Ukraine’s embattled prime minister resigns as patience wears out

Ukrainian Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk in 2014. (Efrem Lukatsky/AP)

By Andrew Roth-April 10

Ukrainian Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk on Sunday announced his resignation, calling for the formation of a new government as Kiev endures itsworst political crisis since the Euromaidan revolution of 2014.

The public’s patience has grown thin with Yatsenyuk, as well as with President Petro Poroshenko, because of a struggling economy, stalled reforms and entrenched corruption. The ruling coalition has fractured as public support hits new lows.

As Western leaders have openly signaled their exasperation with the political logjam in Kiev, the choice of Yatsenyuk’s replacement is seen as a bellwether for the fate of Ukraine’s stalled reform program. Candidates for his successor include Vladimir Groysman, the parliamentary speaker and a close political ally of Poroshenko, and Natalie Jaresko, the technocrat finance minister born to Ukrainian immigrants in Chicago and favored by foreign investors.

Yatsenyuk, who narrowly survived a no-confidence vote in February, said in a weekly televised address that he would tender his resignation on Tuesday to end an “artificially created” political crisis in Kiev. He said that a new government must be selected immediately to avoid the “destabilization of the executive branch during a war,” a reference to the conflict in eastern Ukraine.

“The desire to change one person blinded politicians and paralyzed their political will for real change,” Yatsenyuk said. “The process of changing the government turned into a mindless running-in-place.”

A veteran, pro-European politician who charmed Western officials in fluent, idiomatic English, Yatsenyuk had long predicted his own demise. He called himself a “political kamikaze” a week after the Maidan revolution that unseated President Viktor Yanukovych in 2014, predicting widespread anger over the austerity measures needed to secure a bailout from the International Monetary Fund.

Two years later, Yatsenyuk’s opponents in parliament were accusing him of bowing to corrupt interests, including oligarchs close to the pre-revolutionary government. Ahead of the abortive no-confidence vote in February, Poroshenko indicated that Yatsenyuk should resign, saying that to restore public trust, “therapy is no longer sufficient. Surgery is needed.”

In his speech Sunday, Yatsenyuk signaled support for Groysman, the parliamentary speaker, noting that the Bloc of Petro Poroshenko party had nominated him to lead the new government. Groysman is widely seen as the front-runner for the position. On Sunday, Poroshenko said that he expects the parliament to announce a new coalition Tuesday.

Previously, Poroshenko had suggested that Jaresko, a former investment banker, was also a prospective candidate for the prime minister’s post. Her supporters believed she could lead a government that would sidestep the tumult of partisan politics and entrenched interests to pass a widespread reform package.

“In my opinion, only a technocratic government can take on the tasks in this political situation — meaning a team. . . not subservient to any oligarchs or ‘friends’ of politicians, which doesn’t have future political ambitions,” Jaresko wrote in a Facebook post in March, confirming her readiness to head the new government. “I am ready to put together such a team which can be able to right now work for the interests of the entire country — all of its citizens, not separate business groups.”

The political crisis began with the resignations of a number of prominent reform officials, who claimed that entrenched interests loyal to Poroshenko and Yatsenyuk were involved in corrupt schemes.

The world looks away as blood flows in Burundi

 A child-friendly space in the Nyarugusu refugee camp in Tanzania. Photograph: Griff Tapper/IRC-Men carry away a dead body in the Nyakabiga neighbourhood of Bujumbura, Burundi in December. Photograph: STR/AP

 Burundian refugees listen to Tanzanian PM Kassim Majaliwa speak at Nduta camp in Kigoma, Tanzania. Photograph: STR/AP

Emma Graham-Harrison-Sunday 10 April 2016

Thierry wants to talk, but chokes on memories of blows and stabs punctuated by the sound of his father pleading for his life before masked men hacked him to death. He shrinks into himself, cold and small on a damp wooden bench just inside Tanzania. Hell is just a couple of kilometres and a river crossing away, in the country he called home until two hours ago.

“Blood flows everywhere in Burundi, that’s how things are,” said the young farmer, rolling up his trouser legs and a shirt sleeve to show cuts and bruises almost as raw as his anguish. He asked that his name be changed to protect family still inside Burundi. A refugee at 27, he is just one victim of a crisis that has pushed more than a quarter of a million people into exile, and now threatens the tenuous stability of a region with a grim history of genocide. Torture, assault, abduction and murder fill the stories of those who have fled.

