Tuesday, May 10, 2016

How Does Our Media Cover Tragedy?

An Open Letter to Sri Lankan Media Establishments

by Subha Wijesiriwardena & Jake Oorloff

( May 10, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) On 25 April 2016, two 19 year-old young women were fatally hit by a train while attempting to cross a railway track in Dehiwala. The tragic incident quickly attracted the attention of the media, and journalists from every major domestic media outlet reported the incident, bringing to the nation and the world images and stories about the tragic death of two friends. The coverage included graphic CCTV footage of their last moments, sound bites from devastated parents and family, as well as those from a grief-stricken student body.

We write this letter as citizens who observed this tragedy via the local media; we are deeply concerned by the visible lack of principles and ethics for journalism in Sri Lanka, as displayed in the coverage of this recent event. We believe reportage of this incident has revealed the major ethical failings of our media.

As a people we have experienced and continue to experience numerous challenges – a war, a major natural disaster, and various ongoing social conflicts; we would think, as a nation, that we have by now developed a heightened level of sensitivity towards tragedy and conflict, and that we would see
this reflected in our media. However time and again, the Sri Lankan media, mainstream and otherwise, have displayed a troubling disregard for basic ethics, disappointing the public in our need for sensitivity.

It has always been paramount to create a framework of value-based ethics, which can
guide the work of our journalists and media publishers; today the need is most urgent.

Overview of incident:

By Sumanasiri Liyanage –May 10, 2016

Sumanasiri Liyanage

May Day 2016 marked a significant difference for two reasons from the May Days of recent past. First is that it has demonstrated a decline of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) as the May Day signified clear division between its two wings. The second reason is that it marked although in a small scale the emergence of independent workers movement after the defeat of 1980 general strike. Together with the re-emergence of this new independent working class unity, we have also witnessed a unity between a Marxist group the average age of which is 30-35 years and the young organic leadership in trade unions. They played a key role in organizing of course behind the screen the joint may day rally of the trade unions this year.

Media was unusually attentive of May Day 2016 mainly because of the assumption that May Day 2016 would be critically decisive of the future of the Sri Lanka SLFP and ex-president Mahinda Rajapaksha. Although out of power for 16 months, it seems that the politics in Sri Lanka, at least in many peoples’ mind, still continues to revolve around Mahinda Rajapaksha. In the last 50 years, the meaning of the May Day as a day in which the wage-earning class is supposed to show its strength by raising demands to protect its living and working conditions and upholding its solidarity with their brothers and sisters in other countries has lost in Sri Lanka. The sad story that brought about disastrous outcome for the Sri Lankan working class begun in 1964, when the principal working class party in Sri Lanka, the Lanka Samasamaja Party (LSSP) deviating from its original principles, entered into a coalition government with the SLFP as its junior partner. Since 1964, May Day has become an event to show the strength of the political parties which were seeking governmental power. Thus, May day has transformed into a part and parcel of parliamentary politics. Very few working class organizations stood for the independent working class principles.

Reflecting on May Day 2016, I tend to identify three categories of May Day rallies, namely, (1) rallies for political power, (2) rallies for political deals and (3) rallies for worker rights. Three may day events, namely, SLFP rally at Galle, UNP rally at Campbell Park, and Joint Opposition rally at Kirulapana may be grouped in the first category as they were directly aiming at either maintaining and preserving the governmental power (as the UNP and the legal SLFP) that they at present exercise or capturing the governmental power that they lost some time ago (JO). We may easily put into the second category, the May Day rally organized by the LSSP breakaway group, CP breakaway group, Nava Samasamaja Party and the trade union led by Saman Rathnapriya who played a key role in betraying workers struggle planned for November 15 last year. All these groups are shameless lackeys of the UNP led government. The same thing is true for LSSP, CP and DUF as they are seeking ‘deal’ with MR wing of the SLFP.

10/05/2016

COLOMBO (Reuters) – United Nations human rights experts yesterday urged SriLanka, which is under scrutiny for its human rights record during the 26-year Tamil insurgency, to implement judicial reforms to speed up prosecutions.

Sri Lanka agreed last year to establish a judicial process involving foreign judges and prosecutors to investigate alleged war crimes during the conflict in line with UN recommendations.

The government has promised an impartial investigation into human rights violations by both sides in the final phase of the war, which ended with the military defeat of the Tamil Tigers separatist guerrillas in 2009.

“The government has changed, the war is over. But much of the war machinery is still in place,” UN special rapporteur Monica Pinto told reporters.

