Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, April 22, 2016

Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto holds up a signed document during an announcement on proposed marijuana policy Thursday in Mexico City. (Eduardo Verdugo/AP)
By Joshua Partlow-April 22
 With a swipe of his pen this week, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto proposed that Mexican citizens could legally possess up to an ounce of pot.

The day before, Canada’s health minister stood at a United Nations podium andannounced that her country would introduce new federal legislation to make cannabis legal by next year.

Already, people are free to smoke marijuana in four U.S. states and the District of Columbia, and medical marijuana is allowed in almost half the country. Uruguay has fully legalized weed for sale. And a large chunk of South and Central America, including Brazil, Peru, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Costa Rica, have made marijuana more available in varying ways, whether it is for medicinal or recreational use.

In the shift toward legalization of marijuana, the Americas have emerged as a leader. This is a remarkable shift for a region that includes some of the world’s leading producers of marijuana, coca and opium poppy, and where the U.S. government has spearheaded adecades-long campaign against cultivation of the substances.

“It’s undeniable that the terms of the debate about drugs are changing in Mexico and in the world,” Peña Nieto said during a speech Thursday announcing his new legislative proposal. “Fortunately, a new world consensus is gradually emerging in favor of reform.”

For many Mexicans, the prospect of such reform seemed unimaginable just a few years back. Using illegal drugs has long been taboo in this conservative, predominantly Catholic country — as is true in many other Latin American nations. Drug-trafficking groups have inflicted horrific violence on the country, with an estimated 100,000 people dying in the past decade as the cartels have battled for control of shipping lanes to the United States. Polls have shown a majority of Mexicans oppose legalizing drugs, fearing that would increase addictions and crime.

To have a Mexican president come out publicly in favor of loosening drug laws struck many people as historic.

“This was the breaking point,” said Jorge Diaz Cuervo, a Mexican economist and politician who recently published a book on the prospect of legalizing marijuana. “There is now a before and after.”

Peña Nieto’s initiative would make it legal for anyone to own up to 28 grams of marijuana — or one ounce — as long as it was intended for personal use. It would also permit the use of marijuana for medicinal purposes, and make it easier to free prisoners who are being held on minor drug charges. The move came after five public forums held across Mexico this year to solicit public opinion and expert testimony on the prospect of changing drug laws. Mexicans were previously allowed to possess up to 5 grams.

Peña Nieto spoke this week at a U.N. General Assembly special session on narcotics that had been scheduled at the request of Mexico, Colombia and Guatemala, the first such gathering in nearly 20 years. In his speech, he said that the policy of prohibition of drugs has failed, and that countries needed to look for an alternative.

His initiative would need legislative approval, although with presidential support many expect it has a good chance. The proposal was seen by legalization advocates as a welcome first step, although some argued that it was important to pass additional measures — such as allowing Mexican farmers to grow marijuana so that the medicinal industry could succeed.

Zara Snapp, a drug policy expert from Mexico, said it was important to “move drugs out of the security realm and into the health and human rights space.”

But opposition still is formidable in Mexico for blanket legalization of marijuana and other drugs.
And critics of Peña Nieto’s plan say that increasing the quantity of marijuana that adults can smoke will simply lead to more consumption and will not significantly reduce the business of drug cartels, which make money in diverse ways, including extortion, human trafficking and the trafficking of cocaine and heroin.

Elias Octavio Iñiguez Mejia of the right-leaning National Action Party, who serves as president of the health commission in the lower house of congress, said that he would consider medicinal use of marijuana, as long as studies on its effects were done in Mexico by Mexican institutions. But he remains firmly opposed to recreational use.

“It’s not a panacea, nor is it going to decrease crime,” he said. He predicted that Mexico “will enter a dynamic where our children, who are a vulnerable group, will see consumption as a normal thing.”

Alejandro Gertz Manero, a former Mexico City police chief and ex-federal secretary of public security, said that the only thing that would come from the proposed reforms is “narcos are going to become respectable businessmen.”

“This is a veritable circle of contradictions, of scandalous affirmations, of evasion of responsibilities,” he said. “We should diagnose and find solutions, but what’s happening now is the height of ridiculousness.”
A shift in mind-set

Past legislative efforts to decriminalize marijuana use in Mexico have failed. One of the driving forces behind such efforts was Fernando Belaunzarán, who served as a congressman from the left-wing Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) until last year.