“I want to forget everything about Burundi, even our names,” said another young man, who has collapsed at a refugee registration post after carrying his 16-year-old sister, pregnant after rape, across a river to safety. They left behind the grave of another sister, killed last year by a government bullet.

Survivors warn that, as the violence spirals and rumours grow of opposition militias training in neighbouring countries, a government fearful of losing its grip has resorted to the poisonous ethnic propaganda that fuelled the country’s past wars and the genocide in neighbouring Rwanda.

Yet the world doesn’t seem to have noticed. There is little sense of international urgency about halting Burundi’s disintegration, and aid groups say there is even less interest in funding food and shelter for victims.

“Our country is on the brink of war, and we feel forgotten,” said Genevieve Kanyange, a senior defector from the ruling party who spent weeks in hiding before fleeing into exile. “If we don’t get help soon, it may be too late.”

Violence first flared last year when the flamboyant president, Pierre Nkurunziza, a former PE teacher, militia commander and devout born-again Christian, announced that he was casting aside the constitution to run for a third term.

That triggered a failed coup attempt, mass protests and a crackdown that has become a permanent state of violence. On average, more than a hundred people a day have staggered across the Tanzanian border in 2016, figures from aid agencies working in the region show.

They join the 250,000 or so who were already spread across Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo at the end of last year, in camps that are desperately overcrowded and short of food. An appeal for funds has raised only £1 in every £10 needed, a United Nations spokesman said.

Most refugees have travelled at night, through scrub and forest, to avoid militias hunting down would-be defectors, who they brand traitors. Some of the people they intercept are sent back with a warning, but many are assaulted and murdered.

Read More

Temple blaze kills 100 in Kerala, more than 380 injured

People stand next to debris after a broke out at a temple in Kollam in the southern state of Kerala, India, April 10, 2016.

People gather around a damaged section of a temple after a fire broke out at a temple in Kollam in the southern state of Kerala, India, April 10, 2016.

PARAVOOR, KERALA | BY SIVARAM V-Sun Apr 10, 2016

A fire and explosions during a fireworks display to mark the start of the local Hindu new year killed 100 people and injured more than 380 at a temple in Kerala on Sunday.

Thousands of devotees had packed into the Puttingal Devi temple, about 70 km from the state capital Thiruvananthapuram in the coastal district of Kollam, to watch the display that started at midnight and went on four hours.

The blaze started when a cracker fell onto a shed where the fireworks were stored, sparking a string of powerful explosions that blew the roof of the administrative block of the temple and caused another building to collapse, residents said.

"There were body parts on the floor and on the roof there was an arm," Anita Prakash, a resident said. "In the past, there's been fireworks but not on this scale."

Kerala is studded with temples managed by rich and powerful trusts that often flout local regulations. Each year temples hold fireworks displays, often competing to stage the most spectacular ones, with judges who decide the winners.

Kollam district magistrate A. Shainamol said people living in the area near the temple had complained about the danger of these fireworks in the past.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi flew to Kollam with a team of doctors to help state authorities cope with the large number of injured, moving swiftly to head off criticism of a lack of public safety.

"The fire at the temple in Kollam is heart-rending and shocking beyond words," he said in a Twitter post. "My thoughts are with families of the deceased and prayers with the injured."

Modi has faced public criticism in the past for failing to respond quickly to disasters such as the floods in Chennai late last year. Large parts of the metropolis were under water for days before government help arrived.

Earlier this month, a flyover under construction in the eastern city of Kolkata for years collapsed killing 27 people, prompting allegations that shoddy material was used and that the metal parts had corroded during the years of delay.

NO PERMISSION

Television images from the devastated temple site showed people, some clutching children with burn injuries, being taken to hospitals. Others carried out charred bodies of victims.

Kerala's Home Minister Ramesh Chennithala told Reuters that 60 of the 100 dead had been identified while the number of people admitted to hospitals in Kollam and the state capital had risen to 383.

With Kerala in the midst of an election for a new state assembly, the fire quickly turned into a political issue as local leaders demanded an investigation.

In Kerala, Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) trails its Congress party and communist rivals. The BJP has focused on building up grassroots strength in the state for decades.

Kerala's Chief Minister Oommen Chandy said the Kollam district administration had denied the temple authorities permission for the display and the government would investigate why they went ahead anyway.

