Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, March 23, 2016

100,000 hectares to be withdrawn from paddy cultivation

WEDNESDAY, 23 MARCH 2016
The farmer should withdraw from paddy cultivation and engage in supplementary crop cultivation to get a stable price for paddy says the Minister of Agriculture Duminda Dissanayaka.
The Minister has said this participating in a special discussion with Agriculture Officers held at the District Secretariat at Anuradhapura yesterday (22nd).
Accordingly, the government has decided to remove paddy cultivation from 100,000 hectares this season and cultivate soya and maize instead.
Farmers associations including All Ceylon Farmers' Federation, engaged in protest campaigns against the government demanding fertilizer subsidy and a certified price for paddy, have continuously  claimed that the rulers are carrying out a conspiracy to displace the farmer from paddy cultivation.

Mahinda Amaraweera’s Raja Yoga

Mahinda Amaraweera’s Raja Yoga

Mar 23, 2016
“Amaraweera boss will become the country’s president at least for one hour,” predicts not Sumanadasa Abeygunawardena of Galle, but Hambantota mayor Eraj Ravindra Fernando, better known as ‘Sellam Pisthola Nagaradhipathi’. Eraj has got Amaraweera’s horoscope read several months ago, and told Amaraweera that ‘the owner of this horoscope will be appointed to the top position in the country for at least one hour.” But, Amaraweera has not taken much note of Eraj’s talk.

However, soon after Amaraweera was appointed the UPFA general secretary, Eraj called him and said, “Boss, isn’t what I said becoming true? Then you did not take me seriously when I told you about the prediction. See, the presidency will automatically fall into your lap.”
When Eraj was giving the call, a person near him said, “You deceived Mahinda boss and are you going to do the same for Amaraweera now?” Eraj replied, “They do not have to be deceived. Those people from Hambantota will only have to be shown the cloth. They will cut it, stitch it and then wear it. I go to the village saying Mahinda Rajapaksa. I come to Colombo saying Mahinda Amaraweera. I can make Raja Yoga for anyone from Hambantota.”

Jewellery store robbed in broad daylight in Talangama

By Charith Gabadage-2016-03-23
  Two individuals who arrived in a motorcycle wearing full faced helmets have terrified the employees using a fire arm and robbed a jewellery store in Talangama police division this morning. The owner of the store, his daughter and another employee were among them, Police Media Unit said.
The robbers have stolen gold weighing 120 grams worth around Rs. 1.5 million.
Suspects are yet to be identified and Talangama Police is conducting further investigations into the incident.

Minister Field Marshal Fonseka together with Maithri commander in chief of the forces break world record !


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News -23.March.2016, 11.00PM) Minister Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka together with president Maithripala Sirisena the commander in  chief of the forces have created a world record !

That world record is , introducing a unique field marshal to the world who is not provided with even a soldier for his security protection, though this not a salutary world record, and which ought be  unwelcome. 
Believe it or not , the field marshal Sarath Fonseka the former amy commander who holds a most superior post among the forces has not been  provided with even an army officer or a soldier for his security , whereas the ex defense secretary - just a retired army  Colonel who fled the country in fear of the war to selfishly save only his life during the period when the country was torn apart by a raging war and when it needed him most , has been provided with a security detail comprising 50 soldiers . This is a record that should not only enter the Guiness book of records (ignominious)  but also the Ripley’s book of ‘believe it or not’ . Besides this is the biggest joke of the century ! 
What’s more ? although the president said , politicians will not be accorded security detail , yet Mahinda Rajapakse has still  been provided with a security detail of 150 soldiers by the army even now. 
If Gotabaya is even now provided with a security contingent comprising 50 soldiers because he was attacked by a suicide bomber , and was the defense secretary during the tail end of the war , on the same token , the army commander who actually conducted the operations  and won the war must be provided with a better security contingent. Besides , the ex army commander is  now holding a ministerial portfolio in the cabinet and he too fell victim to an attack of a suicide bomber and even suffered worse. If it is the contention that Sarath Fonseka cannot be granted army security detail because he is a politician, then how come Mahinda Rajapakse who is also an M.P. has been provided with a security contingent comprising 150 soldiers?

According to army traditions, providing security detail to a retired Colonel is not a practice  , but it is certainly a practice to provide security detail to a retired army commander until his death. Besides , even after his death , his widow is entiltled to have   two soldiers for her security until her death. This is not a tradition confined only to Sri Lanka , but in many other countries too this tradition is followed in order to bestow honor on the retired  army commanders. 
When even the widow of former foreign minister Kadirgamar who died following an LTTE attack is still provided with two army soldiers for her security , the crucial question is , who has denied security detail to the retired army commander Field marshal Sarath Fonseka ? Moreover in which country are there forces that don’t provide army security to a Field marshal ? 
It is army intelligence unit should hold themself mainly responsible for this lapse . army intelligence unit is a lackey and lickspittle of Gotabaya naturally harbors a grudge against the field marshal. The reason for this is , Fonseka steadfastly standing by the justifiable view that , if war crimes have been committed , those responsible shall be duly punished. It is army intelligence unit has taken upon them shoulders  the reponsibility now  of rescuing Gotabaya while saving those lackeys in the army intelligence division who committed political murders at the behest of Gotabaya.

It is on this account , in every intelligence division report, it is mentioned that Gotabaya is under greater life threats than  Sarath Fonseka , and therefore the former needs army protection.
In the circumstances , with the advent of the new government this harebrained heads of the army  intelligence division them did all the sordid biddings of the Rajapakse regim should be replaced by a neutral non -partisan army intelligence division heads. If not it is the leaders of this new government who will have to pay the price with their lives.
Maithripala Sirisena as the commanding chief of the forces is duty bound to understand this well and thoroughly. 