The UN rapporteur on torture, Juan Mendez, said he had came across prisoners who had been detained without trial for more than eight years, some due to Sri Lanka’s Prevention of Terrorism Act.

“First scrap the PTA, eliminate prolonged detention without trial in various forms, establish mechanism for real judicial and prosecutorial control over police investigations and things along those lines,” he said.
SN

Coal tender under Supreme Court scrutiny

* SC considers coal tender a matter of public interest

* PAB confirms bidder had improper communication with Tender Board

* Petitioner alleges cabinet was misled by Power and Energy Minister

By C. A. Chandraprema-May 10, 2016, 12:00 pm

In the old days when people spoke of corruption by those wielding political power, it was almost always a case of accepting commissions from the beneficiaries of contracts and deals with the government. However after the present ‘yahapalana’ government came into power, shady deals have acquired a mind numbing complexity such as the treasury bond scam. Another scam no less complex is the controversial coal tender issue which is now before the Supreme Court being heard by a three member bench comprising Chief Justice K Sripavan, and Justices Priyasath Dep and Upali Abeyratne. The case will be heard again on 25 May 2016. The SC has called on the Minister of Power and Energy and the other respondents in the case all of whom belong to the government, (and the Petitioner as well) to make submissions relating to two questions based on the facts of this case.

1. If there is a public wrong caused by a public authority or the State which is contrary to the constitution or the law, can the court ignore such contravention and dismiss the application purely on the basis of an objection taken by the respondents based on the requirements of locus standi?

2. If there is a misuse of public funds, does the rule of law require the court to protect the public interest and to direct the executive organ of the government to act within its limits and make the rule of law meaningful and effective ignoring the requirements of locus standi?

The submissions are to be made before 20 May 2016 in time for the next hearing on 25 May. We can see from the very questions posed by the SC that this is one fundamental rights case that is going to make judicial history. The term locus standi means the right to bring an action, to be heard in court, or to address the Court on a matter before it. Why the concept of locus standi has become an issue in this fundamental rights application is because the petitioner Messers Noble Resources Ltd is a company registered in Singapore and not in Sri Lanka. So the government which is a respondent in this case had argued in court that this foreign company does not have the locus standi to be able to petition the Supreme Court alleging a violation of fundamental rights. The questions posed to the respondents by the SC clearly indicates that there are other issues that may override locus standi objections. The facts of this case are as follows.

The Norochcholai power plant requires 2.25 million tonnes of coal per annum and when a tender is awarded for a full three years’ supply as has been the practice, the amount involved at the current exchange rate would be in excess of Rs. 60 billion. A cabinet paper dated 16 September 2015 submitted by the Minister of Power and Renewable Energy recommended the awarding of the contract for the supply of coal to Swiss Singapore Ltd against the recommendation made by the Procurement Appeals Board to cancel the tender and to call for fresh bids. The Minister of Power and Renewable Energy had stated in the relevant cabinet paper that from July 2009 onwards, Messers Noble Resources Ltd had been challenging the award of the coal supply contract either in the Procurement Appeals Board or in courts and somehow continuing to be the coal supplier.

The present controversy arose with regard a tender floated on 2014.06.18 to procure 6.75 million tonnes of coal required for a three year period. The Technical Evaluation Committee (TEC) and the Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurements Committee (SCAPC) had recommended the lowest evaluated bidder Swiss Singapore Ltd. However Noble Resources Ltd had appealed against this decision to the Procurement Appeal Board (PAB) which had recommended the cancellation of the tender and calling for new bids. The cabinet paper recommended the overriding of this decision handed down by the PAB stating that four previous tenders were challenged in that manner and the government was not able to make a decision during the past five years. The cabinet paper recommended that a long term contract for the supply of 4.5 million metric tonnes be awarded to Swiss Singapore Ltd at USD 68.72 per metric tonne and for the procurement of 2.25 million metric tonnes of coal on the spot tender procedure through the Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurement Committee.

Noble Resources Ltd of Singapore has filed a fundamental rights petition in the Supreme Court against this cabinet decision stating that the Technical Evaluation Committee had evaluated the bids relating to this tender and recommended the grant of the contract to Noble Resources Ltd. But another bidder Swiss Singapore Ltd had made representations to the Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurement Committee about two of the criteria specified in the bid document. The SCAPC directed the TEC to remove these two criteria for evaluation from the bid documents and to evaluate the contract without them. Based on the change in the evaluation criteria the TEC had determined that Swiss Singapore Ltd is the lowest bidder.