Last April, Belaunzarán received a text message asking for help from Raul Elizalde, a businessman in Monterrey whose 8-year-old daughter, Grace, suffered from severe epilepsy. Elizalde wanted to provide his daughter with marijuana oil, an experimental treatment available in the United States and Europe, but Mexico had banned the substance.

After a judge ruled in favor of the Elizaldes, and they won access to the substance, Grace’s case became a symbol in Mexico of the burgeoning debate over marijuana use. Peña Nieto, who appeared at a news conference at the health ministry in Mexico City on Thursday with Raul Elizalde, said his decision to push reforms was motivated by a desire to avoid “the suffering of girls, boys and patients, like Grace, who have epilepsy or other conditions and can’t access effective therapies.”

Peña Nieto also highlighted the problems of Mexico’s prison system, crowded with low-level drug offenders. He warned against the “injustice that thousands of people, especially women, many of them mothers, suffer for being turned into criminals for consuming marijuana.”

Peña Nieto is considered a conservative on the drug issue, so his announcement surprised some Mexicans. But in recent months, the debate has changed. Last fall, the Supreme Court ruled that a group of activists could legally grow and sell marijuana. The Senate is also considering legislation to have a state-regulated marijuana industry.

Earlier this month, Mexican newspapers reported that Peña Nieto wasn’t planning to attend the U.N. drug summit. But after reviewing the results of the public forums, Peña Nieto decided to go.

After his speech Thursday, he shook hands with Belaunzarán, the former congressman who has long advocated for legalization.

“Congratulations on this first step,” Belaunzarán told him.

“It is a first step,” Peña Nieto agreed.

Gabriela Martinez in Mexico City contributed to this report.

Breakthroughs In Uterine Fibroid Treatment Improves Quality Of Life For Women

Women suffering from uterine fibroids can now look forward to a course of treatment that promises significant relief from most symptoms.
One of them is the only medical treatment approved by Health Canada, and the first in this new class of medications called selective progesterone receptor modulators.
That’s positive news for women experiencing symptoms caused by uterine fibroids — specifically, benign tumours that grow on the walls of the uterus. It’s a widespread condition with 80 percent of African American women and 70 percent of Caucasian women developing the condition in their lifetimes. Almost half of those have significant and often disabling symptoms.
“We know a low blood or iron count due to heavy periods are under diagnosed and under treated...”
Though fibroids are benign, the ramifications of them are not. A recent Canadian survey of more than 9,000 women found with uterine fibroids determined that this group lost more work days, had greater levels of distress, and spent more money on feminine hygiene products than the general population. Meanwhile, a woman’s emotional wellbeing and the way she lives her life is also affected. In an international epidemiological survey of 21,000 women, 54 percent of those women with uterine fibroids said that it negatively impacted their lives. Of that 54 percent, sexual life was the most negatively impacted aspect followed by work performance, and relationships involving family or considered personal.
There are significant physical effects as well, including heavy menstrual bleeding, anemia, difficulty concentrating (due to low iron levels), fatigue, and discomfort. “The most significant of these symptoms of uterine fibroids is heavy menstrual bleeding,” says Dr. Sony Singh, Vice Chair of Gynecology at The Ottawa Hospital. “That usually starts the whole process rolling. Often patients are told this is normal. But, we know a low blood or iron count due to heavy periods are under diagnosed and under treated — so women are quite uncomfortable about seeing a physician to get the care needed.”
“There is also a significant social and economic impact in terms of costs to the health care system and the care needed,” explains Dr. Singh. “It is equivalent to other chronic diseases like diabetes and arthritis. We don’t talk about this much because it is a reproductive issue. People don’t like to discuss things like periods, but it’s important to bring awareness and advocacy for women who are suffering.”
Now, with the introduction of this new therapy, there is a minimally invasive, non-surgical treatment option to address many of the issues uterine fibroids pose for patients, physicians, and other healthcare professionals.  Patients are encouraged to discuss this treatment with their doctor. It’s reflective of a change in thinking about treatment that points to medical management as a first preferred approach before last resort surgical procedures. In Canada, the majority of hysterectomies (about 30 percent) are done as a result of uterine fibroids. For women of child-bearing age who hope to conceive, it has life-changing consequences.
"We don’t talk about this much because it is a reproductive issue. People don’t like to discuss things like periods, but it’s important to bring awareness and advocacy for women who are suffering."
The new treatment is a daily pill taken for three continuous months, offering improvement for patients. This course of treatment can be repeated, if needed. “The drug is most effective in controlling heavy menstrual bleeding in women with fibroids,” says Dr. Singh. “Women who have heavy bleeding can get good control of their periods with this medication while waiting for surgery or as an alternative to it. Those who want to avoid surgery long term can actually take several courses of treatment — and that is exciting as well.”
Studies show that long-term, intermittent use of this oral treatment maximizes potential key benefits, including: bleeding control (rapid onset), anemia correction, fibroid size, and improvement in quality of life. Dr. Singh adds, “It’s one of those medications that actually changes the fibroid itself and can shrink it. It’s quite good in the majority of patients for controlling their symptoms.”
In February 2015, the Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology of Canada published new clinical practice guidelines on uterine fibroids. Evidence pointed to the therapy for anemia correction and the treatment of abnormal uterine bleeding and bulk symptoms, such as pelvic pressure and pain. In regards to the new treatment option, the journal stated: “Of all of the hormonal options available for women with uterine fibroids, ulipristal acetate has the most rapid documented onset of action and control of bleeding.”
“Today, we have more tools available for women than ever before,” says Dr. Singh. “We have our traditional options, but also this new drug available. With the more choices we have, we can find something that works best for the individual. Patients now have greater choice.”