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by     (2016-03-23 20:03:01)

Thajudeen Murder Case: AG Needs More Time

March 23, 2016

Colombo Telegraph
The Criminal Investigation Department was granted two more months by the Colombo Additional Magistrate to submit a comprehensive report over the progress into the murder of ruggerite Wasim Thajudeen.
Wasim ThajudeenThe two months period was granted by Colombo Additional Magistrate Nishantha Peiris when Dilan Ratnayake, Senior State Counsel at Attorney Generals Department requested for time to submit a comprehensive report on the progress of the inquiry.
Ratnayake told the media soon after the hearing that the incident which took place in 2012, was a well conspired murder with all evidence destroyed. “Even though the murder took place in 2012, the actual investigations began only about a year back, but I am hopeful that we will be able to mete out justice soon,” he added.
The CID has already sought foreign assistance to examine the CCTV footage, but Ratnayake added that this might take a while due to the various procedures they had to follow.

What Can Mahinda Rajapaksa Offer?


Wednesday, March 23, 2016
Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa has finally declared in the open his burning obsession: He wants to be the president again.
Addressing an opposition rally in Hyde Park Colombo, the defeated president had said that he would show the UNP led government how to run the country.
“If you can’t run the country, give it to me. I will show you how to run the country”.
Of course most people were aware of Rajapaksa’s burning desire although since his defeat he did not lay it down in such clear terms. However, in fairness to the people, he should tell the people why a third term in office should be given to him since he had been rejected twice – at the presidential as well as the parliamentary elections after two consecutive terms as president running into nine years.
Even more important are clear and precise pronouncements what he proposes to do if his dream comes true.
Rajapaksa may claim the huge crowd at Hyde Park as evidence of the public demand for his return. It would be recalled that he has drawn massive crowds before even in the two election campaigns he lost. How exactly he was able to attract the crowds is not known although those not well disposed towards him point out to huge unpaid bills for hiring SLCTB buses for election rallies and also unpaid bills for election campaigns on TV channels.
It is also obligatory for the former president to state the form of governance he proposes in the Independent Sovereign Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. We stress on the word ‘Republic’ for it means that Sri Lanka should have a government of the people by the people, not one of a family with a shadow royal couple and fake crown princes. The Rajapaksa form of governance has been correctly described as a Pavul palanaya – governance by a family. Well over 60 per cent of the national budget in the time of the ‘Paksas’ came under three brothers while another presided over parliamentary proceedings. Young brats muscled into public ceremonies and government institutions conveying the impression that they had a birthright to do so.
Mahinda Rajapaksa, who described himself as a ‘servant of the people’ when he first took oaths as president, should firmly declare whether he intends to continue with his ‘pavul palanaya’ or adopt a democratic system of governance.
Addressing big crowds are heady moments when intoxicated power makes speakers say many things such as Adolf Hitler did: Ein Volk, Ein Riech, Ein Fuhrer – One people, one Nation, one leader. At times some of our nationalists are not far off this mark. Shouldn’t Rajapaksa consider another senior party member as his successor rather than offer himself as the next leader? To say the least, it’s not democratic after nine consecutive years of absolute presidential rule even to dream of another term.
There are many other explanations required such as his account of the super colossal losses incurred by state enterprises under his family members and relations. And most important of all: would he refuse to go along with the UNHRC resolutions moved by the United States together with Sri Lanka? If so what is he to do? Tell the UN and the rest of the world to go fly a kite and for the people to face international sanctions?
After one year of the Yahapalanaya (Good Governance) it cannot be said that the government has been all that good. True, officially it commenced three months ago but it has provided some opportunities for their critics to take pot shots at them. Changes made in the fertilizer subsidy scheme, distribution of cloth for school uniforms, and rice harvest purchase systems have given room for criticisms that could have been avoided. Locking horns with university dons, some of whom relish confrontations, would have been best avoided. The government has enough and more leaders with ability and experience to have avoided those pitfalls. There are solid challenges before the government such as Debt Crisis which the Rajapaksa regime left behind and are now nonchalantly denying responsibility. The total outstanding debt by December 2015 was a whopping Rs. 8,475 billion amounting to 74.9 per cent of our GDP.
The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government with Ravi Karunanayake as Finance Minister has been deftly steering a course in foreign policy and an international financial strategy to take us out of the woods. It’s a stupendous task but the moves are correct. Initially, although it appeared to be heading towards a clash with China on the Colombo Port City, matters appear to have been resolved and Sino-Sri Lanka relations are on the mend much to the dismay of the government’s foes. Indo-Lanka relations too are progressing well commencing from rock bottom during the last stages of the Rajapaksa government. With improved relations with the Western powers as well as Russia and Iran, Sri Lanka can hope for all round international support to come out of the current financial mess much to the disappointment of self-proclaimed international affairs pundits who postulated Sri Lanka playing the outdated Cold War game of the ‘India Card’ and pronounced Sri Lanka as being doomed.
Sri Lanka sees its way out of the woods but is still not out of it. A sustained effort is required, particularly to draw in foreign investments. Minor squabbles with the Joint Opposition, comprising mostly of a few experienced and inexperienced eccentrics best be ignored and the sights focused on the way out of the woods.

WILL THE JUDICIARY SUCCUMB TO MAHINDA’S THREATS?