"There was no permission to even store the fireworks," he said.

Witnesses said they had repeatedly warned the local administration about the danger of firework displays in the crowded neighbourhood. Chennithala said a case for illegal possession of explosives had been registered against the temple.

The temple trust was not immediately available for comment.

The explosion from the fireworks was so strong that some parts of the temple roof caved in. Local media showed bulldozers trying to clear the area of the debris.

The Puttingal temple is one of the oldest in the state. It was built on the site of an ant hill where locals believe a goddess appeared centuries ago.

(Additional reporting by Jose Devasia in THIRUVANANTHAPURAM and Vipin Das M. in NEW DELHI; Writing by Sanjeev Miglani and Sankalp Phartiyal; Editing by Ryan Woo and David Clarke)

Huge leap to mass produced platelets

Scientists have made a significant leap towards mass producing platelets - the part of the blood that forms clots.

8 April 2016

The NHS and University of Cambridge team have discovered how to grow the body's platelet factories in the laboratory.

It could provide a new source of platelets to stop heavy bleeding, for example after a car crash.

But the researchers need to make the process more efficient before starting trials.

If you donate blood, then it is separated out into red blood cells, plasma and platelets so patients are given only the component they need.

Platelets are needed after trauma, surgery, leukaemia therapy and in some blood disorders like haemophilia.

"We're totally dependent on blood donation to produce those platelets," said Dr Cedric Ghevaert, a consultant haematologist.

His team has been trying to grow megakaryocytes - the platelet mother cells that live in your bone marrow and manufacture the clotting platelets.

Their breakthrough, reported in the journal Nature Communications, was the discovery of a set of chemical switches needed to create megakaryocytes in the lab.

Dr Ghevaert described their results as a "major step forward" and told the BBC News website that "the next big step is to get enough platelets out of each megakaryocyte".

The lab-made cells produce around 10 platelets each. But each one functioning normally in the bone marrow would produce up to 2,000.

It is hoped that recreating the same conditions as in the bone marrow could make the cells more effective.

If the researchers are successful, then lab-grown platelets could be more useful than ones collected in a blood donation.

Dr Ghevaert added: "We can modify the platelets so they can trigger the clotting even better which would have huge advantages indeed for patients who have had a crash or a bleed or even in soldiers who have been injured."

It could also allow doctors to have stockpiles customised to different patients. Platelets come in different forms just as red blood cells come in A, B, O and AB.

And some platelet types, particularly those common in black and Asian ethnic groups, are relatively rare.

Follow James on Twitter.

Tamil racism and 13 A – III

by Izeth Hussain-April 8, 2016, 7:15 pm 

I must add a couple of details to show the extent to which I was pro-Tamil. I not only advocated that a mausoleum be built to honor the war dead on both sides but I also went to the extent of saying that it should bear the inscription "May you be born among us in your next birth", which the ancient Chinese used to honor the bravery of their fallen enemies. Another detail worth mentioning is that after 2009 I was consistently and outspokenly critical of the Rajapakse Government for its prevarication and downright dishonesty over the implementation of 13 A, arguing that no amount of devolution would lead to separation. I want the reader to bear in mind that I was adopting all those pro-Tamil positions even during times when the then Government was dangerously intolerant of dissent and white vans were merrily in operation. I could have been branded as a traitor just for that suggestion about the inscription on the proposed mausoleum, and indeed I was attacked as a traitor some weeks ago in a lengthy three-part article by a well-known ultra-nationalist Sinhalese. Against the background set out here, it is surely mind-boggling that the Tamil racists have insisted, and have kept on insisting, that I have always been a rabid anti-Tamil racist.

The attacks against me that began suddenly in the CT subsided for a brief while, resumed again and continued, altogether for a period of several months, after which they stopped completely. I wrote two articles based on the material provided by the attacks against what I called Tamil anti-Muslim lunatic fringe racism. Surprisingly there were no responses, none whatever, from the Tamils who had been attacking me. It is not difficult to reconstruct at least part of what had been happening. Evidently the attacks were concerted ones, perhaps concerted by the LTTE, perhaps – according to speculation in CT columns – by foreign groups such as the Zionists, Norwegian and other Islamophobic groups, Neocons, who were using Tamil Islamophobic racists to promote a foreign agenda. It is reasonable to surmise that there were influential Tamils who were appalled that one of the most pro-Tamil of all non-Tamils was being subjected for months on end to attacks that frequently showed hysterical hatred and mad dog rage. Obviously common sense – so obvious that the commonsensical reasons need not be spelt out – required that the Tamils get closer to the Muslims, not alienate them. It is understandable therefore that the concerted attacks stopped and there were no responses when I went on the offensive against the Tamil racists in a couple of articles.