Thursday, April 21, 2016


 21 April 2016
 
A new report has detailed ongoing human rights violations and militarisation across all eight districts of the North-East.

Harassment and violence by security forces, ongoing occupation of Tamil land and the extensive militarisation are fostering a sense of disillusionment amongst the Tamil population in the North-East, the report by Washington-based PEARL says, based on interviews it conducted in the North-East.
A shop operated by the military. The board identifies it as attached to and operated by the 573 Brigade, January 2016 (Photo: PEARL)
The report notes that while more obvious surveillance has lessened, covert intelligence gathering continued, including of civil society, human rights and political activists.

The military's "massive operational presence" and its involvement in civilian activities not only contributes to a sense of being under occupation but also harms the economic development of the North-East, it further said.

“Sri Lanka’s continuing lack of progress on key issues such as accountability and demilitarization throws into question the government’s sincerity and political will to implement the pledges it has made,” PEARL’s Advocacy Director Mario Arulthas said.

“The government could have taken strong, concrete measures to build confidence amongst Tamils over the last 15 months, but instead has continued policies in place under the Rajapaksa regime. This is not conducive for accountability and for an end to decades of state-impunity for crimes, both of which are integral to a lasting peace on the island.”

See the full report here. For photos accompanying the report see here.

The report highlighted military involvement in schools and its operation of farms and hotels.
"The military is also heavily involved in the North-Eastern economy, running large farms (including on land appropriated from displaced people) and a network of shops, all of which have signage reflecting the details of the military units responsible," the report notes.

"One year since the change in government, the militarization which became ‘normalized’ during the Rajapaksa administration continues largely unabated and is a key obstacle to the post-war normalization, both in terms of local governance and public life more generally."

"Persisting a year after the change in government, the heavy military presence, triumphalist victory monuments, and Sinhala chauvinist character of the state’s security structures are exacerbating feelings of oppression and occupation, and fuelling Tamil disillusionment, resentment and mistrust towards the government."

The military operated at least 5 farms in the Northern Province alone, and several hotels, including at least one built on the site of a former LTTE cemetery.
“Victory” monument in Puthukudiyiruppu, Mullaithivu (Photo: PEARL)
Harassment of civil society activists and journalists by security forces also continued.
"The military and police continue to harass members of civil society organisations, human rights activists, and journalists. These actions are described as systematic and intended to intimidate campaigners, stifle political dissent, and to deter potential activists from getting involved. The photographing and filming of protestors is commonplace and intimidates many members of the public, causing them to stay away from such activities for fear of reprisals by the security forces," the report states.

The report also highlighted the lack of economic development and societal rebuilding after the end of the armed conflict and detailed how this, alongside the slow pace in reforms and the continuation of violations led to increasing scepticism and disillusionment amongst the Tamil population.

"Underpinning this growing suspicion and scepticism about accountability, a political solution and ‘reconciliation’ more generally, are a set of dynamics in the North-East with regards to memorializing the war: Tamils are prevented, by both official directives and actions by the military, from commemorating the victims of the war. Further, Tamils’ traumatic experiences are compounded by the persistent glorification of the Sri Lankan military through multiple victory monuments in the North-East. It is notable that the military has been erecting such monuments predominantly in Tamil areas of the country – which, as noted above, is also where most of the military forces and the majority of their major bases are maintained. This includes new military bases established on the sites of cemeteries and other sites of remembrance established by the LTTE and which were systematically razed by the military first," it said.