2016-03-23
The battle between Rajapaksas' and the Maithri-Ranil Government has now reached the stage: Get-Set-Go. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe last week stated that all fraud and corruption of Rajapaksas' would be made public within the next three months and urged the Rajapaksas' to be ready with their lawyers from now on. Even before Ranil issued that warning, the Rajapaksas' are busy on a daily basis seeking legal advice to cover them from charges of fraud and corruption levelled against them. The lawyers consulted by Rajapaksas' have reportedly advised them that the only way out was to line up people against the government to instill fear on the Judiciary. The Hyde Park rally was an outcome of such legal advice.
When Yoshitha was arrested, Mahinda thought that there would be mass protest against that arrest countrywide. But his belief ended up as a day dream. When Yoshitha was brought to Court on the first day, a few Rajapaksa loyalists were present. Thereafter, only a few Rajapaksa loyalists were seen in Court premises whenever Yoshitha was produced in Court. Mahinda feared that even if his entire family was jailed the result would be the same. Therefore, Mahinda planned the Hyde Park rally to send a signal to the Judiciary. He fears the Judiciary more than the incumbent government. At that meeting he appealed to the Judiciary not to remand or jail people as they would suffer. It appeared as an indirect threat on the Judiciary.
Mahinda loyalists organized the Hyde Park rally at a heavy financial cost. It was clear from the number of buses hired to transport people. In addition, it is the Rajapaksas' who introduced the air-space camera technology to show there is a massive crowd. No other political party or any organizer of demonstrations have ever used such technology to double or multiply the crowd present to show there is a massive crowd at such meeting. Advanced technology can be used to mislead the people if one wants to do so. So, Mahinda is trying to threaten the Judiciary by using ground to space camera technology by trying to show he had a massive crowd at the Hyde Park meeting. In addition, he continues with joy dashing coconuts at Temples and Kovils. He indulges in dashing coconuts not only to warn the government but also the Judiciary. Mahinda claims that as a result of dashing coconuts against the government some ministers had died while many others have fallen sick. Furthermore, he sends a warning message to Judges that those Judges who deliver judgments against his family would face the same fate.
Show large crowds
The person who first tried to show large crowds to threaten governments was late Ms. Sirima Bandaranaike. She resorted to that tactic to prevent the attempt to deprive her of her civic rights by the then J.R. Jayewardene Government. But JR defeated her tactic. It is recorded in the book J.R. Jayewardene's Biography in the following manner; "Resistance and response – The Cabinet decision of 27 September was immediately followed by an island-wide campaign led by Mrs. Bandaranaike herself in protest against the Cabinet decision. One of her principal objectives was to get her supporters to gather in large numbers in Colombo and to demonstrate thereby the force of public opinion in her favour against what she described as an act of political revenge. She felt that a huge demonstration in Colombo, more than anything else, would be a political message that the government could not ignore. It would have the added advantage that any ensuring violence could be attributed to the government itself. Very soon there were plans afoot to prevent government MPs from getting to Parliament on 16 October for the critical debate. There were hints of sabotage, the blowing-up of culverts if not bridges and setting up barricades on public highways. By early October the SLFP plan of action was known; its component elements were all based on the assumption that the government could be intimidated by the prospect of violence into postponing the debate. Mrs. Bandaranaike and her supporters in the SLFP genuinely believed that its campaign would actually prevent the government from going through with its plans for a debate on 16 October.
JR took these threats very seriously. Given what had happened on 8 August, bloodshed was very likely if the Police had to disperse a large crowd. This would provide Mrs. Bandaranaike with the 'martyrdom' she sought. With rising inflation and unemployment still high at the middle of the government's term of office, he believed that a large crowd could turn up in Colombo. He gave the SLFP plenty of time to agitate all round the country. This was enough to gauge the public response to their emotional appeals on behalf of Mrs. Bandaranaike and also to allow some SLFP hotheads to overstep the fine line between political criticism and incitement to violence, and between criticism and libel (including criminal defamation). This, sure enough, they did with incitements to violence, personal attacks of a libellous nature on JR and Premadasa, on Cabinet Minister and MPs, and threats of attacks on Parliament itself. As the campaign gathered momentum there was a general fear of a violence confrontation between SLFP supporters and the government on 16 October.
In personally directing the counter-measures JR began by calling up the security forces to Colombo to prevent any large gathering of SLFP supporters on 16 October.
UNP supporters were urged to protect their MPs, and ensure that they came to Colombo for the crucial vote. This was quite apart from the security the MPs would get from the police. In addition the police were instructed to take into custody anyone inciting people to violence, as well as anyone likely to cause a breach of the peace. Through these preventive security measures JR called Mrs. Bandaranaike's bluff. Faced with the prospect of a confrontation with the police and security forces, apart from government supporters, the SLFP party cadres and their allies lost heart. After the fiery initial spurt of agitation there was a sudden collapse of morale. Once the failure of her campaign became evident, Mrs. Bandaranaike was compelled to advise her supporters to call off the agitation. This she did on 14 October. By this time it was clear to all independent observers that there would be no large crowd of SLFP supporters in Colombo on 16 October, and so rather than going on record as having asked people to gather in their thousands for a crucial confrontation and finding that the response was poor, she preferred to save the situation by a public appeal to people not to come to Colombo for the occasion.
There was little or no serious support for her from other political parties. The LSSP's position was ambivalent, for it was they who had raised these issues in Parliament in 1975 in the form of a vote of no confidence against her. Thus, while they did protest for political reasons, they did not back her. The CP (Moscow Wing) originally was all for her expulsion from Parliament, if the Commission found her guilty; but, once the report was published; they came out in her support by describing it as an act of political revenge. Their sudden change of attitude could be attributed to the need for SLFP support in the forthcoming by-election to the Kalawana seat in which the CP was the chief challenger to the UNP. Nevertheless they played no part in appeals to violence and attempt to arrange a mass demonstration for 16 October. Most significant of all, the JVP made its position unmistakably clear by refusing to give her any help. The result was that the universities were quiet during the crisis; and among the university students the JVP was a powerful force.In Parliament the TULF backed the SLFP but this, as we shall see, was a matter of tactics more than anything else.