If the concerted attacks have stopped, why am I kicking up a row about it all just now? The concerted attacks by seven to ten Tamils on every article of mine stopped long ago, but since then practically every article of mine has drawn attacks by one, two, or three Tamils, showing sometimes the same hysterical hatred and mad dog rage. A highly significant fact is that my articles draw Tamil fire even when they have nothing to do with Tamils, not even remotely. For instance I recently wrote a two-part article on the Kishani Jayasinghe contretemps on the last National Day. Discussions were proceeding smoothly in the CT columns at a sophisticated intellectual level, and most of the contributions were interesting. Suddenly a Tamil opened fire against me, unabashedly declaring that what he had to say had nothing to do with my article: he declared that I had been proved to be a boastful liar. Immediately another Tamil seconded him. I was stunned. The second part of the article quickly elicited an outrageously racist attack by Saraswathi, which again had absolutely nothing to do with my article. It provoked a brilliant rejoinder by a Sinhalese who was supported by other Sinhalese, not by Tamils. It was apparent that Tamil racists found it unbearable that I, a Soni – a Tamil term of contempt for Muslims - could write on matters cultural and be taken seriously. It cannot be controverted that Tamil Islamophobic racism badly needs in-depth analysis.

Read More

Remembering The Past & Protecting The Future

By Pat Lawrence –April 9, 2016

Dr. Pat Lawrence

The place was quiet and removed, surrounded by nature, yet for two very full days in early April it overflowed with creative energy of drama and theatre, visual arts, transitional justice theory and practice, youth leadership through community mobilization, and skills for writing historical biography. A profound and gripping drama about endemic violence was performed by youth at the end. The honor of being part of this transformative workshop has left me with fresh appreciation for the strength and vision of Sri Lanka’s new generation. Their shared thoughts about justice, the value of open sharing and listening, and the importance of compatibility and understanding across all communities on the island was uplifting.

Remembering the Past and Protecting the Future was the title of this workshop that brought members of Youth for a Shared Future from Anuradhapura, Ampara, Killinochi and Jaffna together at a retreat center in Thannamunai, Batticaloa. The Social Architects team orchestrated the workshop for 180 attendees; bringing together Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim youth between the ages of 18 to 27 who are in accordance about the need for positive transformation of communal relationships.

Ms. Navaranjini Nadarajah taught the workshop theme on “Transitional Justice Theory and Practice” with Father Elilrajan, to youth that chose to be in that particular thematic group. Afterward she reflected on what happened, “The youth have such positive energy; their energy can transform the country for a brighter future. Their combined attitude, creativity, and love become a common language that is beyond the language barriers. It is important to connect them (from all communities) and to build a bridge to shared truth about the past and fear about the future.”

Read More

Protest in Jaffna against land survey for military camps

09 April 2016

Tamils in Jaffna protested on Friday against land survey work being undertaken for the purpose of constructing navy and army camps on public land. 

Holding posters, protesters sat outside the Tirunelveli Land Survey Office in Jaffna district.

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP, Sivagnanam Sritharan, Northern Provincial Council's members, M K Sivajilingam, Vinthan Kanagaratnam and B Gajatheepan, as well as Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam and Selvaraja Kajendren of the Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) also took part in the protest. 

Ensure Equal Justice Or Shoot The Messenger

By Ananda Markalanda –April 10, 2016

Ananda Markalanda

Nagananda Kodituwakku is an inspiring example of how passionate individuals can make meaningful and sustainable improvements in the lives of vulnerable communities through our judiciary. Historically, and in many cases today, messengers of bad news are often punished instead of the creators of the bad news. Assuming it is true that we often ‘shoot the messenger’ when we receive bad news, the questions arises as to why this is the case.

Mere access to the courthouse doors does not by itself assure a fair trial. All people who come to courts want and deserve a court system they can trust and that treats them fairly and with respect, an independent branch of government that advances justice through the rule of law, and a system that provides fair, efficient, effective and accessible justice for all.