No assistance for the Meeribedda refugees

No assistance for the Meeribedda refugees

Apr 21, 2016
The people belong to the 90 families in the Koslanda Meeribedda area is subject to live gazing the risk zone located in the area with their children. They pointed out the authorities responsible have lost their concern about them. 75 families living in the Koslanda Meeribedda area in the Badulla district lost their houses due to a landslide occurred in October 5th 2014 at 7.30am. Due to the landslide 39 people died or still missing.
Although the area near to the landslide occurred was named as a danger zone still there are ninety families living in the area due to the fact they don’t have any other suitable lands to move.

According to JICA (Japan International Corporation Agency)research reports the landslide area and the adjoining area has been named as unstable zones due to the existence of landslide mass and the flowing of spring water down the surface. The research report also pointed out the people to be careful of the moving soil and from landslides.

“I have four children and we are living in a danger zone. Nobody search about us. They assured to build houses during the landslide but nobody came after that. We are in trouble now. Although they tell us to leave we don’t have any place to go. During the landslide we don’t have electricity in our village. Only the wires are laid. The children are studying using the lamps” Said Pandiyarajan who is 39 years old.

“Four of my family members including my brother died during the landslide. Their children are living with me. I heard there are houses building to the landslide victims. There are still 100 families living in the danger zone. We are living closer to the landslide area. They are saying the place where we stay also vulnerable to landslides. They are telling us to leave the place when it rains. We don’t have a place to go. If they build houses for us in a good place we will go from here. Nobody comes in search of us for help. They come to see us. We are living deprived and we cannot carry our children and run when it rains” said R. Manoharan who is 60 years.

Pushparani who is 53 years lamented “We live in Meeriyabedda and I have three children. My son has two kids and we all live in one house. When it rains they tell us not to stay here and tell us to go somewhere. Without facilitating us they just tell us to go. We don’t have a place to go. It would be good if they can make and give us houses. They tell the mountain above us is sliding and the area we are living now is digging down. When raining somebody comes and tell us not to stay here but to go somewhere. We don’t have a place to go”

“We live in Meeriyabedda, they tell us to go from here when it starts raining. We don’t have a place to go. I have two children. We don’t have a place to go” – Wijayakumari

Vinodhini six years– “We go to school with greatest difficulty we don’t have transportation facilities. When we go to school while raining we cannot come back due to water” Parents come and take us. When it rains we are getting wet inside the house while studying”
Kandaiiah Dayalan – They are telling us to come and stay here when it rains. There are already 90 families living here. There are elephants roaming here we cannot go to that side. There are small children, elders, we cannot carry them and run. Nobody is helping us but they are forcing us to go”

6000 families at risk
When we inquired from the Badulla district secretariat Nimal Abeysiri about the steps taken regarding the people living in the Koslanda Meeriyabedda area he said despite there are more than six thousand families living in the medium risk zones in the Badulla district and it is a difficult task to built houses for all living in the medium risk zones at once but we are conducting pre training programs to people living in the risk zones of how to face and save them from disaster situations
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Sri Lanka’s Rapidly Ageing Population & Socio-Economic Challenges


By Zahran Sikkanther Lebbe –April 22, 2016
Zahran Lebbe
Zahran Lebbe
Sri Lanka’s rapidly ageing population poses serious challenges on several fronts. Selected socio-economic challenges of this demographic transition are highlighted in this article, calling attention of the policy makers to implement fruitful interventions to preserve the rights of the elderly and to ensure their financial stability, social security and easy access to healthcare.
Statistics shows that the population above the age of 60 years was 2.5 million in 2012 which is 12.5% of the total population whereas projection shows that Sri Lanka would have elderly population of about 3.6 million by 2021, which is 16.7% of the total population and by 2041, one-quarter of the population would be elderly.
Strain on Public Financing
As a greater proportion of population reaches retirement age, more people will be drawing from public funded pension schemes which could absorb greater fraction of future national expenditure.
Additionally, the government has to allocate more funds to fulfill their health care and welfare needs, whilst the national expenditure priorities would be negatively impacted with the availability of the limited fund for the public investment activities and for economic prosperity.
Shrinking National labor force
Ageing population will not only create a shortage of young talent in the national labor force, but also create large-scale exodus of experienced human capital from the national labor force reaching their traditional retirement age.
National labor force will be further burdened with the outward migration of young local talents and once if the existing Sri Lanka’s low level of female labor force participation is continued.
Furthermore, statistics shows that the labor force participation of the Sri Lankan elderly population also remains low.
Encouragingly, elderly people live healthy and active even at the oldest ages and as a result many of them may prefer to remain in the workforce even after their retirement age. Hence, appropriate policy changes could be implemented to retain them in the workforce, further contributing to the economic progress of the country.
Pressure on National Health Care System               Read More
21 April 2016
The UK Foreign Office in its annual human rights report, reported that positive steps made by the new Sri Lankan government were "less apparent in the north and east", highlighting the "continued reports of torture, and sexual and gender-based violence" documented in the OHCHR report.