The criteria in the bidding document that were changed relates to the granular size of the coal to be supplied. The authorities generally avoided purchasing the more powdery coal as that resulted in some of it being blown away in the wind during loading and unloading and during transport, resulting not only in a wastage of coal but also in considerable environmental damage given the quantities of coal involved. Hence the acceptable granular size had been fixed at anything between 10 mm and 50 mm. The lower granular size limit was among the two criteria removed from the bidding documents so that more powdery coal would be accepted. Noble Resources has stated in their petition to the Supreme Court that considerable environmental damage will in fact result if this tender is awarded to Swiss Singapore Ltd.

Noble Resources pleaded that the Standing Cabinet Appointed Procurement Committee cannot make changes in the evaluation criteria after the bids are opened and a bidder has no right to communicate with the SCAPC or the TEC about the tender. The Procurement Appeals Board comprised retired Justice Hector Yapa, Mr P.A.Prematilleke and Mr C.Maliyadde had agreed with the position taken by Noble Resources Ltd. The PAB confirmed that at the first evaluation made by TEC, Messers Noble Resources Ltd. had become the lowest bidder and TEC recommended the awarding of this tender to Nobel Resources Ltd and the SCAPC had agreed with that recommendation. The Procurements Appeal Board observed that thereafter, the SCAPC contrary to their earlier decision had requested the TEC to re-evaluate the bid excluding the specific criterion in relation to granular size. As a result of this re-evaluation Swiss Singapore Ltd. became the lowest bidder making Noble Resources Ltd., the second lowest bidder. Therefore, the PAB stated that the recommendation of the SCAPC to award the tender to Swiss Singapore Overseas Enterprises Pvt. Ltd. was incorrect.

The PAB also observed that the recommended bidder, Swiss Singapore Ltd., had communicated by their letter dated 29.06.2015 with the Chairman of the SCAPC and that the contents of this letter shows that an attempt has been made to influence the evaluation procedure in relation to the price adjustment to be made on account of the variation of the size of coal. The PAB therefore recommended to the Cabinet of Ministers to cancel the tender and call for fresh bids after making changes to the tender conditions, if necessary.

The petitioner raised before the Supreme Court the question of the minister in charge of the subject having deliberately misled the cabinet by not revealing in full all the material facts relating to this tender. The answers that the respondents and petitioners in this case will file before the SC in the next few days and the conclusion that the SC arrives at may make judicial history in this country in relation to the awarding of government tenders.

Law and order must prevail

2016-05-11
When the LTTE was militarily defeated certain sections called for an immediate withdrawal of the security forces from the former conflict zone. That was laughable if not preposterous. The end of the armed conflict does not necessarily mean the absolute elimination of threat nor the resolution of grievances, perceived or real, that are said to have spawned conflict in the first place. A nation that has struggled to overcome terrorism is well advised not to drop vigilance levels. Indeed, subsequent developments have proven the error of such advice. Even as demilitarization happens, military intelligence should not be weakened. Certain things take time.

The same principle can be applied to the issue of law and order. The defeat of a regime accused of gross neglect and indeed the subversion of the Rule of Law does not result in the immediate decline in crime and a corresponding rise in the performance of law enforcement authorities. It takes time. It takes time because systems and cultures are robust and therefore resilient to transformation. The problem, to put it crudely, is bigger than the Rajapaksas. One recalls that there was crime and a breakdown of law enforcement before 2005 with some situations being far worse than what was seen during the previous regime. That should demonstrate the strength of structures that make for breach and for sustaining such breaches as there may be.

This is why it is unfair to point fingers at this Government on account of a manifest struggle to re-establish the Rule of Law. Some important changes have been made, for example the re-institution of the Police Commission. However, it takes time for the results of such moves to show. It requires robust application of the established procedures and more importantly the relentless rehearsal of such mechanism by both the public and the law enforcement authorities.

Therefore questions such as ‘So is everything alright now?’ or ‘Is there law and order now?’ are unfair. There was a perceptible rise in crime in Sri Lanka after May 2009. The key word here is ‘perception’. The truth is that war affected a diminishing or rather a discoloration of other issues, including crime. The end of the war helped bring to the public eye all the things that were ‘backgrounded’ by the horrors and anxieties of war.

Perhaps the same thing happened immediately after the defeat of President Mahinda Rajapaksa in January 8, 2015. It was not that the crime rate went down immediately. The ‘change’ was news and remained newsworthy for several months. Its shelf life was extended by a General Election just six months later. Off the limelight, criminals and criminality thrived. Today, things are different.