Presently Sri Lanka is on the radar map of International community for corrupt judiciary as indicated by many organizations. Mr. Kodiutuwakku has taken a stand on this and fighting to rectify this on a pro bono basis to a court system that works collaboratively with its justice partners to serve the people with integrity and transparency. It is a privilege to have a Public Interest attorney like Kodituwakku, whose career, as lawyer is a stellar example of how to serve the public interest. The common goal, greater “knowledge about law and the administration of justice,” is particularly important today when the legal profession projects very different images. On our Constitution creates a certain form of government, a democracy with basic guarantees of human rights. It is an enabling document that does not dictate substantive policy choices but foresees those choices being made by “the People.” How can that document work if “the People” are indifferent to, ignorant of, or cynical about, the very governmental system it creates? The answer is: it cannot work without the public’s trust and its participation. Model Rules of Professional Conduct identifies the lawyer as a public citizen: “A lawyer, as a member of the legal profession, is a representative of clients, an officer of the legal system and a public citizen having special responsibility for the quality of justice.”‘ The lawyer Kodituwakku’s role as a public citizen is the heart of the lawyer’s obligation to the legal system and to clients who doesn’t have the funds. Likewise, this role is the heart of the lawyer’s pro bono obligation. Recognizing that lawyers have an ethical and professional duty to make access to justice a possibility for all in the struggle for social justice, public interest litigation has played an indisputably important role. Yet over the past three decades, critics from both the left and right have challenged its capacity to secure a judicial system with integrity. This is where Kodituwakku comes to the scene for a change or to restore on the integrity and the honesty on the Judges. This is a patriotic effort and rational criticism to seek redress from courts.

Read More

State of representative democracy in Sri Lanka

By Neville Ladduwahetty-April 8, 2016, 7:08 pm 

A delegation representing the Joint Opposition in Sri Lanka’s Parliament is reported to have appealed to the Secretary General of the Inter Parliamentary Union in Geneva regarding the state of Representative Democracy in the country. The complaint is that despite having a membership of 52 representatives in Parliament the Joint Opposition is not recognized as the legitimate Opposition. This non-recognition has resulted in the Opposition being led by the Leader of a party with only 16 members in Parliament.

Having failed to resolve this serious assault on Representative Democracy and its impact on the Franchise of the voters, the Joint Opposition has had no option other than to resort to international intervention for redress. The inability to resolve this issue within Parliament reflects how Representative Democracy operates in Sri Lanka.

The reason for the inability to resolve the issue is because of the reported two understandings reached, one between the UNP and the SLFP and other with the UNP and the UPFA coalition (in which the SLFP is the largest constituent party), following the August 17th General Election. The SLFP did not contest the election as an independent recognized political party. Instead, the SLFP, although a registered political party, contested as a constituent member of the UPFA coalition. Consequently, because the SLFP did not have a legal status supporters of the SLFP had to vote for the UPFA coalition.

The outcome of the election was such that the UNP secured 106 seats in Parliament and the UPFA secured 95. Consequently, no single political party had the needed majority of a minimum of 113 to form a Government. However, the Constitution empowers the President as the Head of the Executive, to form the Executive Branch of the Government. To do so, he could have invited any Member of Parliament to be a member of the Cabinet of Ministers, a State Minister or a Deputy Minister. Such additions together with the 106 members of the UNP would have been sufficient to form a Government while those members of the UPFA that did not wish to join the Government or were not invited to join the Executive would have constituted the legitimate Opposition.

Notwithstanding the Constitutional opportunity to set up a clear, legitimate majority Government with an equally legitimate Opposition, the leadership of the UNP and the UPFA/SLFP resorted to a bizarre arrangement bearing the dubious title of "Unity Government"; based on a unity forged only with the UNP and the UPFA/SLFP. The consequence of this "Unity’ arrangement was to compel members of the UPFA/SLFP who opted to be in the Opposition to "support" the Government no matter what their consciences or interests of their voters dictated. Furthermore, this fictitious understanding that the entirety of the UPFA/SLFP is a component of the operating Government means that those of the UPFA/SLFP who are not part of the Government are not recognized as part of the legitimate Opposition. This lack of recognition is what the UPFA that represents the Joint Opposition have brought to the attention of the General Secretary of the Inter Parliamentary Union in Geneva. The inability to resolve this issue internally reflects the poor state of Representative Democracy in Sri Lanka. .