"Human rights defenders continued to report harassment and surveillance in 2015, a point raised by the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances during their visit in November. The OISL report also highlighted a number of human rights concerns that still remain, including continued reports of torture, and sexual and gender-based violence."

"The UK has urged the government to investigate these and other allegations of human rights violations, and will continue to push for progress in these areas."
See here for full report. (Find Sri Lanka on page 47).

Broken at the Top – The Oxfam Report

Oxfam America – TRANSCEND Media Service

TRANSCEND's Profile Photo 18 April 2016

April 14, 2016 – How America’s Dysfunctional Tax System Costs Billions in Corporate Tax Dodging
Background
Tax dodging by multinational corporations costs the US approximately $111 billion each year and saps an estimated $100 billion every year from poor countries, preventing crucial investments in education, healthcare, infrastructure, and other forms of poverty reduction. US policymakers and a broken international tax system enable tax dodging by multinational corporations, which contributes to dangerous inequality that is undermining our social fabric and hindering economic growth.
Introduction:
The gap between rich and poor is reaching new extremes. The richest 1% have accumulated more wealth than the rest of the world put together. Meanwhile, the wealth owned by the bottom half of humanity has fallen by a trillion dollars in the past five years. Just 62 individuals now have the same wealth as 3.6 billion people – half of humanity. This figure is down from 388 individuals as recently as 2010. These dramatic statistics are just the latest evidence that today we live in a world with dangerous and growing levels of inequality.
This inequality is fueled by an economic and political system that benefits the rich and powerful at expense of the rest, causing the gains of economic growth over the last several decades to go disproportionately to the already wealthy. Among the most damning examples of this rigged system is the way large, profitable companies use offshore tax havens, and other aggressive and secretive methods, to dramatically lower their corporate tax rates in the United States and developing countries alike. This practice is called “tax avoidance” or “tax dodging.” Ironically, these same companies, which retain a multibillion dollar army of lobbyists to influence federal policy, are among the largest beneficiaries of taxpayer funded support.
Tax dodging by multinational corporations costs the US approximately $111 billion each year. But these schemes do not just harm the US. The same tactics corporations use to dodge US tax sap an estimated $100 billion every year from poor countries, preventing crucial investments in education, healthcare, infrastructure, and other forms of poverty reduction. The harm done to Americans and people living in poor countries by corporate tax dodging are two sides of the same coin.
A new analysis by Oxfam of the 50 largest public US companies6 sheds light on just how rigged the tax system has become and shows that these same companies are using considerable political influence to push for even greater rewards in the forms of loans, bailouts and other government support. The analysis highlights the vast taxpayer-funded support the largest and most profitable US companies receive even as they engage in aggressive schemes to avoid paying taxes. Using corporate financial, lobbying and investor disclosures, Oxfam found:
  • From 2008 – 2014 the 50 largest US companies collectively received $27 in federal loans, loan guarantees and bailouts for every $1 they paid in federal taxes.
  • From 2008 – 2014 these 50 companies spent approximately$2.6 billion on lobbying while receiving nearly $11.2 trillion in federal loans, loan guarantees and bailouts.
  • Even as these 50 companies earned nearly $4 trillion in profits globally from 2008–2014, they used offshore tax havens to lower their effective overall tax rate to just 5%8, well below the statutory rate of 35% and even below average levels paid in other developed countries. Only 5 of 50 companies paid the full 35% corporate tax rate.
  • These companies relied on an opaque and secretive network of more than 1600 disclosed subsidiaries in tax havens to stash about $1.4 trillion offshore. In addition to the 1600 known subsidiaries, the companies may have failed to disclose thousands of additional subsidiaries to the Securities and Exchange Commission because of weak reporting requirements.
  • Their lobbying appears to have offered an incredible return on investment. For every $1 spent on lobbying, these 50 companies collectively received $130 in tax breaks and more than $4,000 in federal loans, loan guarantees and bailouts.
This article originally appeared on Transcend Media Service (TMS) on 18 April 2016.
Anticopyright: Editorials and articles originated on TMS may be freely reprinted, disseminated, translated and used as background material, provided an acknowledgement and link to the source,TMS: Broken at the Top – The Oxfam Report, is included. Thank you.