What is disturbing, however, is not crime regaining its ‘rightful’ worth for the purposes of media houses. What worries is the fact that there have been several incidents of arrests that violate the principle of ‘due process’. True, we are not seeing ‘white-vanning’ of horrifying proportions, although ‘horror’ too can be exaggerated as per the political purposes of the ‘horrified’. Yesterday a group calling itself ‘Families of the Disappeared’ staged a demonstration near Thunmulla Junction, i.e. near the UN compound. It is clear whose ears the protesters were seeking. While we can debate about the true purposes of such protests, they did make a valid point.

They also conceded that they did not object to the Police arresting any person suspected of links with the LTTE or drug trafficking. The objection is to the method of arrest. No one should be abducted in any inappropriate manner, they stressed, referring to several such cases reported from Kilinochchi, Ampara and Negombo. ‘In wars, the laws are silent,’ J.R. Jayewardene reminded people in justifying the excesses during his tenure, never mind the fact that some of these excesses were exercised against those who were clearly not at war and were certainly not armed. What’s relevant here is that we are not in the middle of a war. Thus, while there is always a threat of terrorism, we are not facing armed insurrection. As such the regular laws of the country must apply to the exclusion of all else.

What is alarming is that less than a year and a half after coming to power pledging ‘change’ and in particular waxing eloquent about law and order, there are signs of a return to the ‘convenience’ of operating outside the ambit of the law, whatever the objective may be. The protesters were right. Abduction is out of order and worse reason for alarm. White-vanning is not the way to go, if you want to progress. It’s a step backwards and towards an abyss no one wants to go near.

SMEs As A Powerful Hybrid Engine For Development & Prosperity Of A Nation

By Sarath Wijesinghe –May 9, 2016

Sarath Wijesinghe

Small and medium enterprises (SME) is a Universal Concept tested and used worldwide successfully, in underdeveloped, developing and developed world. It is a part of economic strategy using human technology and experience to accelerate the growth to lessen the gap between the rich and poor, eradication of poverty and prosperity of the global population. 600 million jobs are needed in the next 15 years to absorb global workforce and the demands for funds for the humanity is growing every minute at a drastically rapid pace. Impact spreads worldwide with ripple effects on economies in this global cluster sandwiched with modern technology and access to information with a click of a button. No country can live in isolation without the impact of the global realities and it is the duty of the Government Departments on Commerce and Technology, Chambers of Commerce, Universities, Public Private sector should be in the forefront to work hand in hand to meet the future challenges faced by the world more specifically countries with less resources, and less technologically advanced struggling to make ends to meet. SME is a key engine and ideal opportunity to invest, support to widen the gap between rich and poor. It is a moot issue whether the above-mentioned stallholders live up to the expectations on serving the country with their expert knowledge and experience, the country is awaiting for. Country is full of debts, want of developments and investments with utterer uncertainty in the political economic and development culture infested with indiscipline, corruption and inefficiency from top to bottom. It is high time we get together and find a solution or perish together!

Backbone of the economy

SME is the backbone of the economy of a country and critical for job creation and development. It plays a major role in economics of any country. World Bank has estimated 365 to 445 micro small and medium “MSMES” organisations in different capacities and limitations depending on the country and the economic strength acting as a key engine in creating of opportunities and job creation. It is estimated that $ 3.4 billion transections take place small businesses engaged in big businesses. 90% of the world businesses are by SMEs with great economic impact essential for economic productivity. In USA 63% new jobs are created via SMEs. This situation spreads round the world with changes on economic output population and other factors. SME activism depends on the strategies of the government, private sector and the educational institutions on assisting and promoting the stake holders. Do we look after and make use of the backbone of the country with beauty, human resources, and strategically situated and placed on the main sea route passing through thousands of ships close to the newly constructed international Harbour and international Airport.

( Former CB Governor Cabral & Rajapaksa are responsible for the loses)

11/05/2016

Investments made on behalf of the Employees Provident Fund (EPF) by the previous government in 2013/2014 in the Colombo Stock Market have diminished by billions of rupees, the EPF annual report revealed.

It is reported that of the total long term and short term investments amounting to Rs. 71,690,881,118 made by the Fund in 80 companies in the share market as at December 31, 2013, an investment of Rs. 52,092,805,864 made in 61 of these companies had diminished by Rs. 13,823,352,605 as at that date,the report revealed, which was presented to parliament last week.

Professor of Economics, Colombo University, Sirimal Abeyratne told The Island Financial Review that it is bad for any government to use public funds to manipulate the market because it has a very high risk factor.