The UNP defended the Cabinet decision in public meetings in many parts of the country. Their message was that the law must take its course; that the government would not change its plans and would under no circumstances postpone the debate fixed for 16 October. On 12 October JR himself addressed a large meeting at Dehiwela in the suburbs of Colombo, where he made all these points and added that the same law would apply to UNP Ministers and MPs if a Commission of Inquiry found them guilty of charges laid against them.
There was no curfew declared, no state of emergency, but the police and armed services were called out and asked to remain conspicuous in Colombo city, ostensibly to defend their respective headquarters. JR secured Cabinet authorization to call a state of emergency if necessary; under the "emergency" it became an offenc e punishable with death to prevent MPs from coming to Parliament.
Similar tactics
Analyzing and reviewing this incident of the past and learning lessons for the future from past experiences of such nature, it is timely that the Maithri-Ranil Government adopts similar tactics like JR as it would help them to eliminate the threats of Mahinda.
It must be recalled that when Yoshitha was arrested, Mahinda's youngest son Rohitha issued a warning to the Yahapalanaya Government in his facebook account which read: "Dear Yahapalanaya, you just stood on the tail of the lion. Now don't expect the lion not to rip you into parts".
Such is the inherited attitude and the common direction that Rajapaksas tread. It is the bounden duty of the Maithri-Ranil Government to empower the police and the judiciary to implement the laws against such threats of Rajapaksas. "Threats are a threat to justice everywhere", said Martin Luther King.
Power in the park and the Horapalana-Jathika Chintana toxic combination

DSC_0121-copy
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dguhWednesday, 23 March 2016
Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka writes that the joint Opposition crowd that gathered at Hyde Park on 17 March represents leftists, anti-imperialists and progressives in the Right vs. Left, Reactionary vs. Progressive and Pro-imperialist vs. Patriotic anti-imperialist divides. The crowd certainly was a formidable one but not the kind to which he alludes. 

Those who converged at Hyde Park represent the pyramid of patronage that the former president Mahinda Rajapaksa cultivated so skilfully during his decade in power. The top of the pyramid may have cost the taxpayers billions of rupees in kickbacks and other ill-gotten wealth, and the cost of the trickle-down effect to the bottom of the pyramid could amount to hundreds of thousands of rupees per person but were sufficient to buy loyalty. 

These troops provide ‘street power’ for the Joint Opposition. They have much to lose with the continuation of the present Government. 

Having spent a long time in the Opposition, the UNP does not have its pyramid of patronage. If the present UNP-led Government was to continue for two terms or even complete its current term under the present circumstances it will be necessary to have built its own alternative pyramid of patronage. The silent majority from both sides will have to pay for the up-keep of these pyramids, no matter whose pyramids they are.

To avoid this ugly cycle of patronage-driven activism, this Government will need an economic El Nino of the kind that will bring foreign investment and put cash in the pockets of the people. Right now the economic weather is not looking good and the Yahapalanaya Government does not have the street crowd - a crowd hungry enough or threatened enough to take to the streets. 

That is exactly the dilemma of the present Government. The Yahapalanaya activists are not street activists. They are armchair activists. Yahapalanaya benefits do not flow into every nook and corner of society the way Horapalana kickbacks do. On top of that, Horapalana has taken ownership of the populist Jathika Chinthana ideology while Yahapalanaya is struggling to find an ideology that goes beyond the basic goodie-goodie, no personal benefits to me school of thought or a falsely uplifting one like the Jathika Chinthanaya. At this point, the UNP Government looks like a refuge for dim-witted Old Boys and crumbling old Walauwas.

Dr. Jayatilleka is right in pointing out that the UNP Government needs a change in its profile. It needs people who can do a better job selling Yahapalanaya to the public.
Horapalana–Jathika Chinthana axis in universities

The university is a classic example of the toxicity of the Horapalana-Jathika Chinthana combination or axis. The Jathika Chinthana ideology, boosted by war victories, gave an opportunity to mediocre academics to hide their mediocrity through Jathika Chinthana rhetoric. 

Not being able to communicate in English, the lingua franca of the global scholar community, their weakness was paraded as a sign of ‘localism’ or anti-imperialism. A late but ardent convert to Jathika Chinthana, who stills reigns as a head of a national institute under the Yahapalanaya Government, was once heard to remark that having a thesis returned for its bad writing by the external examiner from England was a put-down. 

Saner counsel prevailed during an earlier time. During the height of my own national consciousness in the late seventies, I went from one senior professor to another wanting to do my doctorate in Sri Lanka. My argument was that it would be more relevant for our development. Luckily for me, they were all humble enough to strongly advise me to go abroad. They advised me to go learn from others better than us, get exposure to a larger community of scholars, come back and then we can work together. 

Contrast this with the behaviour of academics of more recent times who have led many young people astray by convincing them to do poor quality PhDs locally, when these students could have done better for themselves and the country by doing their PhDs abroad.

Such scoundrels are still in power inside universities because they have populated academic departments with loyalists through fraudulent recruitment and promotion practices in the past. These same faculty members also have allowed fringe student groups to run amok at universities, finding it easier to give into their demands than to do their duty and bring discipline to the university as a whole and solace to the silent majority.
Horapalana-Jathika Chinthana axis in Government

Sometime ago, I went to my local Divisional Secretariat office to get the paperwork for an electricity connection to a new place of residence. The fact that the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) requires an inordinate amount of paperwork to provide a service for which I pay is a subject for another day, but in that particular instance several of us were expected to wait patiently while the staff was busy with Wesak decorations for the office. One of those waiting was an owner of a hole-in-the-wall operation repairing phones. He could ill-afford to wait. He was there at the expense of his daily earnings. The Compassionate One, had He lived, would not have been pleased with the injustice meted out in His name. 