Truth Beyond Commissions: A Reflection




Photo courtesy The Daily Beast

On the 31st of March a small gathering at the Bar Association Auditorium in Colombo, heard a wise and timely presentation on restorative justice and constitutionalism by a visiting lawyer from South Africa. On that occasion Mr Howard Varney, a guest of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), solemnly offered several helpful insights from his own country as well as Kenya and Tunisia, on how a violated and wounded society could best ensure that the ghosts of the past would ‘never again’ return to haunt its people.

This reflection is on two of his disclosures on truth commissions. These are,

That the TRC failed to deal with the violations of several of the more culpable perpetrators in South Africa.

In-spite of the TRC functioning after the shift in power these perpetrators, were yet able to evade the mechanisms for justice and reconciliation through truth telling. Most were never heard or called to defend themselves against the evidence of victims and witnesses.

There is a lesson here for us, called to address violations of human rights, during our recent past. The mere ‘setting up’ of structures and mechanisms for reconciliation with justice is no guarantee that this will happen. In fact the way investigations are proceeding on several serious allegations of corruption and violence, that have little direct connection with the thirty year civil conflict, indicates that powerful perpetrators will not be held accountable and justice will not be done by those harmed and humiliated. 

This is because with some notable exceptions, politicians have a way of closing ranks when in crises, to trump the national conscience by cleverly neutralising their populist public pronouncements.

Similarly the powerful States that speak for the ‘International Community’, familiar with the rules of this game, know how to go along with the rituals of accountability and shift gears at the right time. The real hard task of post conflict communities coming to terms with the truth just once in their histories is of secondary importance to these internal and external forces, for whom the pursuit of wealth and power (markets and militarisation) matter most, all the time.

One way of preventing pacts among the powerful wealthy here and elsewhere will however be for the Government to be pressurised to do what it is mandated to do; take full responsibility to initiate investigative action when violations occur among its own and within its borders. The ability of a people to sense the distinction between hollow mechanisms and the statutory application of the rule of law is crucial for this task of advocacy.

Most of the truth revealed was from encounters beyond the formal proceedings of the TRC

In this sense all Truth Commissions that follow a protracted conflict are an anti-climax. This is because there is already a reservoir of peoples (public) memory that ironically judges and outlives formal hearings. This memory is kept alive in whispers within trusted circles around almost every, abduction, unlawful detention, act of intimidation and torture, assassination and so on. Somewhere out there, are relations and colleagues in whom anxious victims confided, and who will not easily disclose the truth in formal structures, and somewhere out there, are clusters of perpetrators and accomplices, who are desperate to hide their sinister secrets from the public eye. Consequently, the challenge to truth discovery centres on how these narratives could be facilitated to complete a fuller understanding of the truth.

One way forward in this quest would be to initiate a process that would initially hear such concealed truth in a less formal, culturally compatible ethos, and then pass these tentative findings on to the more ‘intimidating’ judicial process for formal hearings. In doing so, narratives privy to victims will have to be dealt with mindful of the trauma experienced in reliving these experiences.

Such an integrated shift will require visionary courage by the judiciary, whose task it is to ensure a safe and just society for all, through impartial and consistent mechanisms of protection and investigation in challenging circumstances. The delicate balance between amnesty and prosecutions can only be addressed thereafter; once the truth is known.

Conclusion

Our recent political history records that those in civil governance seek to enhance the lives of the people only after their own interests are safeguarded. What can reverse this order are alert peoples movements and institutional reform. In this swing between decline and advancement we are called to avoid the extremes of disillusionment and idealism and strive without ceasing for the common good.
With Peace and Blessings to all.