According the FPF annual report, the entire investment of the Fund made in 93 companies in the share market as at June 30, 2014 had been Rs. 75,393,966, 488, while the share market value of the investment amounting to Rs. 45,533,044,007 made in 57 companies had diminished by a sum of Rs. 9,679,212,488 as at that date.

Prof Abeyratne said the use of the huge fund for the manipulation of the stock market led to a lot of corruption and many malpractices.

Eight companies in which the EPF had made long term investments amounting to Rs. 3,285,216,703 as at December 31, 2013 had incurred losses during the year 2013/2014, according to the annual reports of those companies.

Two out of these companies in which investments of Rs. 199,555,228 and Rs. 711,242,903 were made had incurred losses continuously for a period of three years. “The Fund had received no benefits whatsoever from these companies, the report added.

The report further revealed that a surcharge alone which amounted to Rs. 194,273,332 that had to be recovered from 360 institutions from 2000 to 2013 had not been recovered even as at December 31, 2013.

By Hiran H.Senewiratne
The Island

ICIJ reveals 65 Sri Lankans in Panama

Papers

2016-05-10

Names of 65 Sri Lankans including Avant Garde Pvt. Ltd Chairman Nissanka Senadhipathi, were revealed by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) as a part of the controversial panama papers, last night.

The names were connected to 53 Sri Lankan addresses. The papers also revealed seven intermediaries and three offshore entities under 'Sri Lanka' on the ICIJ website.

OVERSEAS FINANCE Ltd, TECLLOYD LTD and BEST CHEERS were the three offshore entities linked to Sri Lanka incorporated in the British Virgin Islands.

Senadipathi and three shareholders, Senerath Bandara Dissanayake, Prasanna Athanasius Sirimevan Rajaratne and Y. H. P. Kithsiri Manjula Kumara Yapa had incorporated an offshore company through Mossack Fonseca & Co. (Singapore) Pvt. Ltd in August 2012.

The ICIJ said that there were legitimate uses for offshore companies and trusts. “It’s not our intention to suggest or imply that any persons, companies or other entities included in the ICIJ Offshore Leaks Database have broken the law or otherwise acted improperly,” it said.

Full Database of Offshore Leaks

Avant Garde features heavily in Panama Papers

Leaked documents reveal Avant Garde Chairman Nissanka Senadhipathi and three others used the Panamanian law firm to incorporate offshore company in British Virgin Islands
Senadhipathi rejects claims
Panama Papers list 18 individuals resident in Sri Lanka with offshore incorporations
International consortium of scribes releases large data trove of information about shadowy offshore operations

By Dharisha Bastians-Wednesday, 11 May 2016

Controversial Avant Garde Chairman Nissanka Senadhipathi has been named in the Panama Papers, which were released online late Monday.

lead-Avant-Garde-Chairman-Nissanka-Senadhipathi-

Senadhipathi, known to be a close associate of former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, is one of 18 individuals registered as being domiciled in Sri Lanka that have been listed in documents leaked from Panamanian law firm Mossack Fonseca by the International Consortium of International Journalists (ICIJ).

Mossack Fonseca has become known worldwide for creating hard-to-trace offshore companies by politicians, wealthy investors and, in many cases, notorious criminals in 21 jurisdictions, from Nevada USA to the British Virgin Islands.

The documents reveal that Mossack Fonseca incorporated an offshore company for Senadhipathi in the British Virgin Islands.

The leaked documents released on the internet on 9 May heavily features Avant Garde officials on its Sri Lanka list as shareholders in the company incorporated in the British Virgin Islands. Senarath Bandara Dissanayake, Treasurer and Director of an Avant Garde Ltd operation registered in Panama, according to records from the Panamanian Public Registry, Y. H. P. Kithsiri Manjula Kumara Yapa, a retired Police Chief Inspector serving as Managing Director of Avant Garde Security Services - Sri Lankan operation - and an individual named Prasanna Athanasius Sirimevan Rajaratne are listed as shareholders of the offshore entity, alongside Senadhipathi.

The official documents reveal that Senadhipathi and his three Avant Garde colleagues incorporated the offshore company in August 2012, using Mossack Fonseca’s Singapore office as an intermediary.

Sri Lankan citizens are permitted to hold and invest monies offshore, but the incorporations must be registered with the Inland Revenue Department. Offshore investors must also submit a balance sheet of all entities incorporated overseas to the Exchange Controls Department and bring any dividends back to the country. If any of the offshore entities are not registered with Inland Revenue and the Exchange Controls Department of the Central Bank, individuals and corporations would be found to be in violation of Sri Lankan Exchange Control laws.