Read More

Who actually has people's power?

MAR 28 2016

For last few months, leftists who supported the democratic revolution wanted to come into streets to mobilize masses to challenge the fascistic drama of the Mahinda group. Some of these leftists and radicals of the democratic movement have strenuously urged in their columns and articles that the democratic movement should "smash the Rajapaksas on the streets". Luckily for the desperate fascistic gangs devoted to leader Mahinda, there was no proper organization on the side of the government. All are busy getting involved in positive governmental activities and chose to take the challenge of Mahinda facetiously; or else it would have been a case of "Neela Maha Yoda meeting Kuru Mitta".

Young politicians

The Prime Minister started the game with ease, and gave the lead to the young politicians and modestly walked around among the crowd. Threat to take to the streets in March was, evident with the modest display the UNP put up in Town Hall, on March 15. Though the numbers were sufficient to hold a public meeting at Hyde Park they settled for a few speeches at the Lipton Circus which is the usual venue for trade union picketing. That is the change Ranil is expecting; workers coming out to challenge the racist and fascistic cowards rather than the police and military. It was something really new, to see pictures of Ranil Wickremesinghe viewing the participation while standing in the crowd, arms folded and smiling.

The large crowd was strongly determined. It was an urban gathering, ranging from the underprivileged to white collar workers, professionals and managers. That was a democratic mass movement, and it was also a popular political movement whose leadership clearly showed that it will not be intimidated. They came to meet racist fascistic elements who shouted to frighten innocent women and children.

Day after, in complete contrast, desperate and angry Mahinda was shouting for power and demanding President to give him back the power which was taken away from him. He was pleading, threatening and crying for power from his vantage point at Hyde Park.

Parasitic political Brahmins could say, Wijeweera's famous Hyde Park meeting of early 1971, that large meeting was a mere fraction of the crowd that packed the place and its environs on March 17. According to them that is also a movement that is on the offensive (or as the Americans say 'on the offense').

Anti-Indian and anti-Tamil feelings

Its discourse revealed its intention and goal: the removal of the democratic government of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Of course this did not necessarily mean overthrow, and left room for its replacement by an SLFP dominated government of a coalitional character. But their aim is clear from all speeches made: throw out the elected government by use of force. Anger can come from the task before the democratic government. They have got a magnificent chance to arouse anti-Indian and anti-Tamil feelings!

Listen to what the vulgar Panditha says "How on earth does the UNP leadership hope to implement painful IMF cutbacks, push through devolution beyond the 13th Amendment, cooperate in a Hanuman bridge connecting Tamil Nadu with northern Sri Lanka, sign ECTA which opens our IT sector to the neighbouring behemoth, and set up special laws and special courts with foreign participation to try those who fought and won the war, when standing against it is a strong, motivated opposition movement with a formidable political leadership? Any single one of those measures could trigger a storm of protest within and outside parliament."

As far as these pandiths see "Hyde Park showed that the Joint Opposition has arrived, entrenched itself. It is the real Opposition and politics is polarized between the UNP government of Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and the Joint Opposition. There was repeated reference to the respected Dinesh Gunawardena as the leader of the Joint Opposition, while Mahinda Rajapaksa is clearly the magnetic national leader of the movement as a whole." So they are ready with the leadership.

They see the easy path of mass action combine with military upsurge as the line of struggle. Pandith explains the present situation in these ugly words "Ranil Wickremesinghe is the Prime Minister but Mahinda Rajapaksa is the President of the Streets. The UNP leads the government but the Joint Opposition holds 'people's power'. The UNP proposes from above; the Joint Opposition disposes from below. It is a classic situation of 'dual power'". My foolish question: what about the proletariat - workers? I do not need any answer; let the history move on. This is a small country we know each other so well. They have set the battleground; we have to take the positions, that's all. 