The Bracegirdle Incident


By Laksiri Fernando –April 22, 2016
Dr. Laksiri Fernando
Dr. Laksiri Fernando
It was during this period 79 years ago in 1937, the ‘Bracegirdle Incident’ flared up giving considerable impetus to the young Left movement in Sri Lanka, also creating potential for the nationalist movement to call for independence from the British rule. It was on 22 April 1937 that Bracegirdle was served with a deportation order which was defied with the backing of the leftist leaders in the country. What follows here is a translation of what I wrote in 1973, about the incident, in Sinhala, in Jathika Viyaparaya, Viyawastha Vardhanaya Saha Vamansika Viyaparaye Upatha (Nationalist Movement, Constitutional Development and Origins of the Left Movement). No changes are made to the text except few corrections of names. The subheadings are however new with more paragraph breaks.
Background
Mark Anthony Lyster Bracegirdle was an Englishman who arrived in Ceylon in early 1936 from Australia. He came to Ceylon to be trained as a planter in the tea industry. Later, the Australian police reported that he had been an active member of the communist youth movement when he was a student in Sydney.
Photo- Bracegirdle beside Colvin R. de Silva and others at Horana in 1937
Bracegirdle beside Colvin R. de Silva and other Trotskyite leaders at Horana in 1937Bracegirdle undertook ‘creeping’ [apprenticeship in tea-planting] at Relugas estate in Madulkelle under the Superintendent, H. D. Thomas. Soon he was not only surprised but resented the way the European planters treated the estate workers. The treatment was so horrible and horrendous. Conflicts arose between Bracegirdle and the Superintendent Thomas, as the former became a ‘friend’ of the workers. Thus the intention of Thomas soon was to send Bracegirdle back to Australia.
However, Bracegirdle was of a different intention. Guided by his feelings for socialism, he came to be in touch with the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP). Neither the planters nor the police tolerated the situation, as one of their fellowmen had apparently become a tool of the communists. Almost from the beginning Thomas had informed the Inspector General of Police about Bracegirdle. If not by persuasion, their intention was to send him back by force. All happened in a quick pace.

Are politically-biased suitable for Supreme Court? 

Are politically-biased suitable for Supreme Court?

Apr 21, 2016
Before being appointed to the court of appeal, Deepali Wijesundara has been infamous for having questionable connections when she was in the lower courts. Among these connections, her association with ex-president Mahinda Rajapaksa came to light when she gave the court ruling against former Army commander Sarath Fonska. Her verdict was unbelievable not only for those having direct connections with the law, but also for the common masses. Nothing more will be said on that count because everyone knows all about it.
After she gave that ruling, she received many official and unofficial privileges, and with Rajapaksa’s intervention, got a security contingent of 15 policemen. The duty of one of them was to look after her pet dog. That was just one privilege she got for having given a ruling against Fonseka.
Everyone in the judiciary knows that her sister Menaka Wijesundara was elevated to be a high court judge all of a sudden due to her having run her judicial affairs to suit the wants of the ex-president. She tarnishes the dignity of the judiciary by getting her needs done by serving the wants of top persons. During the previous regime, she used to say that the president telephoned her directly and told her how the verdict of a particular case should be.
Deepali also has connections with chief justice Sri Pavan. Her daughter and son-in-law and Sri Pavan’s son are business partners.
Very inefficient, she arrives at the court of appeal around 9.30 am and leaves for home before noon. We believe that if she is appointed to the Supreme Court by any chance, the forces that sabotage the ‘Yahapaalanaya’ will certainly come to extend its tentacles to the SC too.