Callousness towards the public and small-time entrepreneurs in particular is only the tip of the Horapalana iceberg in the Government. Taking their cue from higher-ups, petty officials extracted whatever they could wherever they had the discretion to provide their signatures for approval. Sadly, some of this extortion continues to date.   
Horapalana leaders have to be prosecuted 

After more than one year in power we are yet to see any big fish behind bars. The wheels of justice work slowly, but for the sake of its own survival, this Government has to speed up the process to bring culprits to justice to stop them from parading about as anti-imperialist, progressive leftists or under other seemingly people-friendly labels.  
Signs of awakening at universities

Recent action by the faculty at the University of Kelaniya offers a ray of hope. Good academics who have kept silent are coming to the fore not with slogans but by quietly doing their duty as teachers. Two senior professors at the University of Kelaniya, having seen one of their students fainting on the road while being harassed by senior students, rushed to the aid of the student. 

About 20 senior students, allegedly belonging to the Peratugami Party, had encircled the two professors and told them it was not their business and got them to leave under threats of violence. The administration had wanted to bring in the police but the professors acted with restraint to consult with the faculty union. The union had decided to let the senior students know that such behaviour was not appropriate by making an announcement to the effect and refraining from all academic services to these students until they gave an indication of proper behaviour in the future. Things are apparently back to normal.  What we need is more of these good teachers to dare to be themselves and do their duty. Hitherto faculty could not do their duty due to Horapalana henchmen among them. Unfortunately, some of these characters are still there, some even thriving. The solutions that can be implemented from outside are limited. ‘Anti-rag’ faculty students from inside the system have to lead the change.  
Linking Yahapalanaya to local sensibilities

Dr. Jayatilleka says that the Yahapalanaya Government does not have the capability to relate its policies to local sensibilities. His prediction is, “If anything is likelier than any other, it is that the present UNP Government will be defeated at the next national-level election unless it changes its profile by changing its leadership. However, unlike in 1988 it has no front-ranking organically UNP nationalist figure within its ranks. This lends itself to an outcome similar to 1956 and 1970, rather than to a last-minute comeback under a new leadership as in 1988.” It is up to the UNP to surprise these kinds of naysayers by changing the profile of the party and successfully taking the message of Yahapalanaya to the people and demonstrating that our people cannot be led through Jathika Chinthana rhetoric back towards Horapalana forms of government.

Will confidential letter on Vauxhall Street land deal boomerang on Kabir?

Will confidential letter on Vauxhall Street land deal boomerang on Kabir? Mar 23, 2016
A letter sent by state enterprise minister Kabir Hashim to adviser to the prime minister R. Paskaralingam has led to a problematic situation with regard to the handover of a plot of land located at Vauxhall Street, Colombo 02, owned by the Janatha Estate Development Board (JEDB), to a private investor.

‘Ceylon Today’ reported last week in its front page main article that a Rs. 02 billion financial irregularity would take place in this deal. That relates to certain content in Hashim’s letter to Paskaralingam. The plot of land in question has already been obtained by Mr. Paint Lanka, an affiliate of Kandy Tyre House, on 33-year lease until 2033. At present, a vehicle repair facility is run at the place.
The company had asked JEDB to provide the land on 99-year lease for a mixed project along with Japan’s Procon Development (Hong Kong) company. That project will see the construction of a 37-storey building with 500-houses, offices and a shopping complex. State land is not given on 33-year lease for housing projects, and the duration is 99 years. The investor is ready to invest 200 million US dollars on the project and the money is already deposited in a local bank.
The preliminary discussion on this land deal took place in 2013 during the previous Rajapaksa regime, and cabinet approval was given in 2014. Owing to the deals rampant with irregularities during that administration, this project too, was deemed to be so. 
However, the estimated value for the land was Rs. 4.2 million per perch, and the investor had agreed to the sum, which amounted to Rs. 1.15 billion in total.
However, the present government suspended all major projects, and the 100-day cabinet too, sanctioned it. This matter continued to be discussed at the cabinet subcommittee on economic management. At those meetings, JEDB chairman Kennedy Gunawardena opposed the Rs. 4.2 million rate, and said that that amount would not help the institution to pay its loans and taxes, and wanted the rate fixed at Rs. 8 million per perch, for which, he said, there were buyers. However, Paskaralingam pointed out to him the regulations governing the leasing or sale of state properties and said this deal should not take place in a fraudulent manner similar to the sale of the Galle Face land during the Rajapaksa regime. The government valuer has given a report which values the land at Rs. 06 million per perch. According to reports reaching us, the Japanese investor has agreed to that price. However, it is to abandon the project if government approval is not received by March 30.
Hashim says in his letter to Paskaralingam that it will be a big irregularity to grant the land at Rs. 4.2 million per perch, as there were two buyers who are willing to buy at Rs. 08 million per perch, and that this could be a deal struck on political friendships. He has expressed his displeasure over taking the decision at a meeting not attended by him.
At present, the minister is overseas. On behalf of him, his secretary, who is also his brother-in-law, is looking into this matter. The prime minister has scolded this secretary for having given false information to the media that an irregularity is involved in this land deal.
On the 17th, the JEDB chairman informed the cabinet subcommittee that the board’s directors have agreed to handover the land to the investor at the newly evaluated rate, that is Rs. 6 million per perch. This 200 million dollar project is a major investment received by the country and an Italian architectural firm is designing the project.
Subhash Jayawardena – Sathhanda
Occupy the Square and Colombo’s Coffee Shop Liberals




2016-03-23 08
Gihan De Chickera in his analysis published last week puts forth an argument on the class dynamics of the recently-held ‘protest’, for the lack of any other term, at Independence Square. He brings to discourse a valid point on the class dynamic of the protesters and how it panned out during the protest. Only, he stops short. He stops short of unveiling the hypocrisy of the protest, the protesters and the symbolism that is projected through the ‘cause’ for which against, they protested.
The protest among others, brought to the fore a collective I’d like to identify as “coffee shop liberals” or “coffee shop radicals”. They usually roam -- no not Colombo’s streets -- but its more up-market coffee lounges. These “coffee shop radicals” and “coffee shop liberals” are the focus of this critique, and I use the terms interchangeably because the two overlap.