Unity matters - Dr. Vickramabahu Karunaratne

Apr 09, 2016

It was announced that the SLFP Central Committee will sack the parliamentarians who attend the proposed rival May Day rally to be organized by the ‘joint opposition’ on May Day. So called joint opposition is to hold a separate May Day rally at Kirula Grounds in Kirillapone. However SLFP leaders believe that no SLFP parliamentarian would participate in that rally by violating party instructions and discipline, but assured that the Central Committee would definitely take punitive action against any MP who participates in that rally. They say “It is true that the SLFP CC was lenient and did not take any disciplinary action against those who participated in the joint opposition rally at Hyde Park on March 17 despite strict instructions by the SLFP hierarchy not to do so. As a political party which gives a prominent place to discipline, we have decided to take tough action against those who participate in a rival May Day rally.” They insist that those who violate party discipline could be expelled. However there is much criticism, about their leniency, at the rank and file level. How can one tolerate direct and humiliating attack on a serious attempt made by the President, to bring peace and to unite the country? In past occasions leaders of the country faced only hidden chauvinist attacks when they took steps to resolve the Tamil national problem.

In 1957 when Banda Chelva pact was signed within the SLFP there was no apparent resentment. Opposition came from the UNP leaders who should have known better. Finally they had to face the problem that they also helped to evolve. However in that time there was a latent, hidden opposition of KMP Rajaratne tendency. That lunatic fringe developed into a fascistic political movement under Mahinda regime. Populist, welfareist liberalism of Bandaranayke was sidelined and those who wanted to revive populism were mercilessly shut down. Such was the story of present president, Maithree. Having brutally suppressed liberals within the SLFP, now the same guy openly challenges the leadership of Maithree. I cannot see how mercy and leniency could work in this scenario. May be there is a tactical programme which will be patiently implemented by Maithree. OK we shall wait and see. However the Left should mobilize forces to meet the threat.

Meanwhile the allegation about attempts to compromise the country’s national interests persists. Almost daily now, Mahinda group raises issues in the parliament related to security of the country. Very people who rejoiced yester day that they annihilated the Tamil struggle; but created long standing human rights issues, now are yelling for better armed cover and high security. For the country, best security is the riddance of Mahinda Chinthanaya and resultant fascistic politics. However President Maithripala Sirisena asserted continuously the past period that he would not jeopardize national security come what may. A clash erupted at the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP)’s executive committee meeting some time back when one of them said, that the proposed constitution making exercise would make way for the partition of the country at the behest of secessionist elements. In an attempt to blunt a crisis before it boiled over into a national debate, President Sirisena asserted again that his government would leave no room for a division of the country “We have not yet started the process of constitution making. I won’t do anything inimical to the country,” the President had assured. No sooner had the President made this remark, Transport Minister Nimal Sirisena said sarcastically that some elements were unnecessarily creating a fear psychosis among the people. He had said that before even a baby is born, some start talking about its physical features. It was Mahinda Rajapaksa MP, which started the public discussion on such perceived attempts. It is very likely that He is preparing to use “no to division of the country” slogan to stop the change of constitution and then topple the government by a conspiracy supported by a section of the military. He has a following more than thirty in the parliament and they all believe that he can grab power in near future! Maithree blunts criticism in south but annoys Tamil Diaspora. He remained silent when the members hurled allegations in this manner. But, after things settled down he reassured that he would not allow anyone to divide the country. At the same time he indicated that arms and ammunition could not eradicate feelings for motherlands and cannot bring peace. Only genuine discussion could give a fair settlement.

Meanwhile, UPFA General Secretary and Minister Mahinda Amaraweera said the main SLFP May Day rally would be held in Galle under the leadership of President Maithripala Sirisena. "We have invited all constituent parties of the UPFA for the May Day rally in Galle and expect them to attend,” he said. The minister said he would not give up his efforts to unite the SLFP, as divisions in the party would diminish the chances of returning to power in 2020. “No one I spoke to was agreeable to the forming of a separate political party. I have already spoken to Communist Party leader DEW Gunasekera, MEP leader Dinesh Gunawardena, Deshavimukthi Party Leader Appuhami, parliamentarians Keheliya Rambukwella, Kumara Welgama and Udaya Gammanpila, who had earlier refused to talk to me. They all want to contest the forthcoming local government poll under the UPFA,” he said. Will Mahinda and his group sheepishly follow the master?

The Right to Care; the Responsibility to Protest

by Tisaranee Gunasekara -April 9, 2016, 8:51 pm 

"Power concedes nothing without demand. It never did and it never will."
Fredrick Douglassi

The Panama Papers reveal a truth which is timeless and universal. Power and corruption are conjoined twins. The 148 politicians implicated so far, by the 11.5 million files from the Panamanian law firm Mossack Fonseca, span every divide, starting with race, religion and ideological persuasion. They have one common denominator – the possession of power; and a willingness to use that power to their own financial advantage.