REPORT: DYNAMICS OF SINHALA BUDDHIST ETHNO-NATIONALISM IN POST-WAR SRI LANKA

President's  son with young monks
( President Sirisena’s son post for photographs with young monks)
Sri Lanka Brief21/04/2016
Introduction:
Almost seven years have lapsed since the end of the war, yet Sri Lanka continues to remain a deeply divided society. Empirical evidence from the four waves of the ‘Democracy in post-war Sri Lanka’ public opinion survey conducted by Social Indicator (SI), the survey research arm of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), corroborates this ground reality: Sri Lankans are polarised along ethnic lines on key questions related to governance, and the task of promoting reconciliation between the island’s diverse communities has been identified by the current administration as a key priority. A special Presidential Task Force on Reconciliation, which subsequently metamorphosed into the Office for National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR) was thus appointed in March 2015, with a specific mandate “to lead, facilitate, support and coordinate matters related to national unity and reconciliation in Sri Lanka”.
Divisive nationalist posturing from the country’s main ethnic communities has presented the singular most formidable challenge to reconciliation, social cohesion, and the vision of creating a united Sri Lanka.
This report examines the phenomenon of ethno-nationalism, broadly defined as “the extreme political expression of ethnicity”, among the island’s largest ethno-religious group – the Sinhala Buddhist community, and the dynamics of Sinhala-Buddhist ethno-nationalism in the post-war context. Contrary to some interpretations that ethnicity has lost its power as a tool for political mobilisation, this report contends that Sinhala-Buddhist ethno-nationalism remains a highly potent force. Nationalistic fervour appeared to be on a downward trajectory following the January 2015 presidential election in which Maithripala Sirisena won campaigning on an anti-corruption platform which pulled together a number of divergent political forces. However, the growing disenchantment in the Sinhala-Buddhist community on many fronts, their burgeoning economic woes in particular, at least in part has made it easier for nationalistic political posturing to re-capture its lost appeal.
This report also argues that while the vast majority of Sinhala Buddhists embrace rationalistic values and are amenable to sharing power with the minorities, nationalistic forces within the community continue to subsume moderate voices. As a direct result of their dominance and the centre’s apprehensions of triggering an extremist backlash, arriving at a sustainable political solution to the country’s ethnic question will remain a contentious issue. Therefore, although the government has accorded priority to ‘reconciliation’ as a policy objective, a meaningful reconciliation process which – most critically – includes the formulation of an inclusive political system whereby minorities will have an equitable stake in governance will be extremely challenging in view of this reality.
The conclusion:
There is little doubt that the biggest challenge to Sri Lanka’s reconciliation agenda comes from nationalists on all sides of the divide. The difficulty lies in the fact that there can be serious resistance from nationalists to evolving a meaningful power-sharing arrangement as a key component of the reconciliation process. Ethno-nationalistic rhetoric was strongly invoked during both major elections of 2015, but it was unable to harness adequate support to ensure electoral victory for the nationalist camp because other pressing issues impelled a significant proportion of the Sinhala-Buddhist population to vote for a change in the country’s political leadership.
Sinhala-Buddhist ethno-nationalism, the particular focus of this report, was on a general downward trajectory following the 2015 presidential election driven in large part by the discourse on democracy which was activated in the run-up to the election and thereafter.
Nevertheless, it remains a very potent force which could be used to stir communal discord as the context changes. The growing disenchantment in the Sinhala-Buddhist community on many fronts, their economic and cultural insecurity in particular, at least in part has made it easier for nationalistic political posturing to re-capture its lost appeal. The popularity of ‘Sinha-Le’ campaign, which appears to be politically-backed and well-organised evinces ethno-nationalism’s continued power as a tool to mobilise insecure masses.
In this connection it is important to note that the Government’s decision to withdraw the Penal Code Amendment Bill to render hate speech a crime punishable by a two-year prison term is welcome, as it could have been potentially dangerous in view of the fact that successive governments have used such provisions to selectively target political opponents. The necessary legal framework is already in line with international standards, and what is required is to ensure the uniform application of existing laws.90 The law enforcement agencies should implement existing laws pertaining to hate speech as defined in the Penal Code and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and guarantee a climate in which all religious communities can practice their faith without fear.
It the Constitution which accords Buddhism the foremost place. No doubt all religions should both be viewed and treated equally and that a secular state is indeed the ideal, but to attempt to remove this clause at this juncture would in all likelihood lead to a backlash and scuttle the reform process.
The success of the reconciliation process will be contingent upon the government’s ability to retain the confidence and support of the Sinhala community as much as all other communities. It is important to respect national consciousness, not to dismiss or to deny it. Concerns of the Sinhala-Buddhist population have to be taken seriously, in particular the fear that power-sharing will lead to Sri Lanka’s disintegration and poses a threat to Buddhism. Any process that does not address these concerns will certainly not be sustainable. If extremists are not included in the process of determining the country’s future, there is the danger of them becoming spoilers.
Therefore, the strategy should be to further expand the middle by involving the extremists in a spirit of transparency and consultation, and to foster a conception of Sri Lanka from an essentially Sinhala-Buddhist state, to a multi-religious, multi-ethnic, pluralistic society.
Maduuwawe Sobhitha Thero
Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera
Possibly the best example of this middle ground was found in the rainbow coalition that propelled Maithripala Sirisena to the presidency. One of its key movers, the late Ven.  showed how a Buddhist religious leader espousing core Buddhist values such as compassion and universalism can take Buddhist concerns seriously and yet act as a unifying force for all communities. The opening created on 08 January 2015 for civic nationalism to supersede the confines of ethnic nationalism should be fully utilised by the current political leadership and civil society groups to broaden the middle ground to push forward the reconciliation and development agenda.
From a  report by Centre for Policy Alternatives