But before looking at their role in “Occupy the Square”, let’s flashback to the 2013 Commonwealth Summit in Colombo. Two things happened then under the direction of the Urban Development Authority. The city’s beggars were removed from the streets to god knows where, and so were the stray dogs. In the weeks that followed, social media commentaries and columnists were aghast at the fate of the dogs. Reams of columns, posts, protests, comments and discussions in Colombo’s coffee shops centred around the fate of the dogs. All well and good. Only that the beggars, whose fate remains a mystery to this day, were ignored.

I brought this up once, during a conversation with a self-styled animal rights activist, someone I’d call a ‘coffee shop radical’ or “liberal”,  and pat came the reply. “ The dogs have no voice, the beggars could protest”. It is this kind of stupidity, or lack of ideology, or both, for me, which symbolizes the gathering at the Independence Square. I am aware that my genaralisations are sweeping. They are intended to be. To the minority who don’t fall within the ambit, I extend no apology. Instead, I take a leaf from comedian George Carlin’s classic tirade on Golf. He has no pity  for those who aren’t ‘rich’ or  ‘white’ but yet are participants of the sport-, “Shame on them for engaging in a rich, white, elitist, boring, meaningless, mindless activity”.
The coffee shop liberals were only protecting their little space, and that was what “Occupy the Square” ultimately represented
It’s true that the issue of couples being harassed is not an elitist one. In fact it’s an issue that has affected Sri Lanka ever since we imbibed Victorian morals into our culture.

One of the more dramatic examples of this happened a few years ago in Dambulla, when several lovers were rounded up by the cops. The youth were herded to the police station, divided according to their sexes, and video footage showed a police officer reprimanding them. The police then called their parents and handed them over. The incident made the news. There was no suggestion that the lovers did anything more than hold hands. There was no charge as serious as “public nudity”, for which they most certainly would have faced a magistrate. The police simply decided that the couples’ behaviour was against our “culture”. But the coffee shop radicals maintained a stoic silence throughout it all.
 Independence Square, however, is too close to home. It has become a haven for the elite, especially after the controversial post-war city beautification drive. Why one might ask, is the reason for this sordid silence over the thousands of incidents that affect the common man, and the sudden call to action when it’s close to home?. Self-interest seems to be the clearest answer. The coffee shop liberals were only protecting their little space, and that was what “Occupy the Square” ultimately represented. To imagine that it was about a larger cause and was symbolic of people taking to the streets for this larger cause is a load of nonsense. The larger cause may have been vicariously addressed, but the motives of the protest weren’t altruistic. It’s true that most causes arise from a threat to personal space, and I have no problem with it being depicted as being just that. It’s the projected altruism that reeks of hypocrisy.

Another instance of such self-interest was seen during a rally for LGBT rights in Lipton’s Circus a few years ago. Such rallies must be lauded as they represent a cause we as a country should espouse and fight for. Sexual freedom has for long fallen under the watchful eyes of the cultural police and continues to do so. But Lipton’s Circus drew the ‘occupation’ crowd. The very same genre we saw holding placards a few weeks ago. Eager to picture themselves, eager to be seen as a part of the rally, and eager more than anything else to be a part of that social circle. Again I stand guilty as accused-of generalisation. Day in and day out homosexuals are arrested and charged with indecency, arrested and produced before courts. Not a word is being said, not a word will be, by these ‘radicals’. The arrests and the fines are in the public domain. They make the news, just like the above incident involving couples did, but our coffee shop liberals remain indifferent, because as Richard de Zoysa would say, they have to “load chicken livers on a plate - declare the world’s a total mess”.

I quote the lines from de Zoysa’s poem “Talking of Michelangelo” because they aptly portray the hypocritical and self-serving nature of the Coffee shop liberals. The poem describes a woman who would like to be a poetess “and sit aloof in a Sapphic state / Preside, beringed and Kaftan clad / at coffee mornings-soirees, teas  / expound the need for nuclear freeze”. The title of de Zoysa’s poem is no coincidence. It is a reference to a refrain from T.S. Eliot’s “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock”. Although Eliot himself espoused elitism and classism, this poem exposes the hypocrisy of London’s elite. Its protagonists pretend that what they are doing is of value, but in reality they do nothing of value.

The same mind-set can be seen in Colombo’s pseudo-feminists, who are also an inherent part of the ‘coffee shop liberals.’  Sri Lankan women suffer rape, marital rape, domestic violence, sexual assault,  and other such despicable, heinous and horrendous acts on a daily basis. These pseudo-feminists weren’t seen protesting against reports of rape and murder in the North or the South, nor against the use of servants in their own houses. The term “servant” may have changed to “maid”, a convenient masking, but the master-slave dynamic remains unchanged. Women mainly from the estate Tamil community, have no option but to pay obeisance to their “owners” in Colombo.

Our coffee shop liberals/pseudo-feminists maintain a sording silence throughout all this. They would however explode over the use of the word “rape”, while employing their “maids” and feeling good about doling out some extra petty cash to them during Avurudu. They are quick to be outraged and project their disdain against patriarchy and misogyny, while sipping cappuccino and munching a cupcake or brownie.  The predicament faced by the hundreds of housemaids shipped abroad and the underlying de-gradation that comes within the families, don’t even feature in their enlightened discussions. They would take offence to the term “beggar” and instead would want a better euphemism to mask a prevalent social condition, like they do in most of their endeavours. Latch on to the semantics, and stop there. The hypocrisy of it all is telling.