It is unclear if all the individuals and entities listed in the Panama Papers as being domiciled in Sri Lanka and holding offshore accounts had declared these entities to Government authorities.

Senadhipathi’s lawyers have rejected the Panama Papers revelations out of hand, warning the media to be “mindful” of their claims since Avant Garde and its chairman have already been a ‘victim of frivolous and unsubstantiated allegations’.

Senadhipathi’s lawyer said his client was challenging the media to prove that he held even a single dollar in an offshore account, as revealed in the Panama Papers.

“My client is also concerned as to why when several names are stated in the alleged Panama papers, why his name is highlighted and slandered,” Attorney at Law Nishan Premathiratne said in a media release authorised by his client. Premathiratne added that Avant Garde is paid for its services in foreign currency.

Senadhipathi’s Avant Garde is a sprawling security corporation, with companies in Panama, where Mossack Fonseca is based, and Cyprus. In his official curriculum vitae, previously made available on the website for the company he operates in Cyprus, Senadhipathi also claims he was was appointed as an Advisor on Maritime Intelligence to the Minister of Defence and National Security of the Republic of Maldives since 20th August 2012 to advise the Maldivian Minister of Defence and National Security Maldives. Senadhipathi has since fallen foul of the Maldivian regime, and his previous recruiter, the country’s defence minister Mohamed Nazim is in jail on weapons smuggling charges. CID sleuths who raided Avant Garde’s second vessel docked in the Galle Harbour in October last year, found weapons with defaced serial numbers onboard, and documentation that grossly underestimated the number of weapons the ship, MT Avant Garde, was carrying. Further investigations revealed that the vessel had previously strayed into Maldivian and Indian territorial waters.

Known as the biggest data leak in history, the Panama Papers has exposed celebrities, politicians, corporates and criminals using tax-havens and offshore jurisdictions to store wealth.

Last week, Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake announced the Government would appoint a special panel to investigate individuals and corporations listed in the Panama Papers. However, verifying the information made available in the leaked documents would be virtually impossible without a forensic audit of private and corporate accounts, officials admit.

On Monday the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists published a searchable database that it said “strips away the secrecy of nearly 214,000 offshore entities created in 21 jurisdictions, from Nevada to Hong Kong and the British Virgin Islands.”

The new data that ICIJ made public this week represents a fraction of the Panama Papers, a trove of more than 11.5 million leaked files from the Panama-based law firm Mossack Fonseca.

Anti-Corruption Front, a corruption watchdog based in Colombo said the list of those maintaining offshore accounts included the controversial Avant Garde company, and individuals from the hotel, apparel and jewellery sectors.

“The Sri Lankan authorities must determine whether these persons have paid the necessary taxes and if taxes are not paid steps should be taken to reclaim the money,” said Ranjith Keerthi Tennakoon who serves as advisor to the ACF.

“Billions of dollars have been taken out of Sri Lanka in the recent years. Central Bank must take steps to get this money back. Panama papers have only reminded us again the need to introduce a mechanism regarding financial crimes,” Tennakoon said.

Shifting To Toxin Free Agriculture To Adapt To Climate Change

By Dawn Lee –May 9, 2016

Dawn Lee

Climate change impacts are felt cross the globe, and one of the key sectors that is impacted from climate change is agriculture. While the adverse impacts such as lack of rain, change of monsoon patterns, sudden floods, and droughts create losses and damage to the agriculture sector, the sector does also contribute to the increase of green house gas emissions through the use of chemical fertiliser. In order to address this issue, and adapt to climate change, there is a great need to shift from chemical based agriculture to toxin free agriculture.

Adaptation and Agriculture

Professor Buddhi Marambe from the University of Peradeniya, Chair of the Expert Committee on Adaption said, “Adaptation is an important aspect when addressing climate change. In this agriculture plays a key role. When adapting, we also need to keep in mind sustainable development.”

“The recently launched national programme on Toxin Free Agriculture in Sri Lanka is a really good example of the country moving towards low-external input sustainable agriculture,” he said.

Toxin Free Agriculture Policy

Chairman of Strategic Enterprise Management Agency, Sri Lanka Mr. Asoka Abeygunawardena, highlighted the transformative impact of policy and the importance of getting it right for sustainable agriculture.

“This is a three year programme which seeks to address the food security issue, as well as the toxin based agriculture issues in Sri Lanka. The farmers are provided awareness creation, and capacity building as well as resources to change from toxin based agriculture to organic and healthy agriculture.”

