he managed that long?

Boko: Some say he really lost this time. Anyway, the opposing candidate is now in jail. Good for Uganda.

Mahinda: Jailed for opposing?

Boko: No he was involved in a foreign conspiracy to oust our leader, along with NGOs. America and England behind this.

(A palace guard arrives and escorts Mahinda into the palace)

Mahinda Rajapaksa and Museveni May 2016 Uganda

Museveni: Oh! My good friend, Mahinda Rajapaksa! I knew you will accept our invitation. Good you came. I wanted to have a chat with you. Not like just telephoning. Tell me what really happened to you?

Mahinda: I won the majority of votes anyhow

Museveni: But, then how?

Mahinda: No, it was the majority of the majority

Museveni: But I thought you were like King there with all the people worshipping you. I heard that song also and got it translated. Boosil made me understand that nobody can ever oust you

Mahinda: Yes, I am still very popular. (Shows picture) See the crowds coming to hear me. Like this everywhere.

SUNDAY, 15 MAY 2016

‘Wijeweera’s conscience’ written by renowned journalist Udeni Saman Kumara based on the April, 1971 trials against the JVP was launched at Mahaweli Center in Colombo yesterday (14th).

The present leaders of the JVP were also present at the occasion held with the participation of many who had been involved in ’71 uprising.

The speeches were also made by the Leader of the JVP Anura Dissanayaka and the General Secretary Tilvin Silva.

May 14, 2016

It was disclosed that the smear campaign unleashed against the JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake by the National Freedom Front leader Wimal Weerawansa is a conspiracy jointly launched by the anti JVP and pro Mahinda journalists which caused Wimal Weerawansa to earn the displeasure of various factions.

Political sources confirm that many stalwarts of the SLFP who are trying to bring Mahinda Rajapaksa into power have criticized and made comments against Wimal Weerawansa. They viewed by unleashing this, it gave an unwanted attention to the JVP and its leader within the country. The sources further said from this unsuccessful campaign launched by an anonymous writer to tarnish the image of the JVP leadership, is an empty one and instead all the party and civil the society support has started to flow in favour of JVP leadership. They said, despite this incident spread fast in the social media, except a sexual slander a successful critic was never achieved. Although an internal division within the JVP was found, following this event the division would be temporarily disbanded and apparently this incident has not brought an advantage but a disadvantage to us. When the Kirulopona May Day rally brought a significant setback for the Mahinda faction the people responsible such as Wimal Weerawansa, by unleashing an unsuccessful smear campaign has helped the JVP to earn an undue public attention which would never help the relevant party battling to bring back Mahinda.

Political analysts say that it has become a political boomerang to the party which unleashed this smear campaign against the JVP leader by releasing a voice clip to the Sri Lanka Mirror website supposedly claiming that to be the editor of the weekend newspaper. Sri Lanka mirror website said that it confirms and take responsibility of the accuracy of the audio clip. According to the audio clip, the editor of the newspaper urge apology for publishing the controversial letter. Meantime on the 12th a newspaper artist working in that newspaper has taken the responsibility of the letter and resigned. Under this context, the management of the said newspaper has seriously protested against Wimal Weerawansa for causing their business to an unnecessary risk.

employment crisis for educated women

By Umesh Moramudali-2016-05-16

Over the decades the issue of women being marginalized was raised on many platforms. Many conferences were held and resolutions were adopted.The Commission on the Status of Women organized world conferences on women in Mexico (1975), Copenhagen (1980), Nairobi (1985) and Beijing (1995). Over the past decade, the Commission has systematically reviewed progress in the implementation of the twelve critical areas of concern identified in the Beijing Platform for Action at its annual sessions, and has adopted action-oriented recommendations, in the form of agreed conclusions, to facilitate increased implementation at all levels.

The Commission acted as the Ad-hoc Preparatory Committee for the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly (Beijing+5). The outcome identified persistent gaps and challenges and provided new recommendations for action to ensure full implementation of the commitments made in Beijing in 1995.

The ten-year review of the Beijing Platform for Action was carried out by the Commission at its forty-ninth session in March 2005. The Commission adopted a Declaration on the occasion of the ten-year review. Member States reaffirmed the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the outcome of the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly and pledged to ensure their full and accelerated implementation.

The first section of the Platform for Action of Beijing+5 Mission Statement indicates the following:
"The Platform for Action is an agenda for women's empowerment. It aims at accelerating the implementation of the Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women and at removing all the obstacles to women's active participation in all spheres of public and private life through a full and equal share in economic, social, cultural and political decision-making.

This means that the principle of shared power and responsibility should be established between women and men at home, in the workplace and in the wider national and international communities.
Equality between women and men is a matter of human rights and a condition for social justice and is also a necessary and fundamental prerequisite for equality, development and peace. A transformed partnership based on equality between women and men is a condition for people-centred sustainable development. A sustained and long-term commitment is essential, so that women and men can work together for themselves, for their children and for society to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century."

( Original Image: Sanka V)

16/05/2016

Another woman Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) has filed a fundamental rights petition in the Supreme Court seeking an increase in cadre positions available to females in ranks of Superintendent of Police (SP) and above.

This brings to four the number of policewomen who have now sought the Court’s intervention against what they plead is gender bias in the Police Department. Recently, three others — all women ASPs — filed a petition pleading that they have rights against gender discrimination under the Constitution of Sri Lanka and several covenants and treaties that Sri Lanka has ratified.

The latest petition was filed by 49-year-old A.G.N.D. Seneviratne, who joined the Police Department in 1988 as Sub-Inspector. The petition, a copy of which was obtained from her lawyer J.C. Weliamuna, states that ASP Seneviratne served in the National Intelligence Bureau (now State Intelligence Service) throughout her career and “discharged duties similar and parallel to male officers” of the Police Department.

These included sensitive intelligence investigations. She also conducted internal disciplinary inquiries in respect of both male and female officers up to the rank of Chief Inspector.

ASP Seneviratne says she is willing to work in any part of the country. However, despite meeting all the criteria to be promoted to rank of SP, she has been disregarded in a list of recent promotions. This was because of “unfair and inexplicable discrimination” meted out to female police officers, she says.

For instance, there are only two cadre vacancies for female police officers in SP Grade II. The promotions to SP Grade II are made only on the number of available vacancies and exclusively on seniority. For women police officers, there is no career progression beyond the rank of SP except to reach the single SSP position allocated to them. There are no cadre positions for DIGs and Senior DIGs.

The status quo “demonstrates clear gender discrimination” although the petitioner has performed duties similar to that of male police officers, she pleads. In contrast, given the number of vacancies allocated to the male officers, all male officers with the prescribed qualifications will be promoted to SP Grade II.

These arguments were also contained in the previous petition filed by S.A. Renuka Jayasundara, W.J. Padmini and R.A. Darshika Kumari who are represented by the same Counsel. They state that they had made representations to the relevant authorities, including the former Inspector General of Police N.K. Illangakoon, and were assured of redress. However, a list containing only the names of male officers had been sent to the Ministry of Law and Order for promotion to the rank of SP Grade II.

“The Petitioners should be provided with the equal opportunity to be promoted to the rank of SP and other ranks above it, if they possess the required qualifications and service experience,” they hold. “The intentional limitation of females being promoted to the rank of SP and above is discouraging.”

The Petitioners request the Court to, among other things, declare that, in the Police Service, women officers are entitled to the same promotions as male officers in the same cadre without discrimination. The case will be considered on June 20.

http://www.sundaytimes.lk/160515/news/alleged-gender-discrimination-in-police-a-fourth-woman-asp-goes-to-court-194036.html