But parallels can be drawn. The white feminist movement which dominates public discourse in the West is also guilty of the same. Rarely were the problems of Black, Hispanic and women of other races taken up, except when it served a political goal. Their ideology was limited by their narrow, un-enlightened self-interest, with the underlying ideology of protecting their reproductive rights and health at the heart of it. Much has been said and critiqued about this movement, but its ideology stretches far. As far as Colombo.

Joe Gould, a New Yorker in the 1930s, was one of the most profiled bohemians at the time. Writer Joseph Mitchell in his seminal profile of Gould, rephrases Gould’s description of the New York radicals of the time. “I know a woman who is married to a rich doctor and collects art and was a ballet dancer. I ran into her one day and she told me that her daughter now is a proletarian ballet dancer”. The sarcasm is scathing. He then goes on to describe the gatherings at New York coffee shops.

“They sat around the old village hangouts that they sat around when they were ordinary bohemians and they talked as much as they ever had, only now it wasn’t art, sex or booze that they talked about, but the coming revolution and dialectical materialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat”. It’s not that hard to replace these scenes with what might be said today in Colombo’s coffee shops.
It is these ‘radicals’ who take inspiration from the “14 steps to organise a protest”, and I’m not being tongue in cheek here. The step by step guide  was posted on a site that is trendy among our Coffee Shoppers-paying no heed to the larger dynamics of social movements, and how they come forth.  Unsurprisingly of course, the ‘step by step’ guide drew inspiration from the “Occupiers”. It is these coffee shop liberals, who are unaware of the crucial role played by women to bring a government to its knees during  the 1953 hartal. It is these very same radicals who live in blissful ignorance of the day-to-day struggles of the common Sri Lankan.

Whether laughing, crying or writing about it would be an eye opener, I don’t know. But the bluff must be called. 

Increasing Women’s Participation in Politics: Solving the Problem or Veiling It?

Featured image courtesy CEPA
Celebrating a long fought victory, the Sri Lankan women’s movement was recently able to receive assurance of an increase in women’s political participation in Local Government institutions. Sri Lanka recently passed the amended Local Authorities Elections Act, which allocates a 25% quota for female representation in local government bodies.
This 25% would be solely based on a list prepared by the respective political parties. There is no doubt that increasing women’s political representation is a timely and important issue. However, it is incorrect to think that the mere increase of female representation in local government bodies is a victory. The problem is multi-faceted.
Firstly, the 25% quota will be filled through a list similar in nature to the national list. This has both pros and cons. On the positive side, women would not necessarily have to participate in more dangerous ‘masculine’ spaces where violence is often meted out against other candidates. Further, the immense financial support that is needed for election campaigns [and which has proved a barrier to female representation in the past] becomes irrelevant.
However, the introduction of this list suggests that women are unable to compete with their male counterparts and therefore could further increase gender stereotyping. Moreover, it will discourage political parties from including women in their candidate lists, while women too will have less incentive to compete against male candidates, rather trying to be included amongst the quota. The politicization of the list is also something that should be prevented.
This matter should be considered qualitatively rather than quantitatively. Introducing this list will indeed increase the number of women holding top positions in local government bodies. However, narrowing the focus of broader discourse from ‘achieving gender sensitivity’ to mere ‘physical representation of women’ would not solve the underlying problem.
Including gender sensitivity in the decision making process is an issue that needs to be dealt with through understanding, and in a holistic manner that can be obtained through the cooperation of all, particularly males. The patriarchal values currently existing in society cannot be eliminated in a day. Most of the women who will be appointed to local government bodies will themselves be a product of patriarchal social structures and will unconsciously perpetuate gender stereotypes that have already been instilled in their minds.
The exclusion of ‘men’ as a gendered category because of the hegemonic position they hold in the gender hierarchy should also be questioned. It is true that men’s political representation is extremely high compared to women’s political representation in Sri Lanka. However, do the decision-making processes consider ‘men’ as a gendered category – or are their issues veiled by the idea that decision making is the threshold of men? Are men aware about their issues as a gendered category? For example, male sexual victims are often marginalised in the process of reconciliation and their narratives are hidden. The fear of emasculation means these stories often do not surface in public discussion, which is yet another structural issue in the patriarchal structure, faced by men.
Increasing the women’s political participation in local government institutes is a promising first step. However, quality representation can only be achieved through improving the gender sensitive attitudes among each and every gender group. Understanding each other and making gender sensitive decisions is essential. The Sri Lankan women’s movement (including feminists, civil society and all individuals who fight for the same rights for women) should engage in a discussion with other gender categories, especially with men, as otherwise only one facet of the problem will be addressed.

World's richest Hindu temple wants gold rather than cash under scheme

A worker at a jewellery showroom displays gold idols of Hindu elephant god Ganesh (L) and Hindu goddess Lakshmi in Kolkata August 30, 2013. REUTERS/Rupak De Chowdhuri/FilesA worker at a jewellery showroom displays gold idols of Hindu elephant god Ganesh (L) and Hindu goddess Lakshmi in Kolkata August 30, 2013.REUTERS/RUPAK DE CHOWDHURI/FILES
Reuters
BY NIDHI VERMA AND RAJENDRA JADHAV-Wed Mar 23, 2016

The world's richest Hindu temple is asking to be repaid in gold for longer-term deposits it makes under the Indian government's monetisation scheme in order to make the plan more attractive to the temples that are sitting on thousands of tonnes of the metal.

The Sri Venkateswara Swamy Temple, popularly known as the Tirupati, has requested repayment of their deposits of longer than three years under the Gold Monetisation Scheme in the metal rather than cash, D. Sambasiva Rao, the executive director of the temple operator Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanam (TTD) told Reuters on Wednesday.

TTD's participation in the gold scheme is crucial to its success since the temple in Andhra Pradesh holds 7 tonnes of the metal, equivalent to about $277 million at current prices. However, Tirupati and other temples around India are reluctant to part with the gold forever because of its religious and emotional significance.