He further added, “Organic farmers no longer miss out on subsidies that were available to other farmers who use chemical fertilisers. They get subsidies too, and a guaranteed price per kilo for toxin-free traditional seed varieties,” he said, on efforts to increase organic and toxin-free production in the country.

Focusing on National & International Level

Policy and Advocacy Coordinator for Climate Action Network South Asia, Ms. Vositha Wijenayake said, “Now, more than ever, there exists the will to change and the understanding of why there is a need to shift from toxin based, emission increasing agriculture to climate friendly agriculture. Last year’s universal adoption of the development and climate change agendas supports this. What we need to do is to ensure that this momentum is harnessed for change that is inclusive, equitable and sustainable.”

1200x630_330011_europes-abortion-rules---no-singl

10/05/2016

Social and medical experts in Sri Lanka held a conference Monday (May 09) to debate the issue of legalizing abortion in the country as over 650 illegal abortions are taking place daily according to available statistics.

Prof. K.K. Karunathilake of the Social Science Unit of the Kelaniya University has said that about 658 illegal abortions are taking place in the country daily since the country’s law bars abortions.

Addressing a conference held at the Health Education Bureau under the theme “Should Abortion be legalized”, the academic pointed out that statistics have revealed that around 658 illegal abortions were taking place daily in the country. This meant that 240,170 abortions were taking place per year.

Legalizing abortion has become a responsible issue within the education and health sectors. If illegal abortions are to be brought under control, formal sexual education should be given a prominent place in schools while relaxing the laws related to abortion, he pointed out.

Expressing his views, Consultant Obstetrician and Gynecologist Dr. Mangala Dissanayake said the relevant authorities should make arrangements to legalize abortion on specific medical/social reasons decided by a panel of doctors.

He pointed out that Sri Lankan women seek help of those who call themselves ‘doctors’ to eliminate unwanted pregnancies and face post-abortion complications, sometimes even death.

According to Dr. Dissanayake 10 to 12 percent of maternal deaths occur in Sri Lanka due to the complications such as excessive bleeding and infections after unsafe and illegal abortions.

The specialist doctor said that the women who undergo illegal abortions at various places with the assistance of the quacks can now come to a state hospital immediately after the abortion and get their lives saved without getting arrested by the police.

He assured that the women who seek medical treatment for post-abortion health problems such as excessive bleeding and infections will not be arrested by the police.

He added that 20 to 50 percent of women who undergo abortions develop various short term and long term complications, such as mental problems and in some instances commit suicide.

http://www.news.lk/news/sri-lanka/item/13281-experts-debate-on-the-issue-of-legalizing-abortion-in-sri-lanka

Remove VAT, tax the capitalists– Peratugami Socialist Party

May 10, 2016

Peratugami Socialist Party conducted a protest campaign against the increase of vat by the government.

The protest was organized opposite the fort railway station and many members of the Peratugami Socialist Party joined

Colombo saw many minority Mayors

2016-05-09

ondon has elected its first Muslim and non-White mayor, Sadiq Khan, a son of a Pakistani immigrant bus driver, who will now be the first Muslim mayor in a Western Capital. World’s media was effusive, noting how politics in the UK’s metropolitan hub has over the time transcended race, religion and the skin colour; One report called the new Mayor ‘Citizen Khan’, (After the main protagonist in Orson Welles’ cinematic masterpiece,

‘Citizen Kane’). Some others were less charitable, a news portal, (Predictably enough) in the US flashed: The Muslim Mayor of Londonistan.

Funny enough, it struck me that we have had Muslim and Tamil mayors in our capital, Colombo for decades, even though no one appeared to have noticed it. The first mayor of Colombo elected through the universal suffrage in 1937 was Ratnasothy Saravanamuttu, a Tamil physician and our current first citizen of Colombo is ineffectual A.J.M.Muzammil. In between the two, out of 25 individuals who held the office, at least 12 were Tamils or Muslims. Among the most recent occupiers of the office are K.Ganeshalingam (1996-1997) succeeded by Karu Jayasuriya, Omar Kamil, Prasanna Gunawardene, Uvais Mohamed Imitiyas and at present Muzammil. Unlike London which since 2000 directly elects

the mayor, in our system, the mayor or the PS chairman is nominated by the party which wins the highest number of seats in the local government body. The different electoral methods (London’s was the same as ours until they opted to direct elections) do not make a difference in terms of political representation, though that and the greater powers entrusted with the mayor definitely have an impact in the delivery of policy.
So why was our feat in political representation of ethnic minorities not appreciated, even within the country itself?
There may be several explanations. First the obvious one: London is fashionable and Colombo is not, therefore it is hip to root for the former and not so for the latter.