The Panama Papers is a reminder that no country, no political class is immune to corruption. But in a functioning democracy there is a slight chance of achieving a degree of accountability, however minute or ephemeral; in a non-democracy no such possibility exists.

The Icelandic Prime Minister didn’t admit to any wrongdoing, didn’t want to resign. But he was forced to ‘step down’ due to an outburst of popular anger. No such fate is likely to befall Russian President Vladimir Putin, implicated in the scandal through close associates. Mr. Putin’s spokesman condemned the Panama Papers as a conspiracy, hatched to destabilise Mr. Putin before the upcoming election.

British Prime Minister David Cameron is in hot water, trying desperately to answer questions about his father’s offshore fund and persistent tax avoidance. Families of several top Chinese politicians, including the brother-in-law of President Xi Jinping, are implicated in the scandal. Beijing’s reaction was to dismiss the leaks as ‘groundless’ and ensure that Chinese citizens cannot search the internet for information about their leaders’ kleptocratic practisesii.

Pakistani President has promised an independent investigation about the offshore accounts of his children. The Saudis and the Emirates haven’t turned a hair, even though the Saudi king is among those implicated in the scandal.

(Amongst those mentioned in the Panama Papers are three Lankan clients, though their names are yet to come to light.)

The Panama Papers also serve as a reminder that corruption is a societal ill. Amongst the named are economic heavyweights and sports and cultural icons, from orient to occident. Those outed by the Panama Papers also include the head of the Chilean branch of Transparency International, the global anti-corruption watchdog. (He has since resigned).

Read More...

Impunity Continues: Champika Ranawaka Must Be Arrested

By Faizer Shaheid –April 10, 2016

Faizer Shaheid

We are constantly reminded of an era in the past when the ruling elite were above all laws despite constant nagging from the general public. It has always been a part of the nonpareil politics of the country. Not even the guise of good governance has helped hide the hypocrisy in the Government of today. We have already seen how easily the people forgot the alleged abduction carried out by Hirunika Premachandra in a black Defender, and now Patali Champika Ranawaka makes another felonious attempt at escaping the grips of the law.

The funny part about this Yahapalanaya Government is its niche that the rule of law prevails above all else. When the Government proposed to carry out investigations into all of the wrongdoing committed during the last regime, they conveniently chose to omit any and all wrongdoing that the present Government may indulge in.

In recent times, the allegations have transcended from mere Constitutional violations to rabid criminal law violations. Now the crime rate is rampant thanks to the examples set by the ruling elite. Leave out the corruption allegations, and you would notice how Hirunika Premachandra was arrested on a Saturday, weeks after being accused of abduction, only to be granted bail just as fast as she had been arrested. Now we have Minister of Megapolis and Western Development, Patali Champika Ranawaka engaging in an alleged hit and run case, but still evading arrest.

Background

It all began when Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka was accused of walloping into a motorcycle rendering the motorcyclist named Sadim Sampath and the pillion rider M. Abeysundera seriously injured. Two young men named Gayashan Vinura and Mohamed Sufi, who were friends of the injured parties had given chase to the black SUV that sped past without a care for the injured bikers. The two young men had subsequently forced the fleeing vehicle to a halt, and figured that Ranawaka was in the driving seat.

Ranawaka had allegedly conceded to the two young men that he was at fault and asked to go to the Borella Police Station, but the two men had been reluctant to leave their friends behind in a state of injury. A complaint had subsequently been lodged at the Borella Police Station but it was also alleged that a fresh driver had taken the place of Ranawaka when they finally arrived at the Police Station, and the statement to the Police was similarly recorded.

The driver as claimed by Ranawaka, Thusitha Kumara, had been subsequently arrested and released on a personal bail of Rs. 500,000/-.

The latest news articles indicate that the story has been flipped over. The latest news article I read on Daily Mirror quotes Gayantha Karunathilaka stating that the bike had hit from behind and that it was a 1000 CC bike. The latest version is reminiscent of the previous regime where a Deputy Minister by the name of Hemal Gunasekera slapped Police Constable Suminda Saman on the Southern Expressway and then attempted to turn the tables around by digging out allegations of corruption against the Police Constable.

Read More