"We wrote to the government to change certain conditions in the scheme and offer principal and interest in the form of gold for medium-term and long-term deposits," Rao said, referring to deposits for between five and 15 years.

"The changes will make the scheme attractive for all the temples in the country," he said.

India is the world's second-biggest consumer of gold after China and imports accounted for about a quarter of India's trade deficit in the year ending March 2015.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi last year launched the Gold Monetisation Scheme to mobilise gold stashed with individuals, institutions and rich temples for recycling and to reduce imports. The scheme has garnered about 3 tonnes of gold in four months out of a national hoard of over 20,000 tonnes.
Seeking divine blessings, devotees have offered billions of dollars worth of jewellery, bars and coins to temples over the centuries.

TTD last month deposited 1.3 tonnes of gold with state-run Punjab National Bank at a rate of 1.75 percent for three years, Rao said, as some of its deposits under previous monetisation schemes have matured.
The temple will deposit another 1.4 tonnes in a fortnight at 1.25 percent with Indian Overseas Bank as most of the gold is raw and the bank will spend to refine it, he added.

The 200-year-old Shree Siddhivinayak Ganapati Temple in Mumbai said it will deposit 44 kg of gold with a bank by the end of the month for recycling, choosing a short-term plan rather than a longer scheme that does not pay back in gold, said Narendra Murari Rane, chairman of the trust for the temple.
"We want returns in gold because if the prices of gold go higher than the monetary benefit that we will get, then devotees will blame us for depositing the gold at a cheaper rate," Rane said in Marathi.
(Editing by Christian Schmollinger)

Refugee crisis: key aid agencies refuse any role in 'mass expulsion'

UNHCR and Médecins Sans Frontières say they will not be involved with EU-Turkey deal to send people back from Greece
 The UNHCR is suspending work at most of its camps on the Greek islands because it says they are now being used as detention centres. Photograph: Alexander Koerner/Getty Images

 Migration correspondent-Wednesday 23 March 2016

A triple blow has been dealt to the EU-Turkey migration deal after five leading aid groups refused to work with Brussels on its implementation, a Turkish diplomat ruled out changing Turkish legislation to make the deal more palatable to rights campaigners, and a senior Greek official said nobody knew how the agreement was supposed to work.

The UN refugee agency said it was suspending most of its activities in refugee centres on the Greek islands because they were now being used as detention facilities for people due to be sent back to Turkey.
UNHCR was later joined by Médecins Sans Frontières, the International Rescue Committee, the Norwegian Refugee Council and Save the Children. All five said they did not want to be involved in the blanket expulsion of refugees because it contravened international law.

The UNHCR spokeswoman, Melissa Fleming, said: “UNHCR is not a party to the EU-Turkey deal, nor will we be involved in returns or detention. We will continue to assist the Greek authorities to develop an adequate reception capacity.”

In a separate and stronger statement, Marie Elisabeth Ingres, MSF’s head of mission in Greece, said: “We will not allow our assistance to be instrumentalised for a mass expulsion operation and we refuse to be part of a system that has no regard for the humanitarian or protection needs of asylum seekers and migrants.”

Over the past year, around 1 million people have crossed the narrow straits between Turkey and Greece to try to claim asylum in Europe. In an attempt to stop this flow, the EU and Turkey reached a deal last week that would see almost all asylum seekers returned to Turkish soil.

To do this, the EU has deemed Turkey a safe country for refugees; a decision strongly contested by rights groups.

Turkey is not a full signatory to the UN refugee convention, and while it has accepted more Syrian refugees than any other country, it has sometimes forcibly returned Syrian, Iraqi and Afghan asylum seekers to their countries of origin. Just hours after the EU deal was signed, Amnesty International reported that 30 Afghan refugees were sent back to Afghanistan – in a sign, Amnesty said, of what could be to come.

“The ink wasn’t even dry on the EU-Turkey deal when several dozen Afghans were forced back to a country where their lives could be in danger,” said John Dalhuisen, Amnesty’s Europe and Central Asia director.

Aid groups are also concerned that refugees returned to Turkey will not be given the right to work – a right they are meant to be guaranteed under the terms of the 1951 refugee convention. While a law introduced in January nominally allowed some Syrians to gain legal work, aid groups said they had not yet heard of any Syrian being granted a work permit under the law.

In a further blow to the deal’s integrity, Turkey’s ambassador to the EU said in an interview with the website EU Observer that his government would not change its laws again to allow the EU legal and ethical cover to push ahead with the deal.

“No, no, no, and no,” Selim Yenel was quoted as saying by EU Observer, in response to the idea that Turkey might let EU officials observe its asylum process in action. Yenel argued that Turkey is already a safe country for refugees.

There are severe practical problems with the deal. Greece needs an extra 4,000 asylum officials from the rest of the EU in order to deport such a high number of people. These reinforcements have not yet arrived, and in the meantime the number of refugees in Greece has risen above 50,000.

The UNHCR said it believed Greece did not have the capacity to deal with so many people.

Fleming said: “UNHCR is concerned that the EU-Turkey deal is being implemented before the required safeguards are in place in Greece. At present, Greece does not have sufficient capacity on the islands for assessing asylum claims, nor the proper conditions to accommodate people decently and safely pending an examination of their cases.”

The deputy mayor of Lesbos, the island where most migrants land, said no Greek official knew exactly how the deportation process would work, nor what to do with the refugees while they waited.

When asked by the Guardian if he had received any concrete instructions about how refugees would be processed and returned to Turkey, Giorgos Kazanos said: “No, not yet.”
“Nobody knows. Every five minutes, the orders change. So who knows. Maybe God knows. If you have any communication with God, you can ask him.”

One refugee in Greece set himself alight on Tuesday in frustration at the bureaucratic chaos. He survived after being doused with water and taken to hospital.