Second, of course, appreciating the minority representation in Colombo would not help the dominant narrative that ethnic and religious minorities in Sri Lanka are a suppressed lot and that the Sinhala Buddhist majority go to bed everyday thinking how better they would suppress those hapless souls next day. The policy-makers in the EU and North America have been so thoroughly coached on this bunkum by the diaspora lobbies that they are now cocksure that anything contrary to that received wisdom cannot be true. Third, nor did the Sinhala political leadership have genuinely tried to harness many benefits of ethnic and religious pluralism in political representation. Their intentions in political accommodation of minorities have been opportunistic, most of the time. This has led to a new kind of clientelism that smacks of Iraqi politics where the constituent parties of the government distribute the government ministries among themselves and pack them with their loyalists. In Sri Lanka, the ruling party doles out a few government ministries to the minority parties in exchange for their support and new ministers then pack their ministries and public institutions with their goons. And the individuals promoted to government positions and the pubic offices through these means have also proved themselves to be incompetent buffoons and wheeler-dealers. The capable and principled members of minority communities (as well as the majority community) are denied opportunity to contribute to the national policy and development. All of that do not help fostering a culture of genuine ethnic political representation at the Centre.

Fourth, the Sinhala political leaders themselves have forestalled and even reversed integration of minority politics with the mainstream. The most devastating among those efforts was made by the first Prime Minister D.S. Senanayake himself. He disenfranchised the Tamils of Indian origin through his infamous Ceylon Citizenship Act of 1948 (and helped by some Tamil political elites including G.G. Ponnambalam) Senanayake’s concerns were petty party political, he feared the growing left-leaning political activism of the estate Tamil communities and their alignment with the mainstream leftist parties (which, along with the Northern parties opposed the Bill). The disenfranchisement of Tamils of Indian origin, among other devastating political consequences and personal sufferings, it unleashed, deprived this country the opportunity to evolve a more ethnically pluralistic political mainstream. When the estate Tamil communities were finally granted citizenship, they flocked around the race- based Ceylon Workers Congress of late S. Thondaman .
S.W. R.D. Bandaranaike went further, introducing the Sinhala Only Act, leading to further ethnic polarization. The rest is now history. However, there is another reason, which is perhaps the most compelling of all. Some of the most influential and consequential Sinhala political leaders in independent Sri Lanka might have been closeted bigots and short-sighted opportunists, and some of the early political decisions such as the ones noted earlier were disastrous. However, those were not perfect times, even in the global context. Jim Crow laws were in place in the United States until the mid -1960s.

In the Sri Lankan context, in spite of the latent discrimination and no matter how repugnant it was, Tamils still held a disproportionate share in the higher echelons of the bureaucracy and the elite professions: In 1980, one third of the Sri Lankan Administrative Service, legal profession and accountancy were occupied by the Tamils; Jaffna was the second richest city in the country. At the time of the Black July in 1983, the IGP (Rudra Rajasingham) and Attorney General ( Shiva Pasupathy) were Tamil. Justice Suppiah Sharvananda was the Chief Justice during 1984-1988. Thus, the evil of discrimination was not as dark as it was later projected in the Eelam propaganda; definitely not convincing enough to turn Jaffna in to a factory of suicide terrorists.
The most consequential of all in the ethnic polarization was the conduct of the Tamil political leadership. Prof Rajan Hoole in a series of monographs highlights how the Northern Tamil political leadership through its maximalist manoeuvring dragged the Tamils, and the country as a whole to the point of no return. The LTTE is the outcome of that political strategy of the Federal Party and later the TULF, aimed at escalation and intimidation of the Colombo government. Tamil political leadership disengaged from the mainstream national politics, partly because they refused to acknowledge the superior numerical aggregate of the Sinhalese majority and preferred to confrontation over accommodation. Mullivaikkal is the unfortunate final outcome.

Now, Sri Lanka should genuinely strive to integrate ethnic minority politics with the mainstream national politics. That cannot be done as long as minority leaders choose to dole out plush positions allocated to the party among their kith and kin and henchmen and the mainstream party leaders view such an accommodation more in the context of a narrow political strategy to win minority votes, than a national endeavour to create a more politically and ethnically pluralistic society. We also need more and more competent minority members within the ranks of the UNP and SLFP. After all Sadiq Khan did not run for elections from some British Muslim Party.